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Journal articles on the topic 'Political ignorance'

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Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Lee, Joori. "Discrimination, Ignorance, and Aestheticization of Political Life." Journal of English Studies in Korea 34 (June 30, 2018): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46562/ssw.34.5.

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2

Gabriëls, René. "The expertocratic shortcut." Philosophy & Social Criticism 47, no. 1 (January 2021): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720983938.

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Lafont rightly criticizes the expertocratic shortcut, i.e. the expectation that citizens blindly defer to experts. This shortcut is based on the assumptions that citizens are generally politically ignorant. I will argue that it is necessary to address not only the political ignorance of citizens, but also that of politicians, scientific experts and entrepreneurs. Just like politicians, scientific experts often show political ignorance towards citizens. This is the case if they do not consider the perspective of citizens in politically charged research. Unlike Lafont, I believe that if citizens are expected to blindly defer to politicians, there is no expertocratic shortcut, but a form of authoritarianism that fosters populism. Lafont overlooks an expertocratic shortcut: scientific experts who expect politicians to blindly defer to them, i.e. to accept the agenda they set. It is noteworthy that neither Lafont nor her opponents defending an expertocratic shortcut explicitly discuss the tension between capitalism and democracy. They should do so in order to explain which citizens are ignorant and bypassed, and which are not. The socio-economic inequalities inherent in capitalism correspond to the degree of political interest and participation of citizens. Entrepreneurs are often not only politically ignorant towards citizens, but also towards politicians and scientific experts. Their political ignorance is due to the fact that they are most often in a dominant position where politicians, scientific experts and citizens depend on them. This can be traced back to what I call the neoliberal shortcut: the expectation that actors blindly defer to the markets.
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3

Somin, Ilya. "DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL IGNORANCE." Critical Review 22, no. 2-3 (May 2010): 253–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2010.508635.

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4

Pincione, Guido, and FERNANDO R. TESÓN. "Rational Ignorance and Political Morality." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 72, no. 1 (January 2006): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1933-1592.2006.tb00491.x.

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5

MARDLE, GEORGE, and MERVYN TAYLOR. "Political Knowledge and Political Ignorance: a re-examination." Political Quarterly 58, no. 2 (April 1987): 208–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02837.x.

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6

Hamid, Mohammed Hazem. "The theoretical implanting of the concept of political ignorance in Islamic political thought." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 15 (May 11, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.130.

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The political ignorance is an integral concept in political Islamic thought, the research shows that concept is theoretical determination among legitimate assumptions and illustrate its conceptual roots and determinate its indication features, represented by Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah) described by the principle sources for the political and Islamic sources, from these two divine sources , the political thinkers has derived the concept of political and an endoscopy and analysis of , the study require to divide the thesis into two demand , the first is : the concept of political ignorance in Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah), the second demand : the conceptualization of the concept of political ignorance
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7

Boult. "THE (VIRTUE) EPISTEMOLOGY OF POLITICAL IGNORANCE." American Philosophical Quarterly 58, no. 3 (2021): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/48616057.

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8

DeCanio, Samuel, Jeffrey Friedman, David R. Mayhew, Michael H. Murakami, and Nick Weller. "ROUNDTABLE 3: POLITICAL IGNORANCE, EMPIRICAL REALITIES." Critical Review 20, no. 4 (January 2008): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810802642984.

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9

Gilens, Martin. "Political Ignorance and Collective Policy Preferences." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002222.

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In contrast with the expectations of many analysts, I find that raw policy-specific facts, such as the direction of change in the crime rate or the amount of the federal budget devoted to foreign aid, have a significant influence on the public’s political judgments. Using both traditional survey methods and survey-based randomized experiments, I show that ignorance of policy-specific information leads many Americans to hold political views different from those they would hold otherwise. I also show that the effect of policy-specific information is not adequately captured by the measures of general political knowledge used in previous research. Finally, I show that the effect of policy-specific ignorance is greatest for Americans with the highest levels of political knowledge. Rather than serve to dilute the influence of new information, general knowledge (and the cognitive capacities it reflects) appears to facilitate the incorporation of new policy-specific information into political judgments.
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10

Goering, John M. "Resolute ignorance or political straw man?" Society 25, no. 2 (January 1988): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695630.

