Journal articles on the topic 'Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities'
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Sancho, J. R. Lasuén. "The Autonomous Communities: Politics and Economics." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 251–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050251.
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In this paper it is argued that there is a built-in dilemma in the 1978 Spanish Constitution which can be understood and solved only by comparing the ‘formal’ and the ‘real’ Constitutions of the country. The present shared quasi-federalism will prove inadequate in the long term because it fails to recognize that, for most of the time, political centralization and economic growth cannot occur together in Spain. This fact arises because Spain is a country with an ‘inverted centre-periphery’; the political and economic centres are at different locations. As a result future policy should be orientated towards greater decentralized powers, but with more effective integration of the nationalist parties of the Autonomous Communities into national policies.
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Tudela Aranda, José. "La asimetría, que no los hechos diferenciales, como nota distintiva del Estado autonómico // The Asymmetry, no recognised differences, as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 101 (April 28, 2018): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21968.
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Resumen:La categorización del Estado autonómico se ha desenvuelto desde su adscripciónal Estado regional en sus inicios, a su consideración como uno de los rostros del federalismo en los últimos años. En cualquier caso, una de las características que ha sido subrayada reiteradamente como nota distintiva del mismo, es el principio de emulación. De acuerdo con el cual, la voluntad de igualación de los distintos territorios más el potencial técnico del principio dispositivo, daría como resultado un modelo de organización territorial caracterizado por la homogeneidad. En estas páginas se pretende demostrar que, por el contrario, la Constitución y la evolución del Estado autonómico demuestran que la verdadera nota distintiva del mismo es la asimetría. La asimetría entendida como la voluntad de singularización constitucional de algunos territorios y por la respuesta que esa voluntad ha tenido a lo largo del tiempo. Si bien hubo un tiempo en el que la fuerza del principio de emulación dio como resultado un Estado parcialmente simétrico, la posterior evolución demostró las profundas raíces de la asimetría como principio ideológico del modelo. Haber obviado esta dimensión del Estado autonómico se encuentra entre las razones de su fracaso como proyecto de integración.Abstract:The definition of the Spanish State of Autonomies has been changed over the past decades. While the State of Autonomies has been classified in its beginnings as a regional state, in recent years the model developed features similar to a federal country. Notwithstanding, one of the characteristics that has been frequently underlined as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies is the principle of emulation. Following this principle, the trend to equalize the different territories, in addition to the potential of the «principio dispositivo», according to which all powers that have not been reserved to the central government could be assumed by the Autonomous Communities, would lead to a model of territorial organization characterized by homogeneity. In this text we will demonstrate that, on the contrary, the Constitution and the evolution of the State of Autonomies show that the distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies has been asymmetry. In this context, we understand asymmetry as the desire for a constitutionally guaranteed distinction of some territories and the reactions this constitutional asymmetry had over time. Although during a certain period the strength of the emulation principle lead to apartially symmetrical state, the successive evolution of the State of Autonomiesdemonstrated the deep roots of asymmetry as the ideological principle of the model. The fact that this feature has been underestimated can be considered as one of the reasons for the failure of the State of Autonomies as an integration project. Summary1. The debate on symmetry as the defining element of the State of Autonomies. 2. The constitutional basis of the debate. a. Political asymmetries. b. Recognised differences (hechos diferenciales). 3. Frustration, rebellion and emulation. 4. Nationality is everything and the need to go back to the origins. a. The Barcelona Declaration and its reflections on the Statute. b. The statutes of autonomy of the second-generation and the appearance of emulation. 5. A balance of what the future looks like
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Subirats, Joan. "Social exclusion and devolution among Spanish autonomous communities." Regional & Federal Studies 15, no. 4 (December 2005): 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560500230615.
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Gołębiowski, Jacek. "The Impact of Political Transformations on the Development of Spanish Culture After 1975." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 30, 2019): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.68.2-4en.
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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 61 (2013), issue 2.
The political transformations in Spain that ended with the free parliamentary elections of 15th June 1977 were a powerful catalyst for the activity of the Spanish nation in all walks of life. Between 1975 and 1990 a real revolution took place in the Spanish mass media and in culture. It resulted in the setting up of modern periodicals (among others, El País, El Mundo, Navarra Hoy, Diario la Rioja and many others), over 2,600 radio stations and a network of modern television channels broadcasting programs devoted to the culture and languages of the autonomous communities. The Ministry of Culture established in 1977 supported initiatives promoting the multiculturalism of the Kingdom of Spain, which resulted in the opening of several dozen modern museums, institutes of modern art and the organization of numerous festivals.
The decentralization of the country made it possible to emphasize the multiculturalism of the Spanish autonomous communities that today act as a magnet for 70 million tourists from all over the world.
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Bayona, A. "The Autonomous Government of Catalonia." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050309.
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This paper contains an outline of the relations of the Autonomous Communities to the Spanish State, and emphasizes the specific character of Catalonia. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy is discussed, accompanied by a description of the institutions of self government: The Parliament, the President of the Generalitat, the Executive Council, and other syndicates. Next, an outline of the political forces and developmental requirements in Catalonia since the Statute is given, which concludes with an assessment of future prospects. Problems for the future are identified, particularly in the tendency to standardize between the Autonomous Communities, in the operations of the Court (which has limited autonomous actions), in the system of finance, and in the entry to the EEC.
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Prokhorenko, I. "Regional Development Policy in Spain: Instruments and Mechanisms." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-41-51.
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The article explores practices of the regional development policy in Spain (in other words, regional policy) as the central government’s regulation of economic and territorial development, with a view to their possible efficiency for the Russian Federation. The author singles out Spanish regions (17 autonomous communities and 2 autonomous cities) and local communities (provinces, municipalities and islands) as objects of the regional development policy, reviews goals and objectives of this policy. The paper focuses on analyzing, particularizing and comparing of instruments and mechanisms relevant to this policy line of the Spanish state, its institutional and political aspects in time of Franco's rule and during the post-Francoist period. The variation of economic development in the regions of Spain, different parameters of this variation and some factors of the autonomous communities' economic development are estimated. The specific character of interrelationship between central, regional and local authorities in the context of the Spanish State of Autonomies and of the territorial development dynamics, the peculiarities of the operational inter-budgetary relations model, problems of the local government and self-government as well as of decentralization of metro- and megapolises’ governance are examined. The questions of public discussions in Spanish society about the outcome and efficiency of the central government’s regional development policy are touched upon. The regional development policy in Spain is considered as extremely politicized, semi-structured, contentious and ambiguous in consequence of the legal and socio-economic asymmetry of the autonomous communities and also of the ongoing process of federalization in Spain. As in recent years Spain is steadily losing its previous status of the subsidized territory and is turning into a donor of the European Union regional policy, it is necessary for Spanish authorities to make the regional development policy more active and to take a different view of its objectives and opportunities. Acknowledgements. The work is executed according to the fundamental studies programme of the Presidium of RAS no. 31, project 6.6 “Foreign Experience of Regional Policy, and Possibilities of Its Usage in Russia”.
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Tumin, Aleksandr D. "The Modern Rationale for the Spanish National Idea of Espaholidad and the Problem of Spanish “Historical Nationalities”." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/11.
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The main particularity of the Spanish civic collective identity is that its doctrine, Espanolidad, was initially formulated as theocratic, proclaiming the unity of the Spanish nation under the aegis of the Spanish Empire. However, after the Spanish War of Independence of 1808-1814, Espanolidad became the banner of opposite political forces: conservative on the one hand and liberal on the other. Espanolidad as the basic factor of the formation of the Spanish civic collective identity in the course of the 19th century favored Castelano-centrismo, which consisted in the centralization of the Spanish economy around Madrid and in the cultural Castilization of the Spanish state, the principal mechanism of which was the universal introduction of the Castilian language. Basque and Catalan regional nationalists being partial towards Castelanocentrismo considered the federalization of the Spanish state as an alternative to it already at the beginning of the 20th century. Conservative elements of Espanolidad received their distinct shape in the Francoist cultural doctrine of Nacionalcatolicismo, which had to justify the Spanish monoethnic state resting on the Christian unity. The Spanish “transition to democracy” is the transformation of the Francoist monoethnic state into the Spanish State of Autonomous Communities. Nevertheless, the rejection of Nacionalcatolicismo, symbolized by the slogan Spain is difference, put the unity of the Spanish nation into question and led to the intensification of regional separatist movements (Catalan and Basque). The criticism of the principle of ethnic nationalism, partly related to Nacionalcatolicismo, fostered the adoption of Constitutional Patriotism as the dominant Spanish cultural strategy. While postulating unity in variety, Constitutional Patriotism gives new breath to the old Espanolidad asserting national unity through the State of Autonomous Communities. The equal legal status of Spanish regions resting on the principles of solidarity and economic utility is upheld by the leveling of the inequalities of economic development between the rich and the poor autonomous communities.
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Núñez, Xosé‐Manoel. "Autonomist regionalism within the Spanish state of the autonomous communities: An interpretation." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 5, no. 3-4 (September 1999): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119908428573.
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Tereshchuk, A. A. "LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY OF SPANISH POLITICAL PARTY “VOX”." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 5 (October 27, 2020): 828–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-5-828-836.
