Dissertations / Theses: 'Political influence'

1

Dal, BoÌ Ernesto. "Essays on political influence." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273153.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Mahle, Alexander. "Tax competition and political influence." Diss., lmu, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-150131.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Jackson, David Mark. "Measuring political influence on monetary policy." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30521.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Oz-Salzberger, Fania. "Scottish political ideas in eighteenth century Germany : the case of Adam Ferguson." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ef5e5b0-37a4-42b7-a58f-8c1e35cc451c.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers. The thesis aims especially to highlight three aspects of this Scottish- German encounter: the capacity of Ferguson's texts to be removed from their contexts and misread; the failure of civic humanist ideas to make a serious entry into German political discourse; and the merits of close textual analysis for supporting a type of explanation, which may supplement or counter-balance other explanations, about the limited effect of "imported" political ideas in eighteenth-century German discourse.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Vlaseros, Vasileios. "Essays on strategic voting and political influence." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9932.

Full text

Abstract:

Chapter 1 : I attempt a detailed literature review on the passage from the probabilistic versions of the Condorcet Jury Theorem to models augmented by the concept of strategic agents, including both theoretical and relevant empirical work. In the first part, I explore the most influential relevant game theoretic models and their main predictions. In the second part, I review what voting experiments have to say about these predictions, with a brief mention of the experiments' key methodological aspects. In the final part, I provide with an attempt to map the recent strategic voting literature in terms of structure and scope. I close with a philosophical question on the exogeneity of a "correct" choice of a voting outcome, which is inherent in the current strategic voting literature. Chapter 2 : I develop a two stage game with individually costly political action and costless voting on a binary agenda where, in equilibrium, agents rationally cast honest votes in the voting stage. I show that a positive but sufficiently low individual cost of political action can lead to a loss in aggregate welfare for any electorate size. When the individual cost of political action is lower than the signalling gain, agents will engage in informative political action. In the voting stage, since everyone's signal is revealed, agents will unanimously vote for the same policy. Therefore, the result of the ballot will be exactly the same as the one without prior communication, but with the additional aggregate cost of political action. However, when agents have heterogeneous prior beliefs, society is large and the state of the world is sufficiently uncertain, a moderate individual cost of political action can induce informative collective action of only a subset of the members of society, which increases ex ante aggregate welfare relative to no political action. The size of the subset of agents engaging in collective action depends on the dispersion of prior opinions. Chapter 3 : This chapter shows theoretically that hearing expert opinions can be a double-edged sword for decision making committees. We study a majoritarian voting game of common interest where committee members receive not only private information, but also expert information that is more accurate than private information and observed by all members. We identify three types of equilibria of interest, namely i) the symmetric mixed strategy equilibrium where each member randomizes between following the private and public signals should they disagree; ii) the asymmetric pure strategy equilibrium where a certain number of members always follow the public signal while the others always follow the private signal; and iii) a class of equilibria where a supermajority and hence the committee decision always follow the expert signal. We find that in the first two equilibria, the expert signal is collectively taken into account in such a way that it enhances the efficiency (accuracy) of the committee decision, and a fortiori the CJT holds. However, in the third type of equilibria, private information is not reflected in the committee decision and the efficiency of committee decision is identical to that of public information, which may well be lower than the efficiency the committee could achieve without expert information. In other words, the introduction of expert information might reduce efficiency in equilibrium. Chapter 4 : In this chapter we present experimental results on the theory of the previous chapter. In the laboratory, too many subjects voted according to expert information compared to the predictions from the efficient equilibria. The majority decisions followed the expert signal most of the time, which is consistent with the class of obedient equilibria mentioned in the previous chapter. Another interesting finding is the marked heterogeneity in voting behaviour. We argue that the voters' behaviour in our data can be best described as that in an obedient equilibrium where a supermajority (and hence the decision) always follow the expert signal so that no voter is pivotal. A large efficiency loss manifests due to the presence of expert information when the committee size was large. We suggest that it may be desirable for expert information to be revealed only to a subset of committee members. Finally, in the Appendix we describe a new alternative method for producing the signal matrix of the game. Chapter 5 : There is a significant gap between the theoretical predictions and the empirical evidence about the efficiency of policies in reducing crime rates. This chapter argues that one important reason for this is that the current literature of economics of crime overlooks an important hysteresis effect in criminal behaviour. One important consequence of hysteresis is that the effect on an outcome variable from positive exogenous variations in the determining variables has a different magnitude from negative variations. We present a simple model that characterises hysteresis in both the micro and macro levels. When the probability of punishment decreases, some law abiding agents will find it more beneficial to enter a criminal career. If the probability of punishment returns to its original level, a subset of these agents will continue with their career in crime. We show that, when crime choice exhibits weak hysteresis at the individual level, crime rate in a society consisted from a continuum of agents that follows any non-uniform distribution will exhibit strong hysteresis. Only when punishment is extremely severe the effect of hysteresis ceases to exist. The theoretical predictions corroborate the argument that policy makers should be more inclined to set pre-emptive policies rather than mitigating measures.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Halbeisen, Pascal Hans Ruedi. "Electoral economic cycles and the role of political institutions : do political institutions influence the political budget cycle?" Thesis, University of Hull, 2014. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11313.