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11

Keohane, Kevin. "Ignorance." Social Policy & Administration 25, no. 1 (March 1991): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1991.tb00349.x.

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12

Bishop, Ryan, and John W.P. Phillips. "Ignorance." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 2-3 (May 2006): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327640602300232.

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13

Topçu, Sezin. "Between 'Greatness' and 'Ignorance'." Anthropology of the Middle East 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2019.140202.

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Focusing on Turkey’s nuclearisation process, which has accelerated over the past decade, this article examines the historical and contemporary relationships that the country’s political decision-makers maintain with risk, the environment and health and ecological disasters. While the transition to nuclear power in the post-Fukushima period is not a dynamic specific to Turkey, it nevertheless operates, in the Turkish case, in a particular geographic, energy and political context. On the one hand, Turkey is a highly seismic country that heavily depends on its neighbours for energy and, on the other, is experiencing a creeping political authoritarianism. This article focuses on the dynamics and specificities of this post-disaster nuclear transition, which will be analysed here as ‘serene nuclearism’, positioned as the polar opposite of ‘reflexive modernisation’, as theorised by Ulrich Beck.
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14

Vest, Jason. "Willful ignorance." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 61, no. 4 (July 1, 2005): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/061004012.

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15

Mouftah, Nermeen. "Ignorance." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 38, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 524–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7208845.

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16

Somin, Ilya. "FOOT VOTING, POLITICAL IGNORANCE, AND CONSTITUTIONAL DESIGN." Social Philosophy and Policy 28, no. 1 (November 30, 2010): 202–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052510000105.

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AbstractThe strengths and weaknesses of federalism have been debated for centuries. But one major possible advantage of building decentralization and limited government into a constitution has been largely ignored in the debate so far: its potential for reducing the costs of widespread political ignorance. The argument of this paper is simple, but has potentially important implications: Constitutional federalism enables citizens to “vote with their feet,” and foot voters have much stronger incentives to make well-informed decisions than more conventional ballot box voters. The informational advantage of foot voting over ballot box voting suggests that decentralized federalism can increase citizen welfare and democratic accountability relative to policymaking in a centralized unitary state.Ballot box voters have strong incentives to be “rationally ignorant” about the candidates and policies they vote on because the chance that any one vote will have a decisive impact on an electoral outcome is vanishingly small. For the same reason, they also have little or no incentive to make good use of the information they do possess. By contrast, “foot voters” choosing a jurisdiction in which to reside have much stronger incentives to acquire information and use it rationally; the decisions they make are individually decisive.
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17

Caplan, Bryan, Eric Crampton, Wayne A. Grove, and Ilya Somin. "Systematically Biased Beliefs about Political Influence: Evidence from the Perceptions of Political Influence on Policy Outcomes Survey." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (September 30, 2013): 760–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001030.

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AbstractMany scholars argue that retrospective voting is a powerful information shortcut that offsets widespread voter ignorance. Even deeply ignorant voters, it is claimed, can effectively punish incumbents for bad performance and reward them if things go well. But if voters' understanding of which officials are responsible for which outcomes is systematically biased, retrospective voting becomes an independent source of political failure rather than a cure for it. We design and administer a new survey of the general public and political experts to test for such biases. Our analysis reveals frequent, large, robust biases in voter attributions of responsibility for a variety of political actors and outcomes with a tendency for the public to overestimate influence, although important examples of underestimation also exist.
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18

Button, Patti. "Education through ignorance." Index on Censorship 22, no. 1 (January 1993): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229308535478.

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19

Williams, Patricia J. "Ignorance and significance." Index on Censorship 24, no. 5 (September 1995): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400526.