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The article analyzes the language ideology of Spanish far-right political party “Vox”. The documents containing the party program have been studied, and interviews and newspaper articles issued by 52 representatives of “Vox” in the Congress of Deputies and 3 representatives in the European Parliament in the period from December 2018 to November 2019 have been analyzed. The article concludes that “Vox” bases its language ideology on the supposition that the Spanish language in multilingual autonomous communities is endangered by the development of minority languages. According to “Vox”, Spanish should be the first language in administration and education on the whole territory of the country. Minority languages may remain in the educational system of the respective regions as optional subjects. The members of “Vox” dedicate a special attention to the question of integrity of the Catalan language. The party considers Valencian and Balearic as independent languages and not as varieties of Catalan. The party supports movements aimed at the linguistic separatism of Valencia and the Balearic Islands from Catalonia.
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Canals, Dolors, and Paula Ortí. "Good Practice Guide for the Preparation and Revision of Regulation Affecting Economic Activity, Government of Catalonia, Presidency Department, EADOP, Barcelona, 2010." European Journal of Risk Regulation 2, no. 2 (June 2011): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00001318.
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Despite the initial delay in Spain in the adoption and development of a better regulation policy compared to other OECD countries, in the last few years significant advances have taken place, as pointed out in the 2010 OECD report “Better Regulation in Europe. Spain”.In this context, the initiatives promoted by the Autonomous Communities – Spanish subnational levels of government – are also very important, since they have wide powers for the development of their own public regulatory reform policies. In fact, the first Spanish experience of the introduction of regulatory impact assessment in the legal rulemaking process took place in Catalonia, which has been a pioneer in the integration of administrative simplification policies – applied since the early 90s – in addition to its administrative burden reduction strategy.
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Lago Penas, Ignacio. "Cleavages and thresholds: the political consequences of electoral laws in the Spanish Autonomous Communities, 1980–2000." Electoral Studies 23, no. 1 (March 2004): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(02)00031-8.
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López Melgarejo, Alba María, and Norberto López Nuñez. "La Música en Educación Infantil: Análisis comparativo de los currículos autonómicos de España." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 37 (December 27, 2020): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.37.2021.27263.
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The transfer of the Spanish State to the Autonomous Communities with full competences in education during the last two decades of the 20th century, currently allows two different levels to be found where official curricula are developed: the national and the autonomous ones. This double conception is the starting point of this study where it is intended to delve into the differences and similarities of a specific curricular element, the contents. The purpose of this study is to establish the differences and similarities between the music content present in the curricula of the different Spanish autonomous communities and the Royal Decrees published that contain the minimum teachings for the second cycle of Early Childhood Education for the Spanish national framework. With its own methodological design within the field of Comparative Education and using the CARMEN questionnaire based on the comparative analysis of curricular elements as the main research instrument. The results reveal that the presence of the musical contents in the different blocks there are starting differences regarding the national documents taken as a reference. Changes in the contents of the regional documents with respect to their national documents were more frequent for the LOGSE period than in the LOE period. It has been verified that there is no influence of the political party present in order to establish a greater or lesser degree of similarity in the minimum teachings. Educational curricula are not used in Spain as an ideological tool at the service of the ideals of one political party or another.
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Dankowski, Michał Zbigniew. "The Perspective of the Reform of the Constitution of Spain in View of the Institutional Status of Autonomous Communities." Law and Administration in Post-Soviet Europe 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lape-2019-0001.
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Abstract Spain according to the Constitution of 1978 is a unitary state, but its whole territory is divided into autonomous communities that have the widest rights from equivalent territorial units in other European countries. The Constitution restored the possibility of creating regional autonomies, which were abolished earlier during the Franco dictatorship. However, the basic law was adopted before the foundations of regional structures were fully developed, so norms concerning the issues of autonomy were dictated in a general way. Only later legal acts regulated the situation in detail, but often their content depended on the political situation and was not always homogeneous. The creators of the Constitution did not foresee the subsequent forming of autonomous communities in the entire state territory. For over four decades of validity of the Spanish constitution, differences in the way the individual autonomous communities were established and differences in the competences of different regions have emerged. Some autonomous governments have also begun to expand their rights at the expense of the central authorities. The above factors caused a lively discussion among lawyers and politicians over the necessity of constitutional reform in the scope of the territorial system of Spain.
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PEREZ, Sigfrido RAMIREZ. "Spanish Trade Unions and European Integration: From the Democratic Transition to the Treaty of Maastricht (1973-1992)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-61.
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The contribution of Spanish trade unions to the process of transition and consolidation of the Spanish democracy has been very much underestimated. The dominating historiographical interpretation has considered them as simple transmission belt of political parties. This general view has been extended to their role in the process of the adhesion of Spain to the European Economic Communities. In reality, Spanish trade unions had been Europeanised very early by their links to the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). This article explores the adhesion process to the ETUC, showing the progressive convergence between trade unions in the field of European integration, which started with the adhesion of Spain to the EEC from 1977 to 1985 and continued in their position towards the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992. The paper concludes that there has been a programmatic and strategic autonomy of Spanish trade unions from political parties in their agenda for European integration.
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Troncoso Reigada, Antonio. "La bandera y la capitalidad // The flag and the capital." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 103 (December 16, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.103.2018.23197.
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Resumen:En este artículo se abordan dos elementos que han estado presentes en la conformación de nuestra identidad nacional: la bandera y la capitalidad.En primer lugar, se analiza el papel de los símbolos en la relación entre socialización e individualidad, entre lo racional y lo emocional, lo mítico o lo intuitivo, algo esencial en los Estados democráticos para alejarnos de los totalitarismos, teniendo en cuenta la capacidad de los nacionalismos, los fascismos y los populismos de manipular en ese espacio. En segundo lugar se estudia la bandera como símbolo del Estado tanto desde una perspectiva de derecho comparado y de historia constitucional como teniendo en cuenta su actual regulación constitucional. Igualmente se analiza la exhibición de la bandera como elemento de integración voluntaria y consciente de los ciudadanos en la comunidad y como defensa de la unidad de España y de reivindicación de la CE y de las libertades de todos, también de los ciudadanos catalanes, ante el problema de libertad que ha supuesto la declaración unilateral de independencia, como ha ocurrido recientemente con la presencia masiva de la bandera española en los balcones. También se estudia la constitucionalización de las banderas autonómicas y el establecimiento de una obligación de utilización conjunta de éstas junto a la bandera de España, símbolo de una España constitucional y democrática, que reconoce un alto nivel de autogobierno a sus nacionalidades y regiones. Asimismo se abordan los conflictos por el uso de las banderas —la llamada guerra de las banderas— , analizándose las Sentencias más recientes, que ponen de manifestó la crisis en el sentido de pertenencia a España derivada de nuestra diversidad territorial. Así, se analiza el incumplimiento de la obligación de utilizar la bandera de España en edificios públicos y actos oficiales. También se aborda la bandera como bien jurídico merecedor deprotección penal y el cuestionamiento del delito de ultrajes a la bandera, un límite a la libertad de expresión querido por el legislador, lo que proscribe una conducta expresiva como la quema de la bandera. Igualmente se analiza la doctrina de la JEC sobre la prohibición de la exhibición de banderas esteladas en edificios públicos en aplicación del principio de neutralidad política de la Administración Pública, sin perjuicio de su uso legítimo por entidades privadas en virtud de la libertad de expresión, así como la prohibición de la utilización de la bandera de España como símbolo oficial de un partido político, que traslada a la sociedad la idea de que la bandera es patrimonio de una parte de la población. En tercer lugar, se analiza el concepto constitucional de capitalidad. La capitalidad no es en puridad un símbolo aunque tiene un importante componente simbólico. Atribuir a una ciudad la capitalidad significa convertirla en cabeza política de un territorio y concederle una posición central dentro del Estado. Igualmente la capitalidad hace referencia a un lugar fijo donde se ejerce la soberanía y, por tanto, sede de los órganos de poder del Estado. Este estudio aboga por una interpretación flexible que no vacíe de contenido constitucional la noción de capitalidad y que al mismo tiempo permita un margen de maniobra al legislador en el marco de un Estado fuertemente descentralizado. Así, los órganos de poder del Estado y los órganos constitucionales deben tener su sede en Madrid, si bien la existencia de alguna excepción no vulneraría el precepto constitucional. Finalmente el trabajo aborda cuáles son las materias objeto del régimen de capitalidad y las otras singularidades de Madrid.Summary:I. The symbols. II. The flag. 1. The flag as a symbol of the State and as an element of integration of citizens in the community and the constitutionalization of regional flags 2. The conflicts over the use of the flags: the flags war. a) The obligation to use the Spanish flag in public buildings and official acts and their non-compliance. b) The criminal protection of the flag and its questioning as a limit to freedom of expression. c) The prohibition of the display of partisan flags in public buildings and the partisan use of the Spanish flag. d) Conflicts over the use of the flags of the Autonomous Communities. III. The capital. 1. The constitutional concept of the capital: the seat of the general institutions of the State. 2. Competences regulated by the Capital Law. The singularity of Madrid.Abstract:This article deals with two elements that have been present in the shaping of our national identity: the flag and the capital. Firstly, it analyzes the role of symbols in the relationship between socialization and individuality, between the rational and the emotional, the myth or the intuitive, something essential in democratic states to steer ourselves away from totalitarianism, taking into account the capacity of the nationalisms, fascism and populisms to manipulate in that space. Secondly, it studies the flag as a symbol of the State, both from the point of view of Comparative Law and constitutional history, as well as considering its current constitutional regulation. Thus, the display of the flag is also analyzed as an element of voluntary and conscious integration of citizens in the community, and as a defense of Spain`s unity and the Constitution and the freedoms of allcitizens, including Catalan citizens, in response to the problem of freedom that the unilateral declaration of independence of Catalonia has implied, as we have seen recently with a massive presence of the Spanish flag on the balconies. The article also studies the constitutionalization of the regional flags and the establishment of an obligation of the joint use of these together with the flag of Spain, which is a symbol of a constitutional and democratic Spain, that recognizes a high level of self-government towards its nationalities and regions. Furthermore, it also studies the conflicts that arise from the use of flags —the so-called «war of the flags»— , analyzing the most recent cases, which highlights the crisis in the sense of belonging to Spain derived from our territorial diversity. In the same manner, it also examines the breach of the obligation to use the Spanish flag in public buildings and official acts. Moreover the flag is also analysed as a constitutional value worthy of criminal protection; this also study the crime for flag desecration as a limit on the freedom of speech, which outlaws the burning of the flag as expressive conduct. It also discusses the JEC doctrine on the prohibition of the display of the «estelladas» in public buildings as a result of the application of the principle of political neutrality of the Public Administration, even though they can be used legitimately under the freedom of expression by private entities. Furthermore, the article also examines the prohibition of the use of the flag of Spain as an official symbol of a political party, which consequently conveys to society the idea that the flag belongs to a part of the population rather than to the entire country. Thirdly, the study analyzes the constitutional concept of the capital. The capital is not strictly speaking a symbol, but it has an important symbolic meaning. To attribute to a city the capitality means to turn it into the political head of a territory and to grant it a central position within the State. Likewise, the capital status refers to a fixed place where sovereignty is exercised and, thus, is the seat of the general institutions of the State. This study pleads for a flexible interpretation that does not empty the constitutional content of the notion of capital and at the same time allows a margin of freedom to the legislator in the framework of a strongly decentralized State. Therefore, the organs of state power and constitutional bodies must have their headquarters in Madrid, although the existence of any exception would not violate the constitutional provision. Finally, the paper addresses which the competences regulated by the Capital Law are as well as other singularities of Madrid.