Full text

Abstract:

The Political Budget Cycle describes the repetitive change of fiscal policy by the office holder in order to improve their chances for re-election. This research investigates the connection between the size and type of the Political Budget Cycle and the institutional framework. The empirical analysis examines the influence of individual institutional variables as well as the resulting effect from the overall complexity of the institutional framework. Analysing the fiscal policy in a panel of 68 developed countries over a period from 1975 until 2009, it is shown that the size of the Political Budget Cycle measured by the budget balance is largely determined by the electoral competition and the concentration of political power. In the absence of a tangible threat of being voted out of office, there is no incentive for the office holder to employ fiscal policy for the purpose of their re-election. In turn, the incumbent’s opportunity to use fiscal policy for their advantage is heavily restricted that in case of dispersed political power. Results reveal further a correlation between the size of the Political Budget Cycle and the political accountability and the mean district magnitude. The significance of their effect, however, is conditional on the concentration of political power. Analysing the existence of electoral fiscal cycles within the budget composition, the research proves conclusively that the type of the Political Budget Cycle and the choice of fiscal instruments is effectively determined by the interaction between the concentration of institutional power and the average district magnitude. The former accounts for the size of the individual electoral cycle whereas the district magnitude determines which fiscal instruments are being utilised. Examining the Political Budget Cycle in a panel of 34 developing countries, the effect of the institutional framework proves to be mostly identical except for the electoral completion. Essentially, the concentration of political power exhibits large explanatory power in justifying for the difference between developed and developing countries. The restricting effect of dispersed political power proves robust when testing in interaction with the age of democracy and the access to free media.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Heldens, Gijs, and René Paaß. "Maastricht Aachen Airport – Value creation and political influence." Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-48626.

Full text

Abstract:

Background: The debate about the existence of Maastricht Aachen Airport (MAA) has received great media presence in the past years. The subject involves many stakeholders from various perspectives, while focusing on the politicians of Limburg and the government of the region representing the sole shareholder of the airport. Purpose: The limited availability of neutral data regarding MAA created the urge for an unbiased research. The purpose of the research is to generate a political oriented overview of perceptions and values related to MAA that aids in determining the airport’s future by including various stakeholders of the region. Method: A deductive approach has been chosen in order to execute the research, whilst focusing on Freeman’s Stakeholder Theory as a foundation. Qualitative semi-structured interviews have been conducted with seven politicians from six different political parties of the government of Limburg. Furthermore, the director of MAA has been interviewed, as well as a great number of inhabitants. These stakeholders have been identified due to their influential- and voting power with regards to the research purpose. Conclusion: MAA is a regional airport with national significance, which adds value through its cargo handling. As other airports are reaching their maximum capacity in the Netherlands, there is an enhanced prospective for MAA in the future on the field of cargo. Its passenger flight value is limited due to the number of alternative airports in its direct vicinity. The current strategy of MAA depends on political decisions related to campaign promises rather than neutral qualitative and quantitative research. A complete Social Cost and Benefit Analysis would create a well-structured view on the existence of the airport and would aid in determining the position of the national government with regards to potential financial support and decision influence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Dollins, Ramona R. "Parental influence on political development among late adolescents." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10192006-115601/.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Narasimhan, Vishnu. "Military Influence and Political Development in Turkey and Pakistan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/484.

Full text

Abstract:

Turkey and Pakistan share a long history of military tutelage, influence, and intervention in politics. This thesis analyzes the evolution of the political role of the military in the two countries, in order to understand the causes of the Turkish military’s diminished political influence since 2002, contrasted with the Pakistani military’s continuing grip over the country’s political system. Three factors can explain this divergence in civilian control of the military between the two countries. In Turkey, there has been a constant process of elite turnover and replacement, culminating in the gradual emergence and consolidation of counter-elite power in the 1990s and 2000s. In Pakistan, the traditional civil-military “Establishment” has remained remarkably unchanged in its constitution and structure. The role of elites in determining the course of civil-military relations has been conditioned by two other factors, (1) external influences and (2) varying patterns of civilian institutional legitimacy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Dubois, Elizabeth. "The strategic opinion leader : personal influence and political networks in a hybrid media system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35b1e408-a70a-4ea0-9c41-10d7df024ee9.