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20

Page, Benjamin I. "That Same Old Song: Somin on Political Ignorance." Critical Review 27, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2015): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2015.1111689.

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21

Kim, Hyeonwoo, and Jong Hyuk Lee. "Ignoring Political Ignorance : Effects of Actual Political Knowledge and Perceived Political Knowledge on Political Participation." Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies 64, no. 4 (August 31, 2020): 210–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20879/kjjcs.2020.64.4.006.

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22

Abbott, Andrew. "Varieties of Ignorance." American Sociologist 41, no. 2 (April 20, 2010): 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-010-9094-x.

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23

Garrison, A. E. "American Ignorance: Covid Comes." Critical Sociology 47, no. 3 (April 26, 2021): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920521996059.

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24

Giroux, Henry A., Peter McLaren, and Fred Inglis. "The Management of Ignorance." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 12, no. 3 (1987): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340708.

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25

Belli, Robert F., and Howard Schuman. "The complexity of ignorance." Qualitative Sociology 19, no. 3 (September 1996): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02393279.

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26

Eaton, Richard M. "Rethinking Religious Divides." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 2 (May 2014): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814000448.

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Notwithstanding the considerable body of scholarship on South Asian history that has appeared over the past several decades, we still live with the image of a monolithic and alien Islam colliding with an equally monolithic Hinduism, construed as indigenous, and from the eleventh century on, politically suppressed. Such a cardboard-cutout caricature survives in much of India's tabloid media, as well as in textbooks informed by a revivalist, aggressively political strand of Hinduism, or “Hindutva.” Though useful for stoking primordial identities or mobilizing support for political agendas, this caricature thrives on a pervasive ignorance of South Asia's past. Removing such ignorance is precisely the endeavor to which academic institutions, and scholarship more generally, are properly committed.
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27

Horolets, Anna, Adriana Mica, Mikołaj Pawlak, and Paweł Kubicki. "Ignorance as an Outcome of Categorizations: The “Refugees” in the Polish Academic Discourse before and after the 2015 Refugee Crisis." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 3 (December 17, 2019): 730–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419891204.

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The article addresses the issue of the so-called refugee crisis in Europe from the perspective of ignorance studies and seeks to establish the mechanisms whereby ignorance is created through categorizations. We depart from the proposal of Proctor and view ignorance as either “native state,” “lost realm,” or “strategic ploy.” In all three, ignorance is an unalienable part of social action. The case of Polish academic research on refugees before and after 2015 is explored in order to establish who ignores what, when, and why, when categorizing, and to analyze the relationship between ignorance and social action. In the Polish refugee field, the crisis of 2015 was the moment when the refugee issue stepped out of the shadows and attracted the attention of the public and policymakers. The analysis of the category “refugee” in Polish scholarship before 2015 demonstrates that the category was based on culturalization and idealization; thus, the socio-political and pragmatic aspects of the group’s characteristics and actions were systematically ignored, and the ignorance worked as a “lost realm.” After 2015, a new body of scholarship emerges in which the category “refugee” acquires negative connotations with security threat or fakeness. In the new scholarship, ignorance is a strategic framing that sets the category of “refugee” outside the humanitarian issues. We claim that the new categorizations follow the logic of culturalization and moralization typical of the previous period. Strategic ignorance inherent in the categorizations that dichotomize “good” and “bad” refugees, or “refugees” and “migrants,” unlocks the potential for political action.
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28

Dalyell, Tam. "The cost of ignorance." Index on Censorship 20, no. 4-5 (April 1991): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229108535085.

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29

Lorch, Benjamin. "Xenophon's Socrates on Political Ambition and Political Philosophy." Review of Politics 72, no. 2 (2010): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000021.