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Kühne, Ina. "Die Rolle der Schulsprachenpolitik bei der Normalisierung der llengua pròpia in Katalonien und der Region Valencia seit Beginn der Transición." Linguistik Online 118, no. 6 (December 26, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.118.9085.
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Catalonia and the Valencian Country are characterized by a very special sociolinguistic situation, which consists in the coexistence of the Castilian language as the official language of the Spanish state and the regional languages as co-official languages in the respective Autonomous communities. This constellation holds the potential for political tension, since in the past ‒ but still today ‒ it lead/leads to linguistic conflicts, whose origins lie in the political history of Spain, during which the regional languages time and time again were subject to repressions and prohibitions, that came to a head during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. Since the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy it was possible to work towards a resolution of the linguistic conflicts by means of legal norms and a corresponding language legislation. Especially the language teaching policy is an important area of language policy, since it has a long-lasting influence on the language skills of the citizens. The present article gives a detailed description of the measures taken in Catalonia and the Valencian Country concerning the language teaching policies since the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy. Furthermore, it analyzes, in what way the language skills of the citizens of the Autonomous communities of Catalonia and Valencia have been improved through the applied language teaching policies and finally offers a comparison between the two Regions in this respect. The analysis is based on statistical surveys realized by the Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya (IDESCAT) and the Generalitat Valenciana.
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Chikhladze, Levan T., and Evgeniy Y. Komlev. "LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN SPAIN: STATUS AND FEATURES OF LEGAL REGULATION." RUDN Journal of Law 23, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-3-333-350.
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The article examines the local self-government legislation of Spain and legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Spain. The norms of the Constitution of Spain regulating the issues of the organization of local self-government are analyzed. The influence of various aspects on their content is studied. The authors also studied the problem of distribution of legal regulation of the local government powers between the state and the autonomous communities taking into consideration the features of the administrative-territorial structure of Spain. The study appears to be relevant due to the fact that the issues of legal regulation of local government in Spain within the Russian science of municipal law are practically not studied. The study of foreign experience in this field helps to expand the scope of scientific researches. Spanish experience in this area also seems relevant due to the relatively recent change in the political regime. The aim of the work is to identify the features of the legal regulation of local government in Spain. As a result of the study, it was established that in Spain the subsidiary procedure for the legal regulation of local self-government by the state and autonomous communities is applied. The content of the norms of the Spanish Constitution on local self-government is determined. The distinctive features of the Spanish legislation on local self-government are identified.
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Plyasov, V. S. "The experience of regional transformation in the EU: the precedents of Italy and Spain." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 9 (October 11, 2018): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718112.
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This article analyzes the political transformation polysyllabic societies in the era of modernism in the Second example of institutional reforms in Italy and Spain. The territorial structure of Italy in its present form was constituted in 1970 (special status regions, including Sardinia, Sicily, South Tyrol, were identified earlier). Each region has a population of regional assembly, which in turn elects the executive (government) headed by the president of the region. Regionalization of the Italian political and social life in general took place. This that the «region» replaced «province» of the political hierarchy of the country. The process of reaching a consensus at the regional level was much softer and adjusted, aimed at a compromise. Concern «radical social renewal» changed worry about administrative efficiency and professional level – a change institutional priorities. In general, population and community leaders satisfied with the availability and much greater openness regional administrations versus national. Regional governments have become laboratories of policy innovation, largely determined the «new way of doing politics». Also analyzes the Spanish experience of institutional reforms. New model of territorial organization of Spain called State autonomy. The article notes that the Spanish Constitution does not specify either the number or the name of the autonomous communities, but merely indicates ways to individual provinces or their associations can create such communities (this right was implemented by all provinces and is now in Spain composed of 17 autonomous communities). In Spain, always in one way or another existing political and cultural regionalism, there is always special historical area. The history of the country is in this respect the history of vibrations, movements between centralism and regionalism.
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Gonzŕlez, Angeles. ""Non a qualunque prezzo". Gli imprenditori e l'ingresso della Spagna nella Comunitŕ economica europea (1957-1977)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032009.
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- The concern of the Spanish businessmen towards membership in the European Communities took place under defined parameters for the defense of their interests and a purely economic view of the integration project, in the same way as among the majority of Greeks and Portuguese counterparts. Europe was a promise and a guarantee of development, the opportunity to complete the process of liberalization of the Spanish economy, to undertake industrial restructuring and to modernize and professionalizethe management of their businesses. Otherwise, Europe was a challenge: they could only survive the best and most effective. This two faces were inseparable, as the two faces of Janus, and can help to explain the changing perceptions about integration and transition from a naive optimism to a widespread skepticism. It coincides with the expansive phase of the Spanish economy, but after that, the growth model began to experiment signs of crisis, in the second half of the sixties.
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Rozanova, Marya. "Indigenous Urbanization in Russia's Arctic." Sibirica 18, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 54–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2019.180304.
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This article presents the social, economic, and political factors that contribute to the ongoing urbanization of the Nenets indigenous communities (“communities-in-transition”) in the Nenets Autonomous Region. Focusing on the preconditions for “indigenous flight” from traditional rural settlements to urban areas, the article analyzes key indicators—demographics, language proficiency, education level, and occupational sector, as well as social cohesion, interethnic relations, and political inclusion in the larger urban context—to describe the adaptation and integration processes of these new city dwellers. Based on the fieldwork in the region, the article also presents individual life strategies and career choices of indigenous youth and describes the role of gender in indigenous urbanization.
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Chesnokova, Olga, and Liana Dzhishkariani. "Value Dominants of Basque Mentality in the Contemporary Media in Spain." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 4 (October 26, 2019): 800–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(4).800-815.
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The article discusses and interprets the Basque mentality values and their evidence in the contemporary political discourse and media. An important task of communication science and medialinguistics is the study of pragma-linguistic properties of media texts and their impact on the audience. The contemporary Spanish media feature an impressive range of sources representing and interpreting the multicultural and multi-ethnic situation in Spain, as well as ongoing socio-political and socio-economic changes. Together with the Spanish language being the official state language, the Catalan, the Galician and the Basque have been established co-official languages by the Spanish Constitution. Basque Autonomous Community, or the Basque Country, is one of the most prosperous and steadily developing Autonomous Communities of Spain, which affects the socio-political situation in the region and the discourse of political parties. A vast majority of Basque people are bilingual. The hypothesis of this study states that the contemporary reality of the Basque Country finds its reflection in value dominants of the discourse of political parties of the Basque Country. This discourse is objectified by the Mass Media rhetoric, studying which the authors determine and discuss the value dominants of Basque linguistic culture, their linguo-pragmatic features and their use in the media language, as well as their lexical, semantic, morphological and syntactic features. All this builds up the topicality of the research into pragma-linguistic parameters of media texts and mechanisms of their impact on the audience. The authors infer that the media rhetoric includes onomastic dominants (naming units of Spanish Basque Country and French Basque Country and their paraphrases, of Spain, Basque people, and the Basque language), and keywords of the Basque mentality introduced into a Spanish text in Basque. Moreover, being integral components of the discourse of political parties in the Basque Country, these linguistic means acquire and realize their cultural and symbolic potential, and reflect the mentality, values, and traditions of Basques in the modern Basque and Spanish media.
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Solanes Mullor, Joan. "Unión Económica y Monetaria y Comunidades Autónomas: la transformación del principio de autonomía financiera." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 47 (April 29, 2021): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30723.