Full text

Abstract:

Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Hintzen, George Herman. "Imagining political science : the formative influence of political culture in the establishment of the PRC's political science, 1980-1989 /." Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41006874t.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Chalmers, Adam. "Interests, information and influence: a comparative analysis of interest group influence in the European Union." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104705.

Full text

Abstract:

Faulty assumptions about the nature of interest group activity have misled scholars' assessments of interest group influence in the European Union (EU). The influence literature portrays interest groups as commonly using undue pressure and purchase tactics in order to change the minds of decision-makers. However, this work on influence has yet to take seriously insights from the rest of the interest group literature, which has long established that interest groups are much more likely to lobby decision-makers who already share their views (friends) rather than to attempt to change the minds of those who do not (foes). Moreover, in lobbying friends, interest groups are best understood as informational service bureaus, providing policy-relevant information to decision-makers in exchange for legitimate access to the policy-making process. This dissertation brings these insights to bear on interest group influence in the EU. I conceive of interest group influence as a function of an interest group's ability to efficiently and reliably provide policy-relevant information to EU decision-makers. To this end, I examine the information processing capacity – how interest groups gather, filter, make sense of, generate and transmit information – of EU interest groups within a comparative framework. I find that, in general, interest group influence in the EU is balanced with no particular set of groups dominating the EU policy-making process at the expense of others.
Des hypothèses erronées quant à la nature de l'activité des groupes d'intérêt ont induit en erreur plusieurs experts dans leur analyse de l'influence de ces groupes au sein de l'Union européenne (UE). Leur travaux sur l'influence des groupes de pression affirment que les groupes d'intérêt recourent couramment à une pression inutile et à des techniques de vente dans le but de faire changer d'avis les décideurs politiques. Toutefois, cette lecture de l'influence de ces groupes n'a pas su intégrer les conclusions du reste des travaux scientifiques sur les groupes d'intérêt qui affirment depuis longtemps que ces groupes d'intérêt sont bien davantage susceptibles de faire pression sur des décideurs qui partagent déjà leur point de vue (alliés) que d'essayer de faire changer d'avis ceux qui ne le partagent pas (adversaires). De plus, dans le cercle des lobbyistes, les groupes d'intérêt sont davantage perçus comme des bureaux de renseignements, qui fournissent des informations pertinentes d'un point de vue politique aux décideurs en échange d'un accès légitime au processus décisionnel. Ce projet de recherche s'attarde à illustrer les principes qui sous-tendent l'influence des groupes d'intérêt dans l'Union européenne. Je considère l'influence des groupes d'intérêt comme fonction de leur capacité à fournir de manière efficace et fiable des informations pertinentes d'un point de vue politique aux décideurs de l'UE. À cet effet, j'examine la capacité des groupes d'intérêt au sein de l'UE à traiter l'information, à savoir comment ces groupes rassemblent, sélectionnent, analysent, génèrent et transmettent l'information, dans une analyse comparative. J'estime qu'en général, l'influence des groupes d'intérêt de l'UE n'est pas caractérisée par la présence de certains groupes en particulier qui domineraient le processus décisionnel européen au détriment d'autres groupes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Blackwell, Matthew. "Essays in Political Methodology." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10364.

Full text

Abstract:

This dissertation provides three novel methodologies to the field of political science. In the first chapter, I describe how to make causal inferences in the face of dynamic strategies. Traditional causal inference methods assume that these dynamic decisions are made all at once, an assumption that forces a choice between omitted variable bias and post-treatment bias. I resolve this dilemma by adapting methods from biostatistics and use these methods to estimate the effectiveness of an inherently dynamic process: a candidate's decision to "go negative." Drawing on U.S. statewide elections (2000-2006), I find, in contrast to the previous literature, that negative advertising is an effective strategy for non-incumbents. In the second chapter, I develop a method for handling measurement error. Social scientists devote considerable effort to mitigating measurement error during data collection but then ignore the issue during analysis. Although many statistical methods have been proposed for reducing measurement error-induced biases, few have been widely used because implausible assumptions, high levels of model dependence, difficult computation, or inapplicability with multiple mismeasured variables. This chapter develops an easy-to-use alternative without these problems as a special case of extreme measurement error and corrects for both. In the final chapter, I introduce a model for detecting changepoints in the distribution of contributions data because it allows for overdispersion, a key feature of contributions data. While many extant changepoint models force researchers to choose the number of changepoint ex ante, the game-changers model incorporates a Dirichlet process prior in order to estimate the number of changepoints along with their location. I demonstrate the usefulness of the model in data from the 2012 Republican primary and the 2008 U.S. Senate elections.
Government