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AbstractThis essay investigates Xenophon's claim in the Memorabilia that political ambition is a qualification for the study of political philosophy, through an examination of three conversations between Socrates and politically ambitious men. These conversations reveal that the basis for the ambition to serve the public welfare is a concern not only with one's political community but also with one's own character and its excellence or virtue. Politically ambitious men hold virtue to be the greatest good, but they may not know what virtue is. For someone who is conscious of his concern with virtue and of his ignorance of virtue, there is no more urgent task than to search for the knowledge of virtue through the study of political philosophy.
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30

Sparkes-Vian, Cassian. "Digital Propaganda: The Tyranny of Ignorance." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (April 19, 2018): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517754241.

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The existence of propaganda is inexorably bound to the nature of communication and communications technology. Mass communication by citizens in the digital age has been heralded as a means to counter elite propaganda; however, it also provides a forum for misinformation, aggression and hostility. The extremist group Britain First has used Facebook as a way to propagate hostility towards Muslims, immigrants and social security claimants in the form of memes, leading to a backlash from sites antithetical to their message. This article provides a memetic analysis, which addresses persuasion, organisation, political echo chambers and self-correcting online narratives; arguing that propaganda can be best understood as an evolving set of techniques and mechanisms which facilitate the propagation of ideas and actions. This allows the concept to be adapted to fit a changing political and technological landscape and to encompass both propaganda and counter-propaganda in the context of horizontal communications networks.
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31

Hruška, Jan. "Distrust or Ignorance of the Institution?" Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (2023): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2023-1-3.

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Extremely low voter turnout may indicate low interest in public affairs, or even in democracy itself, and is thus often seen as an indicator of the quality of democracy. It also undermines the legitimacy of elections and whole institutions. In the long run, low turnout can be a threat to the preservation of democracy. Using the case of Czech Senate elections, this research examines factors that potentially explain the extremely low turnout we observe during certain types of elections. This study measures the effect of trust in an institution and knowledge of the institution – two factors which have to date received little attention in previous research and which have the potential to explain the differences in electoral turnout between institutions in the same country where traditional theories (such as the Second Order Election Thesis) are insufficient. Using an online survey method that included questions measuring general political knowledge, knowledge of the Senate, and the trust in the Senate, original data representing the population of the Czech Republic aged 18 to 65 (n=2,096) were collected. A logistic regression model analysis reveals that the odds ratio of people voting in Senate elections has a strong positive association with trust in the Senate as an institution. Consequently, future research should develop a more detailed concept of trust in a particular institution and explain how such trust is constituted. This applies not only to Czech Senate elections: a similar effect is evident in European Parliament elections in several EU member states. Although this study fails to show that knowledge of an institution affects voter turnout, it does show that people’s knowledge of the Senate is much lower than their general political knowledge. This study also confirms previous work showing a strong positive association between higher general political knowledge and voter turnout.
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32

Mueller, Jennifer C. "Racial Ideology or Racial Ignorance? An Alternative Theory of Racial Cognition." Sociological Theory 38, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 142–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275120926197.

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Directing attention to racial ignorance as a core dimension of racialized social systems, this article advances a process-focused Theory of Racial Ignorance (TRI), grounded in Critical Race Theory and the philosophical construct white ignorance. TRI embodies five tenets—epistemology of ignorance, ignorance as ends-based technology, corporate white agency, centrality of praxis, and interest convergence. TRI’s tenets explain how racial ignorance reinforces white domination, attending to mechanisms of white knowledge evasion and resistance that facilitate racial reproduction—in everyday life, through institutions, and across societies more broadly. I illustrate TRI’s assets by comparison to an extant theory of racial cognition—color-blind theory (CBT). I argue TRI generates returns by shifting from racial ideology to racial ignorance, and from era-defined structures to ongoing historical processes; and demonstrate TRI’s unique capacity to explain and predict changes in dominant logics, supporting more strategic resistance.
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33

Owusu-Bempah, Kwame. "Political correctness: In the interest of the child?" Educational and Child Psychology 20, no. 1 (2003): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpsecp.2003.20.1.53.