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Un rasgo distintivo del Estado de las Autonomías es el reconocimiento de la autonomía política de las CCAA y, consustancial a ella y a la vez instrumento necesario para hacerla posible sobre todo en su vertiente de la potestad de gasto, también la autonomía financiera. El ordenamiento constitucional español ha amparado esta autonomía, tanto a nivel textual como a través del moldeamiento del Tribunal Constitucional. Sin embargo, la Unión Económica y Monetaria (UEM) ha comportado una transformación sustancial de la perspectiva constitucional de la autonomía financiera, en su vertiente de la potestad de gasto, de las CCAA. Este artículo explora esta transformación, identificando tres etapas distintas —UEM precrisis, UEM en crisis y los intentos actuales de reforma de la UEM y la gestión de los fondos europeos de rescate— que han ido moldeando el principio constitucional de autonomía financiera de las CCAA. Se analiza la interacción entre el ordenamiento constitucional español y el Derecho de la Unión y se señala a este último como motor de transformación constitucional y como un factor decisivo en cuanto a la evolución de la organización territorial del estado español.A distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies is the recognition of political autonomy of the Autonomous Communities and, inherent to it and at the same time a necessary instrument to make it possible, the financial autonomy. The Spanish constitutional system provides protection to that autonomy, both at the textual and case-law levels. The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), however, has led a substantial transformation of the financial autonomy as a constitutional value, from the perspective of the spending power, of the Autonomous Communities. This article explores this transformation and identifies three stages —EMU precrisis, EMU in crisis and the current efforts of reforming the EMU and the allocation and management of the European funds for recovery— which have shaped the financial autonomy of the Autonomous Communities. The article analyzes the interaction between the Spanish constitutional system and the European Union Law and points out the latter as an engine of a constitutional transformation and as a decisive factor in the evolution of the State of Autonomies.
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Baranov, A. V. "The Catalan crisis 2012-2017: political, institutional and ethnopolitical aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-7-12.
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The relevance of the study: attempts to secede of Catalonia from Spain in 2012–2017 are a characteristic manifestation of the crisis of the national states in the context of globalization. The objective of the study is to determine the politicalinstitutional and ethno-political parameters of the Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 in the context of the interactions of the Spanish state of autonomies and their autonomous communities. The research materials are normative juridical acts of the Kingdom of Spain and the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, resolutions of political parties, statements of political leaders, results of opinion polls, statistical data of population censuses. Research methods: neoinstitutionalism, constructivist paradigm in ethnopolitology. The results of the investigation. The Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 confirmed the decrease in confidence in the state of autonomy and the party system of the country, caused by a deficit of democracy. The main factors in the fragmentation of the state are: the unfinished nation-building; weak national identity compared to regional and ethnic identity; import of secession institutes and technologies. The conflict is not resolved and requires a radical reform of Spain’s political system based on dialogue and constitutional reform.
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Kadlec, Jaromír. "Jazyková Situace A Jazyková Politika Na Baleárských Ostrovech." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 69, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2019-0006.
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Abstract The paper will focus on the Balearic Islands, the autonomous community of Spain, located in the western Mediterranean Sea. The focus is placed not only on the demography and the linguistic situation but primarily on the linguistic politics and the language legislation of this territory. The Balearic Islands have the same political autonomy as the other Autonomous Communities of Spain which, however, use it far less than the other communities. Catalan is not for local inhabitants, who do not feel a strong belonging to the Catalan speaking world, so an essential part of identity as for the inhabitants of Catalonia and therefore the linguistic question for the local politicians is not such a priority as for the politicians in Catalonia. Even the sense of identity on the Islands is less intense than in Catalonia or the Basque Country, thanks to the migration from the different parts of Spain and from abroad. Despite the emancipation efforts, which we can observe even in other parts of Spain, Catalan on the Balearic Islands, due to the reasons mentioned above contrary to Catalonia, does not have any chance to resist Spanish or even to overpower it.
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Mendiguren, José Félix. "A Valorative Approximation on the Legislative Policies in Spain to the Reality of Girls and Children Disconforms with the Assigned Gender." Journal of Business and Economics 10, no. 9 (September 22, 2019): 919–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/09.10.2019/012.
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The trans phenomenon is part of the Spanish social life, its diffusion and its treatment by different media becoming more and more explicit. The publication of news, emission of debate programs, documentaries, books and articles of opinion or study, in which the situation of trans people is addressed, is not sporadic. The social, political and cultural transformations that have taken place during the process of establishing and consolidating a parliamentary democracy in our country have contributed to this. In this context, the greater presence and prominence of girls and boys who are dissatisfied with their assigned gender has generated an acceptance on the part of their families, constituting associations to defend the rights of their daughters and sons. For this the requirement of legislative policies that contemplate the agreements of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and its legislative application in the Spanish territory, will be the basis to promote legislative initiatives in the various autonomous communities that exceed the established in the law 3/2007 regarding the trans question. These autonomous laws have been approved and are valued from family associations in an unequal manner, while still claiming a law of state implementation. This, together with their daily work, will be what will shape the analysis of this text.
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Fernández de Castro, Patricia, Natalia Hipólito Ruiz, and Eduardo Díaz Herráiz. "Health Staff Perceptions of Hate Violence in Spain." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 14 (July 16, 2021): 7591. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18147591.
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The aim of this study of Spanish health personnel is to determine their level of knowledge about hate violence and their relevance in detecting victims of hate violence and clarifying the magnitude of the phenomenon. An exploratory study with a descriptive, observational, and cross-sectional design was conducted, with incidental non-probabilistic sampling and an ad hoc questionnaire to health professionals in three Autonomous Communities of Spain. Our results indicate a general lack of knowledge about hate violence by health staff who acknowledged that they do not have specific training for hate violence victims’ care, although most staff had attended to some cases of hate violence in the last year. No significant differences were found among healthcare services, professionals, training, or Autonomous Communities, which indicated a generalized lack of training and specific tools that was common in the different health services and in different Autonomous Communities in Spain. The health services that reported most cases of hate violence ex officio were those in which the professionals had more training and knowledge and in which there were specific protocols on hate violence. In conclusion, the health system constitutes “the gateway” to the care, promotion, and prevention of hate violence victims. However, political actions are necessary to avoid the lack of knowledge and lack of training and professional tools that are widespread among healthcare staff. Therefore, the training of professionals and the establishment of specific protocols for action against hate violence would improve the care and long-term monitoring of victims, and the implementation of an epidemiological registry and surveillance system of hate violence would improve the care and prevention of hate violence in Spain.
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Nash, Mary, John Wong, and Andrew Trlin. "Civic and social integration." International Social Work 49, no. 3 (May 2006): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806063407.
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English New Zealand research into social work experience with immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers supports international claims that a new field of practice is emerging. Migration across frontiers for social, political and economic reasons brings local social workers into contact with clients from all over the world as they struggle to settle into their new communities. Social workers in this field need to be skilled in work at all levels, micro, meso and macro. French Les recherches conduites en Nouvelle Zélande portant sur les expériences de travail social auprès des immigrants, des réfugiés et des demandeurs d'asile supportent les affirmations internationales à savoir qu'un nouveau champ de pratique est en émergence. Les migrations par-delà les frontières nationales pour des raisons sociales, politiques et économiques entraînent des contacts entre des travailleurs sociaux locaux et des clients en provenance du monde entier lorsque ceux-ci tentent de s'établir dans leurs nouvelles communautés. Les travailleurs sociaux dans ce champ de pratique doivent Átre outillés pour travailler à tous les niveaux car les cas qu'ils auront à traiter impliquent du travail à niveaux micro, méso et macro. Spanish La investigación en Nueva Zelanda sobre la experiencia del trabajo social con inmigrantes, refugiados y solicitantes de asilo apoya la creencia internacional que éste es un nuevo campo de práctica. Los movimientos migratorios por razones sociales, políticas, y económicas ponen a los trabajadores sociales locales en contacto con clientes provenientes de todo el mundo mientras éstos luchan por asentarse en sus nuevas comunidades. Los trabajadores sociales en este campo necesitan destrezas en todos los niveles, puesto que los casos frecuentemente necesitarán intervenciones en niveles micro, meso y macro.
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Zwęgliński, Tomasz, and Manuel Rodriquez Cordero. "Spanish Civil Protection System as a Part of European Union Emergency Response." Internal Security 11, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8301.
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European Union is a union of sovereign democratic countries which commonly agreed to integrate and, depending on the area, cooperate towards achieving better quality of life of European citizens. In the case of safety and security, since it is still national domain mainly, rather cooperation than integration aspect is prevailing. Since threats do not respect administrative borders it is the most important to do as much as possible for the cooperation improvement which, in fundamentals, could be done by knowing and understanding each other’s national civil protection and emergency response systems. Things are getting even more complicated if the object of scientific inquires in this respect is a country which is actually a federation of autonomous states as in the case of Spain or Germany. Then the national system as a matter of fact is being composed of a few or even several autonomous regional systems which are constituted and regulated on the regional level of the federation. This type of situation results from the historical, political, geographical backgrounds and due to many more reasons, however, it is always good to put a question how such systems operate in case of emergency? In order to present a synthetic description of the Spanish civil protection and emergency response system scientific methods of cognition such as the critical analysis of legal acts and normative documents as well as synthesis were used in the research. The study concluded with the future challenges for the system which should be undertaken to improve its efficiency.
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Filippova, E. "Factors of Coalitional Governments Formation Between Regionalist and Nationwide Political Parties in Regions of Spain." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-71-79.