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Knowles, Joan Nancie. "Power, influence and the political process among Iloitai Maasai." Thesis, Durham University, 1993. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/966/.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Appelblom, Maria. "I want to be like Ellen : The influence of women in decision-making in post-conflict Liberia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-209254.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Goudge, Sara L. "Central Asian repression and Western influence." Thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1549556.

Full text

Abstract:

Repression, used by dictators as a tool to control the populous of a nation, is a defining feature of authoritarian regimes. Often the most concerning response, the use of coercion is centrally important to a greater understanding of how dictators maintain stability. Emerging theories have proposed that autocracies may be influenced the West toward democratic transition, thus away from repressive autocratic behavior. For both intellectual and ethical reasons, it is important to know when a regime will use repression and how the West may be able to modify these responses. This study explores when the regimes of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have used violent forms of coercion or restricted the rights and freedoms of their people in order to maintain stability, and if ties to Western nations influenced this behavior. Looking at problems that arise vertically (from the people), horizontally (from elite divisions), or socio-economically (from economic decline or rising inflation), this study explores how these authoritarian regimes respond to a variety of challenges, and how Western linkages alter these responses. Using interaction terms to test the conditional relationship between challenges to regime stability and Western linkages, this study explores how ties with the West may be able to influence coercive responses in these authoritarian regimes. The following analysis finds that these regimes view rising inflation as a greater threat to their stability, resulting in an increased use of violence against their people, but interestingly, when challenged during periods of economic decline these dictators expand freedoms and rights. Additionally, when these regimes increase their ties to the West they utilize more difficult to distinguish forms of repression and are more apt to restrict the rights of their people. Finally, the following analysis shows that whether a challenge is socio-economic or domestic alters the influence of Western linkages, and that in some cases the growth of these ties may be viewed by these regimes as liabilities to their rule.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Elder, Dennis Samuel. "Media Influence in Urban Government." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625399.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Lembani, Samson Brown. "The influence of institutional arrangements on intra-party democracy in Malawi." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9358_1182234535.

Full text

Abstract:

This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo
s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo
s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Fraga, Bernard L. "Race, Party, and the Impact of Electoral Influence on Political Participation." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10788.

Full text

Abstract:

The following study is comprised of three essays, each examining a different manner by which race and party impact political participation. Through the analysis of both intra-party primary and inter-party general elections, I find that candidates are more likely to run, and voters are more likely to turn out, when the social groups they belong to comprise a larger portion of the electorate. While race often serves as the key social identity in determining rates of participation, these effects are contingent on partisan forces governing the broader electoral process.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Eagles, Stuart. "Political Ruskin : The influence of Ruskins's political ideas and social experiments in Britain circa 1870-1920." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503986.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Uhm, Seung-Yong. "Political anatomy of internet users in Korea : does the internet influence social capital and political participation?" Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1342.

Full text

Abstract:

The thesis inquires about the factors affecting the behaviours and attitudes of Internet users, some of which may be contributory to the creation of social capital and the better performance of political process from the perspective of participatory democracy. Based on the use and gratification theory and other relevant theories, the model focuses on the causal relationships among the three groups of variables: internal motives for Internet use influence general patterns of individuals’ Internet usage, which are constructed as the sources of social capital; and the motives and the general patterns have impact on their political use of the Internet which I conceptualize as engagement in online political opportunities. The structural equation model is employed for confirming latent factors and conducting path analysis, providing the evidences of the causal relationships among the three factors: motives for Internet use, the sources of social capital and the properties of engagement in political opportunities. The details of the findings include: firstly, confirmatory factors analysis produced three needs of motives for Internet use (social, informational and emotional needs), two types of interpersonal ties (strong and weak ties), and two factors of engagement in online political opportunities (activeness and positiveness); secondly, social and informational needs have positive influence on the source of social capital, for example, by widening and deepening interpersonal relationships, in contrast of negative impact of emotional needs; thirdly, frequent visit to those websites serving entertainment information demonstrated negative impact on engagement in online political opportunities; fourthly, path analysis shows that while social needs and strong interpersonal ties have positive relationship on active use of online political opportunities, informational needs and weak ties have influence on positive evaluation of online political opportunities (efficacy); lastly, logistic regression analysis suggests individuals’ social and political capital in the offline context and their patterns of traditional media consumption may affect their engagement in online political opportunities. Ultimately, the thesis is aimed at understanding Internet users as actors in the political process from the view of social capital theory. In the plebiscitary, communitarian and pluralistic approach, individual use of the Internet makes political process more effective and democratic. The Internet makes actors in the process become more knowledgeable on public issues, rich in dense and loose interpersonal networks, and trusting in virtual community. In conclusion, using the Internet contributes the creation of social capital, establishing sustainable social environment for good governance.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Woolfalk, Katherine Miya Miya. "Essays on Social Contexts and Individual Politics: The Political Influence of Religious Institutions and Ethno-Racial Neighborhood Contexts." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10832.