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AbstractThis paper argues that, in professional practice, including child protection work and child care practice generally, political correctness often combines with ignorance and preconceptions about clients’ cultural backgrounds and results in more harm than good being done. It argues that many organisations and their representatives often use politically correct language to mask incompetence, bad and discriminatory practices.
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34

Somin, Ilya. "Why Political Ignorance Undermines the Wisdom of the Many." Critical Review 26, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.907047.

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35

Lawler, Peter Augustine. "On the Partisanship of Political Science." News for Teachers of Political Science 48 (1986): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003366.

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Political scientists, whatever skeptical pretensions they have in theory, cannot help but believe that political knowledge is good for human beings. This belief is based on another: well-informed citizens are better citizens. Scientific enlightenment makes citizens better. Political scientists cannot help but be concerned with the education of citizens.Consider the early survey research that seemed to show American citizens are mostly ignorant and apathetic. Its purpose was not to undermine responsible citizenship by showing that such citizenship is not possible. Instead, its purpose was to make it possible, perhaps for the first time. For some, it signaled the need for a project of citizen education to eliminate ignorance and apathy. For others, the proper conclusion was that democratic normative theory must be reformulated to make the idealism of citizens responsible and effective by locating it within the boundaries of the possible. Either way, it was clear that the significance of the research findings were not viewed as purely or even primarily theoretical. They could and were used to improve political practice, to improve the American regime in accordance with its citizens’ values.
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36

Grant, Don, Kathleen O'Neil, and Laura Stephens. "Pluralistic Ignorance among Assembled Peers." Sociological Perspectives 52, no. 1 (March 2009): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2009.52.1.59.

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37

STOCKING, S. HOLLY. "On Drawing Attention to Ignorance." Science Communication 20, no. 1 (September 1998): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547098020001019.

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38

Jeon, June. "Invisibilizing politics: Accepting and legitimating ignorance in environmental sciences." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 6 (September 9, 2019): 839–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719872823.

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Although sociologists have explored how political and economic factors influence the formation of ignorance in science and technology, we know little about how scientists comply with external controls by abandoning their prior research and leaving scientific innovations incomplete. Most research in science and technology studies (STS) on ignorance has relied on structural and historical analyses, lacking in situ studies in scientific laboratories. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article examines the habitus of ignorance as a mechanism of the social production of ignorance. Scientists have a set of dispositions that establish practical contexts enabling them to ignore particular scientific content. Leaders of the organization repeatedly legitimate the abandonment of unfinished projects, while ordinary laboratory scientists internalize the normalized view that the scientific field is inherently opportunistic and that unfunded research should be left undone. A cycle of legitimation and acceptance of ignorance by actors at distinctive positions within the organization provides a mechanism of social control of scientific knowledge. As the mechanism is habitually self-governed by the rules of the game of current scientific institutions, the result is an indirect, although deeply subjugating, invisible and consolidating form of political and economic domination of the scientific field.
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39

Schaap, Andrew. "Do You Not See the Reason for Yourself? Political Withdrawal and the Experience of Epistemic Friction." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (September 10, 2019): 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719873865.

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The epistemic friction that is generated when privileged subjects are confronted by different social perspectives is important for democratic politics since it can interrupt their active ignorance about oppressive social relations from which they benefit. However, members of oppressed groups might sometimes prefer not to accept the burden of educating the dominant. In circumstances of structural inequality, withdrawing from privileged subjects’ ignorance can be a form of self-preservation. But such withdrawal also has the potential to induce epistemic friction insofar as it depletes the opportunities for active ignorance to reproduce itself. Herman Melville’s tragicomic short story of Bartleby – the legal copyist who ‘would prefer not to’ – has been celebrated by philosophers as emblematic of such resistant withdrawal. Interpreting the story as a dramatisation of the epistemic friction encountered by its narrator makes vivid how such withdrawal can be political.
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40

Paffard, Michael, and Fred Inglis. "The Management of Ignorance: A Political Theory of the Curriculum." British Journal of Educational Studies 35, no. 1 (February 1987): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3120825.