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Received 09.09.2020. The paper focuses on one of the most significant arenas of multi-level politics – the interaction between regionalist and state-wide parties in the creation and functioning of government coalitions at the regional level. The research is aimed at determining the factors influencing the creation of such coalitions in which regionalist parties act as coalition partners with a specific agenda. Spain provides significant empirical material for research on this issue, where regionalist parties function in most regions, and state-wide parties often enter government coalitions with them at the level of autonomous communities. A comparative analysis of the practices of concluding coalition agreements between statewide and regionalist political parties in the regions of Spain during the democratic period is a key research method. The theoretical part of the article provides an overview of the theories of party coalitions accumulated by Political Science since the 1950s and updated by researchers due to actualization of new circumstances in the context of multilevel politics. The empirical part of the article examines the influence of three categories of factors on the construction of coalition deals between regionalist and state-wide political parties in the Spanish autonomous communities, including: the size of the coalition, the ideological inter-party distance (comprising the regionalist-ideological dimension) and correspondence of the alignments of party forces at the regional and national levels. The research demonstrates that the factor of coalition size is fundamental for transactions between regionalist and state-wide political parties, while the other two categories of factors manifest themselves situationally. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 19-18-00053 " Subnational regionalism and dynamics of multilevel politics (Russian and European practices)") at the Perm Federal Research Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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Pereira Menaut, Antonio Carlos. "Aniversarios con luces y sombras: Constitución española, integración europea y ‘defectos estructurales’ de la UE // Anniversaries with Mixed Feelings: the Spanish Constitution, European Integration, and the «Genetic Defects» of the EU (1957-2017 and 1978-2018)." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 1139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20729.
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Resumen:En conjunto puede decirse que tanto la UE como la Constitución española de 1978 han sido grandes éxitos que ahora celebran sus aniversarios, pero ambas tienen problemas que deben ser resueltos. En el caso de la UE, parece haber un puñado de defectos estructurales difíciles de eliminar y que dificultan mucho solucionar el déficit democrático y la plena constitucionalización de la Unión. Los mismos defectos estructurales plantean la cuestión de hasta dónde puede llegar la integración europea, manteniendo, al mismo tiempo, la integridad constitucional española, o al menos no amenazándola. Nos inclinamos por abandonar el método funcionalista, pasar a un tipo de gobierno plenamente político y constitucional, y encaminarnos hacia un federalismo pluralista, más bien dual y del tipo del americano.Summary:I. By way of an introduction. II. Some points to start with. III. On federalism, once again. IV. Has european constitutionalism some structural failures? A. Constitutionalism and the functionalist method. B. The impact of the insufficient EU democracy on Spanish constitutionalism. C. Is the EU a pluralistic, multilevel political community composed of smaller, yet real, political communities? D. Globalisation, European constitutionalism, and Spanish constitutionalism. V. How much European integration is the Spanish constitution apt to admit of?Abstract:On the whole, one may safely say that both the EU and the 1978 Spanish Constitution have been runaway successes that are now about celebrating their anniversaries, yet both have problems that should be addressed to. In the case of the EU, there seems to exist a handful of structural failures that are not easy to remove and make very difficult to cope with the democratic deficit and the full constitutionalising of the Union. The same inbuilt failures pose the question of how far may European integration go while at the same time maintaining, or not menacing, the integrity of the Spanish Constitution. Our leanings go towards abandoning the functionalist method, embracing a fully political, constitutional rule, and making for a pluralistic, rather dual, American-like, kind of federalism.
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von der Dunk, F. G. "Challenges and Opportunities: The European Communities and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe." Leiden Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (December 1990): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001515.
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The astonishing sequence of events during the past twelve months which have completely turned Eastern Europe upside down and mark the beginning of a new era of which nobody yet knows the outlines, has turned out to be of crucial importance for the future of the European Communities as well. One of the international fora where this is obvious, is the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. With Soviet President Gorbachov calling for a follow-up Conference this November, American President Bush willing to give Western Europe -read the E.C.- primary responsibility for the economic resurrection and political integration within the West of Eastern Europe; West German Chancellor Kohl totally preoccupied by German unification, British Prime Minister, Thatcher, and French President, Mitterand, unable to give Western Europe the lead, necessary and desired, the European Communites have a unique political opportunity to take some decisive steps towards the proclaimed ultimate goal of a European Union by further tightening the Communities and enforcing their autonomous role, inter alia within the CSCE. At the same time, those steps not only seem legally desirable, but e.g. with respect to that same CSCE, perhaps also necessary for purposes of international law!
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Carbonell, Josep-Maria. "The Two Main Challenges to Catalan Identity." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (March 16, 2018): 789–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218763479.
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Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the “Republic of Catalonia,” thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.
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Fernández-Gracia, Juan, and Lucas Lacasa. "Bipartisanship Breakdown, Functional Networks, and Forensic Analysis in Spanish 2015 and 2016 National Elections." Complexity 2018 (2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/9684749.
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We present a social network and forensic analysis of the vote counts of Spanish national elections that took place in December 2015 and their sequel in June 2016. We initially consider the phenomenon of bipartisanship breakdown by analyzing spatial distributions of several bipartisanship indices. We find that such breakdown is more prominently close to cosmopolite and largely populated areas and less important in rural areas where bipartisanship still prevails, and its evolution mildly consolidates in the 2016 round, with some evidence of bipartisanship reinforcement which we hypothesize to be due to psychological mechanisms of risk aversion. Subsequently, a functional network analysis detects an effective partition of municipalities which remarkably coincides with the first-level political and administrative division of autonomous communities. Finally, we explore to which extent vote data are faithful by applying forensic techniques to vote statistics. Results based on deviation from Benford’s law are mixed and vary across different levels of aggregation. As a complementary metric, we further explore the cooccurring statistics of vote share and turnout, finding a mild tendency in the clusters of the conservative party to smear out towards the area of high turnout and vote share, what has been previously interpreted as a possible sign of incremental fraud.
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Vela-Bargues, José Manuel, Fernando Polo-Garrido, Emilio J. De la Higuera, and Gemma Pérez-López. "La relación entre la auditoría, la corrupción política y la transparencia informativa: un análisis comparativo de las Comunidades Autónomas españolas." Revista de Contabilidad 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/rcsar.403611.
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Nowadays, public administrations are experiencing a trend towards greater control and supervision as a result of citizen demands and the financial situation of recent years. Specifically, the Spanish Autonomous Communities have suffered greatly from the effects of the economic crisis of 2008 and they have detected a large number of political corruption processes, which has focused the attention of experts. Therefore, the main objective of this work is to evaluate the effect that the level of implementation of external auditing and the degree of information transparency have on political corruption in the Spanish Autonomous Public Administration. To do this, firstly, a review of the current level of implementation of external auditing in the Autonomous Communities, its transparency level and the degree of political corruption at the regional level is carried out. Secondly, an exploratory study consisting of a bivariate analysis and a regression model is performed. The results of the bivariate analysis show that there is a significant relationship between the level of external audit implementation and transparency. However, the regression model indicates that neither transparency nor auditing has a significant influence on corruption, except when we analyze partial audit and transparency indexes since the 2010 PGCP turns out to have a significant effect regarding corruption cases. En la actualidad, las administraciones públicas están experimentando una tendencia hacia un mayor control y supervisión como consecuencia de las demandas ciudadanas y la situación financiera de los últimos años. Concretamente, las Comunidades Autónomas españolas han sufrido en gran medida los efectos de la crisis económica del año 2008 y en ellas se ha detectado un gran número de procesos de corrupción política, lo que ha centrado la atención de los expertos en su estudio. Por ello, el objetivo principal del presente trabajo consiste en evaluar el efecto que el nivel de implantación de la auditoría externa y el grado de transparencia informativa tienen sobre la corrupción política en la Administración Pública Autonómica española. Para ello, se realiza en primer lugar, una revisión del panorama actual del nivel de implantación de la auditoría externa en las Comunidades Autónomas, de su transparencia informativa y del nivel de corrupción política a nivel regional. En segundo lugar, se lleva a cabo un estudio exploratorio consistente en un análisis bivariante y un modelo de regresión. Los resultados del análisis bivariante muestran que existe una relación significativa entre el nivel de implantación de auditoría externa y transparencia. No obstante, el modelo de regresión nos indica que ni transparencia ni auditoría influyen significativamente en la corrupción, salvo cuando analizamos índices parciales de auditoría y transparencia ya que la adaptación al PGCP 2010 resulta tener un efecto significativo respecto a los casos de corrupción.
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Tasa Fuster, Vicenta. "El sistema español de jerarquía lingüística. Desarrollo autonómico del artículo 3 de la Constitución: lengua del Estado, lenguas cooficiales, otras lenguas españolas y modalidades lingüísticas. Teoría y praxis. // The Spanish system of language hierarchy. Autonomic development of article 3 of the Constitution: State language, co-official languages, other Spanish languages and language modalities. Theory and praxis." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20682.