Full text

Abstract:

Citizens regularly encounter social contexts that have important consequences for political behavior. This dissertation evaluates the political influence of two such environments: religious institutions and ethno-racial neighborhood contexts.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Alexander, David Alisdair. "The sources of committee influence in the European Parliament." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8281/.

Full text

Abstract:

The European Parliament (EP) has evolved into a powerful legislative actor over the past 40 years. In order to exercise its hard won legislative competencies in an efficient and effective manner the EP has developed an extensive and influential committee system. The Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) recognised its equal status as co-legislator with the Council of the EU and introduced the Ordinary Legislative Procedure (OLP) as the default EU legislative procedure. Despite the fact that after the introduction of the OLP all EP committees formally operate under the same legal procedure, disparities remain in the levels of influence that each committee commands. This state of affairs demonstrates that if we are to understand what drives committee influence we need to explore the informal sources of influence that committees draw on in addition to the formal rules. This project addresses the lack of understanding of how the committees establish legislative influence by identifying and testing the different resources which committees may be utilising to establish their influence. The thesis puts forward four hypotheses concerning the factors that can account for how committees establish influence. These are developed and tested within three case studies. The case studies comprise the highly influential committees on, firstly, the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety Committee, secondly, the Budget Committee and, thirdly, the International Trade Committee. The research project adopts a qualitative approach to complement and create a different perspective from the quantitative studies which dominate the field. It draws on extensive primary material from thirty semi-structured interviews held with MEPs, advisers, EP staff and party officials active in the 7th legislative term (2009-2014). A number of the current conventions concerning the way in which expertise, partisan dynamics, and policy outputs affect how committees establish legislative influence are challenged and new insights regarding their relative importance are offered. Overall, these original findings, contained within this dissertation, have highly significant implications, not only with regard to the committee system of the EP but, also, for the wider field of legislative politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Liu, Yung-I. "The Influence of Communication Context on Political Cognition in Presidential Campaigns: A Geospatial Analysis." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211994930.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Reeh, Thomas W. "The political influence and career of Ernest Rüdiger von Starhemberg /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr327.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Sloof, Randolph. "Game-theoretic models of the political influence of interest groups /." Boston [u.a.] : Kluwer Academic, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/245964746.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Mahle, Alexander [Verfasser], and Marco [Akademischer Betreuer] Runkel. "Tax competition and political influence / Alexander Mahle. Betreuer: Marco Runkel." München : Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1028191707/34.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Wright, Susan Audrey. "Identities and influence : political organization in Doshman Ziari, Mamasani, Iran." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365853.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Gurciullo, S. V. "Influence in economic and political systems : a network scientific approach." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1532877/.

Full text

Abstract:

Complex social systems strive by exchanging information and resources. By means of the exchange, some actors in the system are able to at least partially determine the behaviour of another actor, thereby influencing it. Both the information exchange process and the degree of actors’ influence are latent, unobserved phenomena in many instances of real-world systems. This thesis presents a framework that intends to unearth the two hidden properties. It does so by introducing a Network Inference and Influence Framework (NIIF), which makes use of graph-based methods to derive a latent network in a social system, and measure the influence of its elements. The framework is applied on three case studies where the latency problem translates into research questions with importance for public policy making. The first case study uses NIIF to estimate the latent network of interdependency across financial institutions, and measures the extent to which a bank may negatively influence the system after an economic distress. In the second case study, a network of information diffusion is extracted from House of Commons parliamentary debates, testing the relation between the resulted metric of influence and speakers’ positions in government. The last case study builds a network of semantic and ideological affinity across UN General Assembly members, showing how graph-based methods can detect global political change. The thesis concludes with a discussion of potential future usages of the framework, as well as ameliorations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Johnson, Pool Jessica. ""Cultural Worldview, Religious Influence and Interpretation, and American Political Behavior"." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337716583.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Swan, Peter. "Progressive era influence on West Coast political reform, 1937-1942." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2013. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/48456/.