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41

Hursh, David, and Fred Inglis. "The Management of Ignorance: A Political Theory of the Curriculum." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 3 (May 1987): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070372.

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42

Woock, Roger R., and Fred Inglis. "The Management of Ignorance: A Political Theory of the Curriculum." Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l'éducation 15, no. 2 (1990): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1495377.

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43

Dragos Aligica, Paul. "Ignorance, Political Decision, and the Philosophical Foundations of Administrative Sciences." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 30, no. 3 (April 29, 2020): 528–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muaa018.

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44

Van Boven, Leaf. "Pluralistic Ignorance and Political Correctness: The Case of Affirmative Action." Political Psychology 21, no. 2 (June 2000): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00187.

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45

Bohmer, Carol, and Amy Shuman. "PRODUCING EPISTEMOLOGIES OF IGNORANCE IN THE POLITICAL ASYLUM APPLICATION PROCESS1." Identities 14, no. 5 (December 5, 2007): 603–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890701662607.

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46

Somin, Ilya. "The Ongoing Debate Over Political Ignorance: Reply to My Critics." Critical Review 27, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2015): 380–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2015.1139283.

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47

Kaukua, Jari Pekka, Akmaral Syrgakbayeva, and Nelya Rushanova. "PROBLEMS OF IGNORANCE IN SPIRITUAL CULTURE AL-FARABI’S PHILOSOPHY." Adam alemi 93, no. 3 (September 15, 2022): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.3/1999-5849.04.

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This article provides a brief overview of al-Farabi’s contribution to science. Abu Nasr al-Farabi was the greatest philosopher and scientist of his time. Initially, he completed his studies in Farabi and Bukhara, later he went to Baghdad, where he studied and worked for a long time. During this time, al-Farabi mastered several languages as well as various branches of knowledge and technology. The article identifies specific problems of ignorance in the ethical philosophy of al-Farabi, founder of the actual political, ethical philosophy, especially Farabi synthesis of ancient and Muslim tradition, reveals the place of the Platonic political concepts in his system shows the influence of Farabi’s ideas on the further development of ethical thought in Islam. In addition, the article clearly indicates the thoughts, treatises, where al-Farabi implacably and harshly criticized ignorant, weak and lazy managers, unworthy to lead even small communities. The scientist in his works gives the characteristic features of such a “ruler”.
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48

Burroughs, Michael D. "Hannah Arendt, “Reflections on Little Rock,” and White Ignorance." Critical Philosophy of Race 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 52–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/critphilrace.3.1.52.

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Abstract Hannah Arendt has been criticized for her “blindness” to the sociopolitical significance of race and racism in the West, most notably, in her “Reflections on Little Rock.” I consider three prominent explanations for Arendt's wrongheaded conclusions in “Reflections.” First, the “category interpretation” presents Arendt's conclusions as resulting from her rigid application of philosophical categories—the public, the private, and the social—to events in Little Rock. Second, the “racial prejudice interpretation” presents Arendt's conclusions as resulting from her anti-black racism and her dismissal of the political strivings of African Americans. Third, the “cultural interpretation” presents Arendt's conclusions as resulting from her misunderstanding of the sociopolitical significance of race and racism in the United States. Each of these interpretations advances our understanding of Arendt's oversights, but I contend that they do not go far enough. I argue that white ignorance constitutes a fundamental epistemic error in Arendt's work and, as such, strengthens current explanations of Arendt's “blindness” to the history and political strivings of African Americans. If accepted, my analysis—following Charles Mills's work on white ignorance—calls for increased theoretical work on epistemologies of ignorance, their function in Western political philosophy, and the affect of white ignorance on cognizers in American society.
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49

Farrar, L. L. "In praise of ignorance." Critical Review 15, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2003): 339–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810308443586.

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50

Selinger, Evan M. "Expertise and public ignorance." Critical Review 15, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2003): 375–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810308443589.

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