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Resumen:Este trabajo pretende dar una visión general del reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española que se deriva de la Constitución. Nos referimos exclusivamente a las lenguas autóctonas históricamente habladas en España; teniendo en cuenta, además, que una misma lengua puede recibir diversas denominaciones populares y oficiales.Partiendo de estas premisas, el trabajo estudia el reconocimiento que hace la Constitución Española de la diversidad lingüística en España en su artículo 3. Se subraya en el estudio que, en dicho artículo de la Constitución se establece que el castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado y que todos los españoles tienen el deber de conocerla y el derecho a usarla (art. 3.1), que las otras lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas comunidades autónomas, en función de la regulación que hagan sus estatutos (art. 3.2) y que España considera que la riqueza de las diferentes modalidades lingüísticas esun patrimonio cultural que deberá tener un respeto y una protección especiales (art. 3.3).El contenido de la Constitución, la jurisprudencia constitucional de las últimas cuatro décadas y los estatutos de autonomía y legislación lingüística autonómica, han asentado un reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española y de los derechos lingüísticos concretos de los hablantes de las distintas lenguas españolas fundamentado en el principio de jerarquía lingüística y no en los de seguridad lingüística e igualdad de derechos lingüísticos. El principio de jerarquía lingüística presupone considerar que existen unas lenguas que deben tener un reconocimiento legal y oficial superior a otras. Y, lo que es lo mismo, que los derechos lingüísticos de sus hablantes no tienen el mismo grado de reconocimiento. Llegándose a dar el caso que, en España, una misma lengua pueda llegar a tener diferentes niveles de reconocimiento legal-oficial y un número aún mayor de políticas lingüísticas que traten de convertir en una realidad substantiva todos o una parte de los derechos lingüísticos reconocidos formalmente a los hablantes de una lengua diferente del castellano en una comunidad autónoma.Así las cosas, se constata que legalmente una lengua (castellano) tiene una situación de preeminencia legal-oficial, seis lenguas españolas (catalán, gallego, vasco, occitano, aragonés y asturleonés) tienen algún tipo de reconocimiento oficial en parte del territorio en el que son habladas de manera autóctona, una lengua tiene reconocimiento político (tamazight), otra tiene un reconocimiento administrativo menor en Cataluña (caló), y tres lenguas autóctonas no tienen el más mínimo reconocimiento legal, político o administrativo (árabe, haquetia yportugués). El trabajo estudia detalladamente y de manera global la estructuración de la jerarquía lingüística en la legislación española derivadade la Constitución y concluye con una descripción de los seis niveles de jerarquía lingüística y de derechos lingüísticos que existen en España. Se defiende, finalmente, un cambio sistema lingüístico legalconstitucional que respete los principios de seguridad lingüística y el principio de igualdad de derechos lingüísticos de todos los ciudadanos españoles. Summary:1. Introduction. The Constitution and the Spanish languages. 2.Language in the statutes of monolingual communities. 3. Linguisticdiversity in multilingual communities with a single official language.4. Communities with co-officiality. 5. Final considerations: a hierarchicalrecognition. 6. Bibliography cited. Abstract:This paper is an overview of the recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity derived from the Constitution. We refer exclusively to the native languages historically spoken in Spain; about that is important to know that the same language can receive diverse popular and official denominations.With these premises, the work studies the recognition in the article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of the linguistic diversity in Spain. It is emphasized in the study that this article establishes that the Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State and that all Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it (article 3.1), that the other Spanish languages would be official in the respective autonomous communities, depending on the regulation made by their statutes of autonomy (article 3.2 ), and that Spain considers the richness of the different linguistic modalities a cultural heritage that must have special respect and protection (article 3.3).The content of the Constitution, the constitutional jurisprudence of the last four decades and the statutes of autonomy and autonomous linguistic legislation, have established a recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity and of the specific linguistic rights of the speakers of the different Spanish languages based on the principle of linguistic hierarchy and not in those of linguistic security and equality of linguistic rights. The principle of linguistic hierarchy considers that there are some languages that have to have a legal and official recognitionsuperior to others. And, what is the same, that the linguistic rights of its speakers do not have the same degree of recognition. In Spain, the same language may have different levels of legal-official recognition and a lot of linguistic policies in the autonomous communities that try to be reality all or part of the linguistic rights formally recognized to speakers of a language other than Castilian. So it is verified that legally a language (Castilian) has a situation oflegal-official preeminence, six Spanish languages (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Occitan, Aragonese and Asturian) have some type of official recognition in part of the territory where are spoken, one language has political recognition (Tamazight), another has a lower administrative recognition in Catalonia (Caló), and three indigenous languages do not have the least legal, political or administrative recognition (Arabic, Hachetia and Portuguese).The paper studies in detail the structure of the linguistic hierarchy in Spanish legislation derived from the Constitution and concludes with a description of the six levels of linguistic hierarchy and of linguistic rights that exist in Spain. Finally, it defends a legal-constitutional linguistic system that respects the principles of linguistic security and of equality of linguistic rights of all Spanish citizens.
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Ruiz-Rico Ruiz, Gerardo. "La reinvención constitucional del modelo territorial español." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 37 (January 1, 2016): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.37.2016.17029.
Full textAbstract:
Las disfunciones del Estado Autonómico y los problemas de integración territorial plantean la necesidad de una futura reconstrucción del modelo territorial. Se están proponiendo diversas alternativas políticas y doctrinales para sustituir o transformar la forma de Estado que diseñó la Constitución de 1978. No obstante, el proceso en favor de la independencia que se ha impulsado por las instituciones políticas de Cataluña ha sido paralizado por el Tribunal Constitucional por superar los vigentes límites constitucionales.The imperfections of Spanish Autonomous State and its problem of the territorial integration are setting out the necessity of a deep constitutional reform. In the present some proposals have been defended in order to transform or to change the territorial form of State stablished by the Constitution in 1978. But the process of independence approved by the Catalonian political institution has been blocked by the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court because it exceeds the legal limits of the Fundamental Law.
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VILÀ BAÑOS, Ruth, Assumpta ANEAS ÁLVAREZ, Angelina SÁNCHEZ MARTÍ, and Montserrat FREIXA NIELLA. "High School Students’ Attitudes towards Migrant Youth." Revista de Cercetare si Interventie Sociala, no. 78 (September 15, 2022): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/rcis.78.5.
Full textAbstract:
The appearance of unaccompanied migrant minors in our communities and the impact they have had on Spanish society, and vice-versa, is a phenomenon of outstanding educational importance, as it has brought into public awareness issues such as child vulnerability and focused our attention on the legal, social and educational policies and resources that are meant to materialise an inclusive, democratic and just society. Around these young people, mainly from the Maghreb and therefore identified with Islam, society has created an image that serves to bolster many Islamophobic, xenophobic and racist discourses emanating from the media and the ideologies of Spanish far-right political parties. This is achieved by generalising the criminal conduct of some migrant youths, by depersonalising them as human beings and by linking news about them to vicarious emotions such as mistrust and the feeling of menace. Recognising the importance of this phenomenon, in this article we present the results of a study aiming to identify and analyse the main stereotypes, attitudes and prejudices that Barcelona secondary-school students have towards unaccompanied migrant minors (MENA in their Spanish initials). To this end a questionnaire based on the Overcoming Prejudice Scale (Etxeberria, Murua, Arrieta, Garmendia & Etxeberria, 2012) was administered. Our findings showed that high-school students hold certain prejudices and stereotypes that should be tackled in order to promote the integration and inclusion of unaccompanied migrant minors and to ensure a culture of peace among young people.
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Morales-Gálvez, Sergi, and Daniel Cetrà. "Regulating language: Territoriality and personality in plurinational Spain." Ethnicities 22, no. 2 (October 13, 2021): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211050180.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical and normative perspective. Spain is a particularly interesting case due to the intersection of linguistic and national diversity and its peculiar combination of territoriality and personality. We first present a conceptual framework which draws on the personality and territoriality distinction as established by political philosophers. Second, we examine the way multilingualism is regulated in Spain. A dual system emerges in which Castilian is the only state language while four other languages – Aranese, Basque, Catalan and Galician – are co-official in six Autonomous Communities. We identify two models concerning the degree of institutionalisation of non-Castilian languages: co-officiality and limited recognition. Finally, we characterise and assess normatively the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish linguistic regulation. We argue that the Spanish linguistic system may be characterised as an Unequal Personality Linguistic Regime. This regime offers several instrumental advantages related to the prevalence of a shared language as well as a significant degree of territorial accommodation for minority language groups, but it also gives rise to injustices related to unequal treatment and domination. This article contributes to the academic debate about the politics of language by analysing a paradigmatic case of multilingualism and plurinationalism, Spain, and considering the usefulness of the territoriality and personality framework to study specific cases.
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Gebhardt, Dirk. "The Difference that Being a Minority Territory Makes—A Comparison of the Regulation of Immigrant Citizenship in Catalonia, Andalusia, and Madrid." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 13, no. 1 (May 22, 2016): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01301006.
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Contributing to the debate on immigrant incorporation in subnational minority territories, this chapter looks at how Catalonia’s status as a minority territory results in a specific model of immigrant citizenship. It draws on a comparison between the autonomous communities of Catalonia, Andalusia, and Madrid with the latter two territories representing the influence of the left-right axis. An analysis of five elements of citizenship regulation reveals that Catalonia’s status as a minority territory has an influence on an inclusive citizenship philosophy and generous attitude towards granting political rights, while in the other areas (incorporation of cultural difference, newcomer integration and healthcare) the Catalan policies are less inclusive than those in Andalusia, the territory governed by the left. While there is no conclusive evidence that being a minority territory makes Catalan policies more inclusive, the density of the Catalan regulation of citizenship is the most striking finding emerging from the comparison.
40
Frolov, Yulia N. "Youth factor in the separatism development in Spain. The case of Catalonia and Basque Country." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 8 (2021): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015380-7.
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The article is dedicated to the issue of young people role in separatism in Spain. The phenomenon of separatism is considered as a system where young people can be both a part of the system and an external factor. An attempt is made to trace the evolution of the youth involvement in separatist movements, as well as to identify the main current trends in the attitude of young people to the ideas of nationalism, specifically in the autonomous communities of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The article investigates the results of European empirical studies on the problem of young people political participation both in Spain and in other EU countries, as well as a number of sociological studies on the attitude of the youth to the issues of separatism, nationalism and radicalism. As a result, a number of conclusions are made that indicate the existence of multidirectional trends among modern young Spaniards on issues of separatism, some of these trends are features of the current situation and were not typical for Spanish society earlier.