Full text

Abstract:

For many year after the almost proximate Progressive and New Deal eras, historians accepted strong ‘continuity’ between these reformist periods. However, in 1955 Hofstadter’s The Age of Reform advanced a hypothesis of ‘discontinuity.’ He emphasized backward-looking morality in the Progressive era and the forward-oriented pragmatism of the New Deal. My thesis challenges this discontinuity school of thought, and is a contribution to scholarship because Hofstadter’s theory established a dominant paradigm about these eras. Historians as diverse as Graham Jr., Weinstein, Worster, and Katznelson have further stressed the differences between the Progressive and New Deal eras. Yet, while the discontinuity message articulated many truths, it obscures an alternative vision of the New Deal. This work demonstrates on the West Coast during the later New Deal, 1937-1942, Progressive era influence was substantial. General chapters focus on: the Progressive era; the 1920s; the early New Deal. Detailed chapters about the West Coast, 1937-1942, look at three policy areas, and include: conservation and national parks; monopoly reform and distribution of electricity from West Coast dams; social justice and responses to Dust Bowl migration. An ideological re-appraisal of the West Coast in the late New Deal is attempted. Firstly, from a Progressive era ideological viewpoint, issues conventionally judged peripheral in the three policy areas are re-conceptualized as significant policy successes. Secondly individuals and organizations shaping and implementing policies locally and nationally were either survivors of the earlier era or steeped in its beliefs. Thirdly, events on the West Coast, 1939-1940, which reproduced conditions in the Progressive era, tested whether New Dealers had learned from their predecessors’ mistakes. Consequently, the West Coast region is particularly apposite in a considered questioning of Hofstadter’s philosophical divide between the two reform eras.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Madsen, Michael. "The Mormon Influence on the Political Geography of the West." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1999. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33224.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Klopf, Patricia, and Phillip C. Nell. "How "space" and "place" influence subsidiary host country political embeddedness." Elsevier, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ibusrev.2017.06.004.

Full text

Abstract:

As a part of multinational corporations (MNCs), subsidiaries operate in distinct host countries and have to deal with their external context. Host country political embeddedness, in particular, helps subsidiaries to obtain knowledge and understanding of the regulatory and political context, and to get access to local networks. Moreover, they get some guidance and support from their headquarters. Distance between MNC home and host countries, however, alienates subsidiaries from the MNC and influences the extent of subsidiary host country political embeddedness. We suggest that the host country political and regulatory context moderates the effect of distance on subsidiary host country political embeddedness by reducing the need and/or value of headquarters support. Using a sample of 124 European manufacturing subsidiaries, we find that distance (space) and context (place) matter jointly: the impact of distance is stronger for subsidiaries that operate in host countries with low governance quality and low political stability in place.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Ahmed, H. O. "The Soviet Union and the Gulf countries between 1968 and 1980 : The impact of Soviet economic aid, military assistance and political influence." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378246.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Pollack, Kenneth M. (Kenneth Michael). "The influence of Arab culture on Arab military effectiveness." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11219.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Neshkova, Milena Ivanova. "The influence of subnational interests in supranational regulation." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3331261.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 23, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-11, Section: A, page: 4497. Adviser: Evan J. Ringquist.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Belden, Megan. "Trumping The Norm: Political Influence Of Negative Emotion In The 2016 Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1126.

Full text

Abstract:

Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Ooh, Che Chang. "Wartime currency stabilisation in China 1937-1941 : economic expediency and political reality." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312487.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Cale, Grace. "SHIFTING THE ULTIMATUM: POLITICAL ALIENATION AND PARTICIPATION." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/14.