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Jiménez-Díaz, José-Francisco, and Francisco Collado-Campaña. "Andalusian Organic Farming Plans (2002–2016): Themes, Approaches and Values." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 23, 2021): 3570. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063570.
Full textAbstract:
Organic farming in the Spanish region of Andalusia has acquired great socio-economic importance over the past decades. The purpose of this article is to study the themes, approaches, and socio-political values pertaining to ecological agriculture addressed in the Andalusian plans for organic farming (2002–2016). The contents of these plans have not been systematically studied before. From a descriptive and qualitative perspective, the authors present and classify the main themes addressed in those plans and show the socio-political approaches and values that underpin the plans. A thematic and semantic content analysis methodology is applied to the plans and sections addressing various objectives, measures, and actions. A theoretical-qualitative sampling is developed, and 109 keywords are selected for content analysis. This analysis allows us to detect numerous themes pertaining to ecological agriculture and to classify them into six semantic fields linked to various approaches and values promoted by the Andalusian autonomous administration. Therefore, this research focuses on changing perspectives of organic farming developed by the administration and the agents involved in the plans. The authors conclude that the diverse actors have prioritized a productivist–technocratic approach to ecological agriculture, to the detriment of an approach centered on sustainable and agroecological local communities.
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Conversi, Daniele, and Matthew Machin-Autenrieth. "The Musical Bridge—Intercultural Regionalism and the Immigration Challenge in Contemporary Andalusia." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (December 30, 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010005.
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The ideals of tolerance and cultural exchange associated with the interfaith past of Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) have become a symbol for Andalusian regionalism and for the integration of Moroccan communities. Nowhere is this more keenly felt than in the context of music. In cities such as Granada, Moroccan and Spanish musicians actively promote the ideals of intercultural dialogue through the performance of repertoires such as flamenco and Arab-Andalusian music that allegedly possess a shared cultural history. In this article, we examine the interrelationship between music and ‘intercultural regionalism’, focusing on how music is used by public institutions to ground social integration in the discourse of regionalism. Against a backdrop of rising Islamophobia and the mobilization of right-wing populist and anti-immigration rhetoric both within Spain and internationally, the authors consider how music can be used to promote social integration, to overcome Islamophobia and to tackle radicalization. We advance two arguments. First, we argue that the musical interculturalism promoted by a variety of institutions needs to be understood within the wider project of Andalusian regionalism. Here, we note that musical integration of Spain’s cultural and historical ‘Other’ (Moroccans) into Andalusian society is promoted as a model for how Europe can overcome the alleged ‘death of multiculturalism’. The preferential way to achieve this objective is through ‘intercultural regionalism’, envisioned as the combination of regional identity-building and intercultural interactions between communities that share a common cultural heritage. Second, we assess some of the criticism of the efficacy of al-Andalus as a model for contemporary intercultural exchange. Combining approaches in political science and ethnomusicology, we focus on one case study, the Fundación Tres Culturas (FTC). Through interviews with figures within the FTC, we examine why this model has become partly insufficient and how it is borne out in the sorts of musical activities programmed by FTC that seek to move beyond the ‘andalusí’ myth. We conclude by recognizing the continuing regional and international importance of this myth but we question its integrating capacity at a time of radical political, economic and environmental upheaval.
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Hicks, Frederic. "Subject States and Tribute Provinces: The Aztec Empire in the Northern Valley of Mexico." Ancient Mesoamerica 3, no. 1 (1992): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653610000225x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Aztec empire was composed of at least two kinds of entities, subject states and tribute provinces, and these were administered through at least two separate hierarchies. Imperial tribute, which was extracted from the common people, was not delivered through the same channels as those through which subject rulers interacted with their imperial overlords. This arrangement enabled the latter to deal with the subject rulers not as tribute-givers, but as allies and colleagues, while extracting a heavy tribute from their commoner subjects. In the core area of the Aztec empire, which included the northern Valley of Mexico, the boundaries of the subject states and tribute provinces did not coincide, and this contributed to the economic and political integration of the core area. The tribute provinces consisted only of those communities within a region that gave tribute to the empire, and the elimination of such obligations after the Spanish conquest effectively liquidated the tribute provinces.
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FUKURAI, Hiroshi. "The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world.2 The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.
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González García, Ignacio. "La revisión del artículo 145 CE en el contexto de una reforma federal de la Constitución // The review of article 145 CE in a federal reform of the Spanish Constitution." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 103 (December 16, 2018): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.103.2018.23199.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen:En el actual contexto de profunda crisis del modelo territorial diseñado por la Constitución Española de 1978, son muchos los autores que han abogado por una reforma del Estado de las Autonomías en clave federal. Bien para transformarlo plenamente en un Estado federal, bien para corregir en un sentido más federal algunos de sus instrumentos disfuncionales. Uno de ellos es, sin duda, la colaboración entre Comunidades Autónomas y, en particular, los convenios de cooperación interautonómicos.La doctrina ha venido manifestando que el muy escaso número de convenios celebrados entre Comunidades Autónomas trae causa de la rigidez de su régimen jurídico, recogido en el artículo 145 CE y en los correspondientes Estatutos de Autonomía. En consecuencia, se ha venido proponiendo, de manera mayoritaria y reiterada, la reforma del citado artículo 145 CE en la dirección de eliminar el control que las Cortes Generales ejercen sobre la celebración de estospactos interautonómicos, en el entendido de que, además, así se le daría a este precepto constitucional una configuración más cercana a la que tendría en un verdadero Estado federal. En este trabajo se intenta justificar, sin embargo, que el régimen jurídico del artículo 145 CE no es la causa del deficiente funcionamiento de la colaboración horizontal en nuestro sistema, que el alcance de la potestad de control de las Cortes sobre estos convenios es muy distinto al descrito por la doctrina y que, además, la formulación actual del artículo 145 CE es plenamente compatible con la reconsideración en clave federal del resto del modelo territorial. Por todo ello, se defiende finalmente la improcedencia de lareforma constitucional propuesta.SummaryI. The failure of our model of territorial power distribution and the discussion on its alternatives. II. The federal «solution»: its political and technical legal dimension. 2.1. The federalism as an exit to the crisis of the model. 2.2. The technical aspects of an eventual federal or federalizing reform. III. Federal amendment of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution: the scholar diagnosis to the problem and the proposals of review. IV. Diagnostic errors and unsuitability of the proposed reform. 4.1. The «rigidity» of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution neither is a cause nor a concurring cause. 4.2. The federal nature of this constitutional provision. 4.3. The real extent of Article 145 of Spanish Constitution and the authorizing control of the Cortes Generales. 4.4. The intervention of the parliament of the State as an act reviewable by the Constitutional Court. V. Concluding remarks. VI. References. Abstract:In the current context of serious crisis of the territorial pattern envisaged by the 1978 Spanish Constitution, many authors have advocated for a reform of the State of the Autonomies in federal terms, either for transforming it fully into a Federal State, or for correcting some of its most dysfunctional instruments towards a more federal orientation. One of them is certainly the cooperation between Autonomous Communities and, in particular, agreements on inter-autonomic cooperation. The scholars have pointed out that the cause of the low number of agreements between Autonomous Communities is the rigidity of theirlegal regime, contained in Article 145 of the Spanish Constitution and the corresponding Statutes of Autonomy. Consequently, it has been repeatedly and mostly proposed to amend the mentioned Article 145 in the sense of removing the control of the Cortes Generales over the establishment of these autonomic agreements, on the understanding that, moreover, this constitutional provision would receive a configuration closer to a real federal state. Notwithstanding, this paper attempts to justify that the legal regime of Article 145 of the Spanish Constitution is not the cause of the insufficient functioning of the horizontal cooperation in our system; that the scope of the powers of control of the Cortes on these agreements is very different to the described one by the authors; and, moreover, that the current wording of Article 145 is fully compatible with the review in federal terms of the rest of the territorial pattern. Thus, it is finally defended the unsuitability of the proposed constitutional reform.
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Fleuri, Reinaldo Matias, and Lilian Jurkevicz Fleuri. "Learning from Brazilian Indigenous Peoples: Towards a Decolonial Education." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 47, no. 1 (December 7, 2017): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2017.28.
Full textAbstract:
This study argues that western societies have to learn from the cosmological vision of first peoples. In the Brazilian context, despite the genocide of these peoples, there still remains a rich variety of cultures, keeping their traditions and lifestyles based on the concept of buen vivir, in Spanish, or Tekó Porã as the Guarani people say. From a decolonial intercultural approach, we can learn a sustainable way of life from indigenous peoples, and create relevant policies and educational frameworks. Principles of buen vivir such as cooperation and reciprocity are incorporated by Paulo Freire in his dialogic pedagogy. Freire has incorporated these principles due to his engagement with social and communitarian movements. For this reason, his pedagogical proposal is not limited to school contexts only; it is rather linked to community and social praxis. This political transformation of educational praxis involves changes in the modern-colonial matrix of power and knowledge. Deconstructing racism and the myth of universality is necessary for recognizing epistemic rationalities developed by indigenous communities, in order for us to establish with them critical dialogue and mutually enriching interaction. In this sense, the newly introduced term neologism ‘conversity’ indicates intercultural dialogue resulting from the recognition of indigenous peoples and social movements as producers of legitimate knowledge and autonomous organisation.
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Rodríguez Cadenas, Juan. "El reintegro de prestaciones sociales indebidas: el caso de las pensiones no contributivas en Andalucía, entre el fraude y la necesidad." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 26 (December 18, 2020): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.26.2020.29210.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabajo describe el procedimiento administrativo que sigue la Tesorería General de la Seguridad Social, como Entidad Gestora, para obtener la devolución o reintegro de prestaciones percibidas indebidamente por supuestos beneficiarios, sobre todo, en el caso de las pensiones no contributivas dentro del ámbito de la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía. En primer lugar, se hace un pequeño bosquejo de aspectos que son comunes o generales a todas las comunidades autónomas, de acuerdo con la estructura política de España. En segundo lugar, se analizan algunos aspectos inherentes a las pensiones no contributivas: para qué son, a quienes benefician, cómo se otorgan, cuál es su cuantía y cómo se extinguen, para valorar así la incidencia en la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía, en cuanto a las pensiones no contributivas como parte integrante de la Seguridad Social española. Por último, se aborda el procedimiento que debe seguirse para el reintegro de las prestaciones indebidamente percibidas por parte de los beneficiarios, de acuerdo con lo dispuesto en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico, de manera que cada Comunidad Autónoma debe ser garante, tanto de la correcta asignación de las prestaciones como del retorno o reintegro de las cantidades percibidas por beneficiarios de manera indebida, sea originada por errores cometidos por la propia Administración Pública, o por omisión, falsedad o alteración intencionada de datos por parte del beneficiario.This work describes the administrative procedure follwed by the Social Security General Treasury, as Management Entity, in order to obtain the refund or reimbursement of allowances unlawfully received by alleged beneficial owners, especially in the case of non-contributory benefits, within the area of Andalusia Autonomous Community. Firstly, it is made a short draft of those common or general aspects in all the autonomous communities, in accordance with the Spanish political structure. Secondly, it is analised some inherent aspects to the non-contributory benefits: what they are, who the profit, how they are bestowed, which their quantity is and how they expire. Thus, it can be valued the incidence in the Andalusia A C regarding the non-contributor benefits as an integral part the Spanish Social Security. Finally, it also deals with the proceedings which are to be followed for the reimbursement of the allowances unlawfully received by the beneficial owners in accordance with the procedure provided by our legal system so that every autonomous community must be a warrantor of both, the appropriate assignment of the allowances, as well as the drawback or reimbursement of the quantities received by the beneficial owners unlawfully, having been originated by mistake made by the Public Administration or due to default, counterfeit or intentional alteration of data by the beneficial owners.
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Baldry, Eileen, Sue Green, and Katrina Thorpe. "Urban Australian Aboriginal peoples’ experience of human services." International Social Work 49, no. 3 (May 2006): 364–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806063410.
Full textAbstract:
English Urban Aboriginal communities were asked about their experiences of human services. The misuse of Aboriginal liaison staff, the attitudes of staff and policy-makers, the invisibility of Aboriginal clients, poor communication, lack of access to services, client rights and lack of integration were raised. Respect for Aboriginal persons’ social citizenship is discussed. French Il a été demandé aux communautés aborigènes urbaines de décrire leur expérience des services humains disponibles. Les dilemmes suivants ont été soulevés: une mauvaise utilisation des employés assurant la liaison, certaines attitudes d'employés et de développeurs de politiques, un manque de visibilité de la clientèle aborigène, des communications déficientes, des difficultés d'accès aux services, les droits des clients et un manque d'intégration. Une discussion sur le respect pour la citoyenneté sociale des personnes aborigènes est présentée dans l'article. Spanish Se pidió información a las comunidades aborígenes urbanas sobre sus experiencias como usuarios de los servicios humanos. Se trataron los siguientes temas: el mal uso de los empleados aborígenes en su función conectora, las actitudes de los empleados y políticos, la invisibilidad del cliente aborigen, la mala comunicación, la falta de acceso a los servicios, la falta de integración, y cuestiones de derechos del cliente. Se explora la cuestión de la ciudadanía social de los aborígenes.
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Montenegro Rueda, Marta, and José Fernández Cerero. "Main barriers to ICT teacher training and disability." Research in Social Sciences and Technology 4, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/ressat.04.02.7.
Full textAbstract:
From the earliest ages, the commitment to an inclusive education needs the impulse of an educational system that opens its schools to all students. This reality would not be possible today without taking into account the educational support provided by Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) to the inclusive process, since they constitute the scaffolding that will allow participation and the realization of tasks adjusted to the possibilities and interests of the people. In the process of integration of ICT in the classroom, teachers are a key element since, as has been shown in numerous studies, one of the critical factors for the success of educational systems is the existence of trained, motivated teachers. The purpose is to know the main barriers or obstacles for the development of teacher training plans in ICT for people with disabilities, as well as the priority aspects for training. In the empirical part of the study, 241 interviews with professionals from the Spanish educational sector (members of management teams, ICT coordinators, directors and technological advisors of teacher training centers) were analyzed. Among the conclusions, we can highlight that the main barriers that hinder the implementation of ICT training activities and disability in most of the autonomous communities are determined in the first place by economic factors, lack of time, and teachers’ attitude. The conclusions of the study make it necessary to adopt important measures in the initial training of teachers in order to be trained in the incorporation and appropriate use of ICT in teaching people with different types of disabilities, especially taking into account that the reality that we face every time has more innovative and enriching technological tools that offer us a wide range of applications and adequate tools for this purpose.
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PEGORARO, LUCIO. "LAS DEFINICIONES DE LOS ORDENAMIENTOS DESCENTRALIZADOS EN LOS ESTATUTOS DE LAS REGIONES ITALIANAS Y DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS." RVAP 86, no. 86 (April 1, 2010): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.86.2010.1.04.
Full textAbstract:
Este estudio aborda el tema de las califi caciones que los estatutos
de las Regiones italianas y de las Comunidades autónomas dan a sus respectivos
ordenamientos.
La materia se encuadra en el contexto (de teoría general, de semántica jurídica
y de Derecho comparado) que se refi ere al titular de las califi caciones: la pregunta
de establecer que cosa es un ente incumbe tanto a la doctrina como al legislador.
En el tema de la descentralización, la naturaleza federal, descentralizada, unitaria,
etc. del Estado normalmente es declarada por la Constitución, pero no siempre
la doctrina se muestra de acuerdo con los adjetivos utilizados.
A menudo, las fórmulas utilizadas por las Constituciones son usadas también
por los entes periféricos (Estados miembros, Regiones, Cantones, Comunidades
autónomas, etc.), pero no siempre en absoluta concordancia. A veces, por razones
políticas, en la periferia se acentúan algunas características (el carácter de nación,
de comunidad histórica, etc.) En el casoo de Italia y de España, en general, las
defi niciones y las fórmulas constitucionales circulan de arriba a abajo y horizontalmente,
con procesos imitativos difusos, y por lo demás, los entes periféricos
renuncian a califi car los entes con adjetivos no usados por las respectivas Constituciones
(por ejemplo, soberano), a pesar de la fuerza cultural que una calificación
podría tener en sede política y jurídica/interpretativa. Azterlan honetan, Italiako eskualdeek eta autonomia-erkidegoetako
estatutuek bakoitzak bere ordenamenduei ematen dien kalifi kazioak landuko
ditugu.
Kalifi kazioen titularrari buruzko testuinguruan kokatu behar da lana, hots, teoria
orokorra, semantika juridikoa eta zuzenbide alderatua: entea zer den jakiteko
galdera doktrina berari dagokio, legelariari bezainbeste.
Estatuaren deszentralizazioa, edo izaera federala, deszentralizatua, unitarioa
eta abar dela-eta, hori guztia normalean konstituzioak izendatzen du, baina doktrina
ez da beti bat etortzen erabilitako adjektiboekin.
Askotan, konstituzioek erabiltzen dituzten formula horiek berak erabiltzen dituzte
ente periferikoek ere (estatu kideek, eskualdeek, kantoiek, autonomia-erkidegoek...),
baina ez erabateko konkordantziaz beti. Batzuetan, arrazoi politikoak direla-eta, zenbait
bereizgarri askoz gehiago nabarmentzen dira periferian (nazio izaera, komunitate
historiko izatea, etab.). Italiaren eta Espainiaren kasuan, orokorrean, defi nizio
eta formula konstituzionalak goitik behera eta horizontalean mugitzen dira, imitaziozko
prozesu lausokoekin; gainerakoan, ente periferikoek uko egiten diote bakoitzaren
konstituzioan ageri ez diren adjektiboei, enteak kalifi katzeko orduan (adibidez,
subirano adjektiboari), nahiz kalifi kazio horrek indar kultural handia izan politikan eta
epaitegietan nahiz interpretatzeko orduan. This study deals with the topic of the denomination given to their
respective legal orders by Statutes from the Italian Regions and the Spanish Autonomous
Communities. The subject is framed within the context (of general
theory, legal semantics and comparative law) which refers to whom gives the denomination:
the question about establishing what an entity is both scholar¿s and
legislators¿s bussiness. In the fi eld of descentralization, the State¿s federal, decentralized
or united nature is usually proclaimed by the Constitution, but scholars do
not always agree with those adjectives.
The expressions often used by the Constitutions are also used by periferic entities
(Member states, Regions, Cantons, Autonomous Communities, etc.) although
with not absolute concordance. Sometimes, some features are stressed in the periphery
(the characteristic of nation, historical community, etc.) because of political
reasons.
As for the Italian and Spanish examples, in general, defi nitions and constitutional
expressions work vertical and horizontally, with difuse imitative procedures,
and apart from that peripherical entities relinquish to use adjetives not used by
their own respective Constitutions (for instance, sovereign) despite the cultural
impetus an adjective might hold from a political and legal/interpretative point of
view.