Full text

Abstract:

Common knowledge dictates that cynicism and mistrust of politics is rampant among US citizens, wreaking havoc on participation in the American political process. Social Capital theories are commonly used to effectively explain US political behavior, but fail to account for alienation from the political process or the influence of peers. I argue that models of political participation would be improved by the inclusion of political alienation variables, which have fallen into disuse in recent decades. Using data from the US Citizenship, Involvement, and Democracy Survey (2006), this paper relies upon negative binomial regression with nested models to compare the explanatory power of social capital variables with models including political alienation and peer influence variables to assess the value of such concepts. Results indicate that while the parent variables of political alienation (powerlessness, meaninglessness, and mistrust of political institutions) improve model accuracy and influence political participation, the latent variable remains ambiguously useful. Powerlessness and mistrust revealed significant effects, but mistrust failed to fit into the latent concept of political alienation, and meaninglessness did not produce significant results. Peer influence only significantly affected political participation when participants specifically discussed political matters with peers. Implications and concepts for future research follow.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Johnsen, Kristen Brooke. "The influence of gender on foreign policy beliefs and behavior : a literature review." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53130.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Wan, Napi Wan Kamal. "The Islamization of politics in Malaysia : how religious political opportunities and threats influence religious framing and counterframing /." Available to subscribers only, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481660071&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Mero, John C. "Under the influence has MADD's policy agenda limited the Elks' capability to create social capital? /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Coole, David R. "Expansion and Validation of the Political Skill Inventory (PSI): An Examination of the Link Between Charisma, Political Skill, and Performance." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001882.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Franklin, Aarion Lynn. "Public Sector Employees' Experiences Executing Strategic Management in a Political Environment." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6561.

Full text

Abstract:

Public sector organizations have practiced strategic management for more than 30 years. Strategic management in the public sector is subjected to political influence, as resources and major decisions are typically managed by elected and appointed officials. The purpose of this descriptive phenomenological study was to identify and report the lived experiences of public sector employees who have been subjected to political influence while engaged in the strategic management of their organizations in the State of Maryland. The study's conceptual framework was based on stakeholder theory and economic theory of the firm. A purposeful sample of 15 Maryland State Government employees shared their experiences through semi structured in-person interviews. Data were collected and transcribed using the Rev.com mobile application and was loaded into Dedoose software for analysis. Giorgi's descriptive phenomenological method was employed for data analysis. The findings revealed the lived experiences of the participants with results in 5 thematic areas: leadership tenue, managing for results, strategic management resources, influence, and political skills. The findings further revealed that legislation that required strategic planning and performance management in Maryland's government has influenced its public sector employees to think strategically. Application of the findings of this study through positive political influences may align careerist actions as they prepare for the future needs of their organizations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Angevine, Sara. "Women Parliamentarians perceptions of political influence in the South African Parliament." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5692_1181887516.

Full text

Abstract:

In this study, I examine how women Parliamentarians understand their political influence within the South African Parliament and what environmental factors contribute to this understanding. Currently, South Africa is a global leader for the amount of women in Parliament and has been since the 1994 democratic transition. This study examines the formal and informal factors that South African women parliamentarians discuss as helping and hindering their political effectiveness.

Aside from the work of Hassim (2003) and Pandor (1999), little academic research explores the experiences of women within South Africa&rsquo
s Parliament. Considering this lack of research regarding women&rsquo
s experiences within government, I selected a research method that would allow an open space for communication: semi-structured interviews with a qualitative feminist analysis. This study explores the opportunities and obstacles that the women perceived as affecting their political influence.
The participant&rsquo
s responses indicate that they perceive a high level of political influence, with some reservations. Four themes emerged as the leading environmental factors in contributing to the participant&rsquo
s political efficacy: the 1994 democratic transition, the Parliament structure (formal and informal), the political party, and the role of gender.

The informal structures of Parliament, such as socializing spaces, and gender stereotypes, such as the responsibility of women Parliamentarians for &lsquo
women&rsquo
s issues&rsquo
, were discussed as the primary obstacles that hinder the women Parliamentarian&rsquo
s political influence.

The participants felt that the attitudes of political parties regarding women&rsquo
s role in Parliament was critical in facilitating their influence on the political agenda. The women Parliamentarians credited primarily the African National Congress (ANC) political party for framing and developing an atmosphere that mandated women&rsquo
s strong participation in government and their positive perceptions of political influence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Böhm, Timo [Verfasser], and Henning [Akademischer Betreuer] Hillmann. "The Social Structure of Political Influence / Timo Böhm. Betreuer: Henning Hillmann." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2015. http://d-nb.info/107312133X/34.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Tolentino, Charis Mae A. "Women and political influence : evidence from local elections in the Philippines." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/57856.

Full text

Abstract:

In terms of female political leadership, the Philippines is one of the most progressive countries in Asia. At the same time, these rankings and statistics focus largely on holding national office, which masks broader problems with women’s participation at the local level. For example, Labonne, Parsa, and Querubin (2016) find that the increasing number of women in Philippine national politics is largely driven by political dynasties, rather than an expansion of opportunities for women to participate in politics. As a result, while there are certainly many women in the legislature, these women tend to reflect the policy preferences and political platforms of their relatives and do not represent new voices in the decision-making process. In order to increase not only the number of women in politics but also the opportunity for new women to enter politics, it is important to understand the underlying dynamics driving gender and political influence at the local level, because it is the primary entry point for new, non-dynastic candidates in the political system. Using household-level data collected through a survey of 284 villages in 12 municipalities after the 2013 local elections in the Philippines, this analysis shows that women are less likely to be politically influential than men even at the local village level, an effect that is driven by gender differences in recognizing influence and in socioeconomic factors that affect the ability to participate in politics. This is important because there are gender differences in policy preferences and political views. From a policy standpoint, this thesis has three main contributions: 1) providing a methodology for identifying politically influential women at the local level; 2) analyzing the differences in policies and profiles between influential men and women; and 3) linking the determinants of political influence to policy recommendations for promoting and supporting these women to enable them to better participate in the political sphere. In order for women to have a voice in Philippine politics, it is not enough to have more women holding office on paper, but to ensure that women are given the same opportunities and avenues for participation in politics.
Arts, Faculty of
Asian Research, Institute of
Graduate

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Slank, Shanna K. "The Pernicious Influence of the Ideal/Nonideal Distinction in Political Philosophy." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/123.

Full text

Abstract:

The notions of “ideal theory” and “nonideal theory” have become widely accepted in political philosophy. Recently, several philosophers’ have urged that ideal theory systematically produces practically irrelevant theories. Such philosophers argue that political philosophy ought move away from ideal theory in order to make the discipline more germane to the unjust real world. Call this tactic of eliminating ideal theory “Strategy.” In this paper, I argue that political philosophy would do well to abandon the ideal/nonideal distinction. Though the use of INID is widespread, philosophers do not have one uniform way of drawing the distinction; of the several common ways of drawing the distinction, none is categorical. As a consequence of this ambiguity, the role that INID plays in our political philosophical theorizing has become pernicious.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Pettitt, Robin Thomas. "Bending the 'iron law' : membership influence on policy in political parties." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496698.

Full text

Abstract:

This dissertation investigates the obstacles to membership influence on policy in political parties. It outlines and critiques the two most common theories of Intra-party democracy: one, labelled the 'decline theory', arguing that members have lost influence; the other, labelled the 'oligarchy theory' and based on Michels' work, arguing that intra-party democracy is impossible because of the inherent oligarchic tendencies in all organisations, in their stead the dissertation develops an alternative theory, labelled 'variable membership influence' (VMl). VMl develops Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy' by showing how the forces that drive oligarchy identified by Michels do not affect all parties universally. instead they are presented as being contextual and variable depending on the attitudes and ambitions of party members and leaders, as well as the political environment in which a party operates.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

RICHE, FLAVIO ELIAS. "THE INFLUENCE OF SCIENTIFIC-NATURAL PARADIGM IN MODERN SOCIO-POLITICAL THOUGHT." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4052@1.

Full text

Abstract:

COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
A pesquisa em questão tem por objetivo operar uma análise epistemológica da Modernidade. Fazendo uso da terminologia proposta por Thomas Samuel Kuhn, procura demonstrar como o conhecimento oriundo das ciências naturais adquire, no período moderno, caráter hegemônico e paradigmático,determinando mesmo o desenvolvimento dos saberes político e social de então. Cria-se, assim, uma relação de dependência metodológica, razão pela qual a atual crise do paradigma científico-natural moderno torna impostergável uma revisão do próprio estatuto epistêmico das ciências sociais. O desafio, contudo, consiste em superar as deficiências do paradigma obsoleto sem abandonar aquisições fundamentais por ele proporcionadas, exercendo, para tanto, as teorias de Edgar Morin e Boaventura de Souza Santos papel crucial.
The research in subject aims to operate an epistemological analysis of Modernity. Making use of Thomas Samuel Kuhns terminology, it tries to demonstrate how the knowledge resulted from natural sciences acquires, in the modern period, hegemonic and paradigmatic character, determining then even the development of political and social thought. It is established, thus, a relationship of methodological dependence, insomuch that the current crisis of modern scientific-natural paradigm turns non-postponable the revision of the own epistemic statute of social sciences. The challenge, however, consists in overcoming deficiencies of the obsolete paradigm without abandoning fundamental acquisitions provided by it, having, for this purpose, Edgar Morins and Boaventura de Souza Santos theories crucial role.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political influence'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles