Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political ideology

Academic literature on the topic 'Political ideology'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political ideology"

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Iswadi, Iswandi. "STUDI GERAKAN IDEOLOGI PARTAI POLITIK PADA PEMILU 2019." Politica: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara dan Politik Islam 7, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/politica.v7i1.1459.

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The ideology contestation is basically a classic polemic, where after independence the ideology of Islam was confronted with nationalism and took root until now (reform). However, the momentum of the 2019 election political contestation was again marked by the struggle of ideology namely ideology of Islamism and nationalism. The polemic began with the emergence of religious issues that were raised on the surface of political actors as a hegemony in taking the sympathy of voters. The existence of religion as a central issue began in 2016-2017 related to the prosecution of Ahok who insulted religious values ​​(Islam), and among the political parties involved in the demonstrations namely PPP, PKS, PBB, and PKB. In that momentum the beginning of the revival of Islamic ideology as the power in defending Islamic sovereignty. Judging from the ideology of political parties in Indonesia in the 2019 election political contestation, the ideology of political parties based on the statutes and bylaws (AD / ART) that the ideology applied can be classified into three parts namely ideology Nationalism, Islamism, and Nationalist-Religious, and the three ideologies. This can be proven based on the results of a survey from Australia 2017-2018 based on the voters. However, political parties based on multiple ideologies, PAN, PKB and Democrats, each have priority orientation. PAN and PKB tend to polarize the values ​​of Islamism (religious), while Democrats are more dominated by nationalist issues. The concept of Islamic political ideology, in the context of political contestation in political party elections, is basically a necessity to implement the values ​​of ri'ayah, taqwin, irshad and ta'dib through political education, or campaign in elections to achieve mutual benefit, both parties whose ideology Islamism, nationalism and nationalist-religious, so as to build the moralistic side of society, and intelligence in responding to the issues that exist in the election apart from that, political parties in confronting political contestation the emphasis of the movement must reflect the value of poverty, the three ideologies have been packaged in the values ​​of Pancasila in the third principles of Indonesian unity. Asbtak Kontestasi ideology pada dasarnya polemik klasik, dimana pasca kemerdekaan ideologi islam dihadapkan dengan nasionalisme dan mengakar sampai sampai saat ini (reformasi). Akan tetapi momentum pemilu 2019 kontestasi politik kembali diwarnai pergulatan ideology yakni ideology islamisme dan nasionalisme. Polemik tersebut berawal dengan mencuatnya isu keagamaan yang dimunculkan dipermukaan pelaku politik sebagai hegemoni dalam mengambil simpati pemilih. Eksistensi agama sebagai sentral isu berawal tahun 2016-2017 terkait penuntutan terhadap ahok yang melecehkan nilai-nilai agama (islam), dan diantara partai politik yang terlibat dalam demonstrasi yakni PPP, PKS, PBB, dan PKB. Dalam momentum tersebut awal mencuatnya kembali ideologi islam sebagai of the power dalam mempertahan kedaulatan Islam. Menilik ideologis partai politik di Indonesia pada konstestasi politik pemilu 2019, ideology partai politik berdasarkan anggaran dasar dan anggaran rumah tangga (AD/ART) bahwa ideologi yang diterapkan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian yakni ideology Nasionalisme, Islamisme, dan Nasionalis-Religius, dan ketiga ideology tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan berdasarkan hasil survey dari asutralia 2017-2018 berdasarkan pemilih. Namun demikian partai poltik yang berasaskan ideologi ganda, PAN, PKB dan Demokrat, masing-masing memiliki kiblat prioritas. PAN dan PKB condong polarisasi nilai-nilai islamisme (religious), sedangkan Demokrat lebih didominasi oleh isu-isu nasionalis. Konsep ideology politik islam, dalam konsteks kontestasi politik dalam pemilu partai politik pada dasarnya sebuah keharusan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai ri’ayah, taqwin, irsyad dan ta’dib melalui pendidikan politik, ataupun kampanye dalam pemilu guna mencapai kemaslahatan bersama, baik partai yang berideologi islamisme, nasionalisme dan nasionalis-religius, sehingga terbangun sisi moralistik masyarakat, dan kecerdasan dalam menanggapi isu-isu yang ada dalam pemilu. selain dari itu partai politik dalam menghadapi konstestasi politik penekanan gerakannya harus mencermikan nilai kemaslahan, ketiga ideology tersebut telah kemas dalam nilai-nilai pancasila pada sila ketiga persatuan Indonesia.
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Guangjun, Wu, and Zhang Huanyao. "Translating political ideology." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 61, no. 3 (December 7, 2015): 394–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.61.3.05gua.

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Ideology is a major issue in Translation Studies. With a case study of the Chinese translations of English news headlines concerning the South China Sea disputes on the website of www.ftchinese.com, this paper attempts to provide insights into the translation of ideologies in news in the Chinese context. In the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis, the ideological factors underlying the disparity between the English news headlines and their Chinese translations are explored. The three-dimensional model of analysis put forward by Fairclough is modified and adopted in this paper as the basic steps of analysis: firstly, describe the differences between the original and their translations; secondly, associate them with the social reality; finally, account for those differences. In addition, to demonstrate how translators maneuvered to reach a compromise with the antagonistic ideologies which may set difficulties either for the news to win the acceptance of Chinese online readers or pass the Chinese government censorship, this paper offers an analysis of the translation strategies adopted in those Chinese translations, such as substitution, omission as well as the more subtle strategies, including changes of modality and actor. It is found that in the Chinese translations of the English news headlines, translators’ priority is on producing translations suitable to target readers and censors' ideology, rather than linguistic equivalents. Therefore, translating ideology-loaded texts adds a new way to understand translation and ideological explorations in Translation Studies have great potentials.
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Suleymanov, A. V. "ATATURK'S POLITICAL IDEOLOGY." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология, no. 2 (2015): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2015-2-35-43.

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King, Roger J. H. "Keeping ideology political." Social Epistemology 5, no. 3 (July 1991): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02691729108578614.

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Latupeirissa, David Samuel, I. Ketut Darma Laksana, Ketut Artawa, and I. Gusti Ayu Gde Sosiowati. "Revealing ideology of political speech." International research journal of management, IT and social sciences 6, no. 2 (March 31, 2019): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v6n2.654.

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In this paper, we reflect on the ideology of political language delivered in political speech. We believe that language in political speech is a tool to spread hidden ideology. The impact of ideology can be positive, or it can also be negative for a nation. Our reflection deals with the revelation of ideology in the political speech text of the Indonesian politician, as well as Indonesian first president, Soekarno. Be based on grounded theory, we examined an important text of political speech that was delivered by Soekarno. The examination applied three main procedures to reveal ideology in text of political speech. The procedures are 1) by analyzing the main rhetorical devices that are used by the politician, 2) by analyzing the construction of the whole text, and 3) by reviewing the context of the situation and the background of the politician. As the results of applying the procedures, it was found that the ideologies of Soekarno’s political speech were ‘unity as the most important value for Indonesia’, revolution as the soul of Indonesia’ and, ‘imperialism as the main enemy of Indonesia’.
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Skidmore, Max J. "Political language and political ideology." History of European Ideas 19, no. 4-6 (December 1994): 715–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90055-8.

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Latupeirissa, David Samuel, and Zummy Anselmus Dami. "IDEOLOGI BAHASA POLITIK SOEKARNO: SARANA KETAHANAN, KEAMANAN, DAN PERDAMAIAN INDONESIA." Aksara 31, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.29255/aksara.v31i2.364.251-268.

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AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk (1) menggali ideologi yang terkandung dalam bahasa politik Soekarno selaku salah satu tokoh pendiri bangsa dan proklamator kemerdekaan NKRI, (2) menggali motivasi yang ada di balik lahirnya ideologi dalam bahasa tersebut, dan (3) melihat perubahan sosial budaya sebagai dampak dari ideologi bahasa politik Soekarno. Untuk mencapai ketiga tujuan penelitian di atas, peneliti menggunakan Teori Analisis Wacana Kritis (AWK) model Fairclough (1989, 1995, 2005, 2006) sebagai teori utama, dan teori Ideologi sebagai teori pendukung. Metode yang diterapkan dalam pengumpulan data adalah metode dokumentasi, sedangkan metode yang diterapkan dalam analisis data adalah metode deskripstif kualitatif yang diterapkan berdasarkan tiga level analisis AWK Fairclough. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Ideologi yang terkandung dalam bahasa Soekarno adalah ideologi ‘persatuan dan kesatuan sebagai hal yang penting’, ideologi ‘revolusi adalah bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari jiwa bangsa Indonesia’, dan ideologi ‘imperialisme sebagai musuh utama bangsa Indonesia’. Ideologi tersebut perlu dihidupi sebagai salah satu strategi demi menjaga ketahanan, keamanan, dan perdamaian Indonesia. Selanjutnya, ideologi tersebut dilatari oleh keadaan bangsa yang plural dan kesadaran bahwa sifat statis adalah penghalang kemajuan bangsa. Kandungan ideologi dimaksud membawa perubahan dalam cara berkomunikasi dan cara hidup bangsa Indonesia.Kata kunci: ideologi, bahasa politik, analisis wacana kritis AbstractThe current study aims at: (1) to explore the ideology conceived in Soekarno’s political language as one of the nation founding fathers and the proclaimer of Indonesia independence, (2) to explore the motivations behind the birth of ideology in the language, and (3) to see the socio-cultural changes as the result of Soekarno’s political ideology. To achieve the research objectives, researcher used Critical Discourse Analysis Theory (CDA) of Fairclough (1989, 1995, 2005, 2006) as the main theory, and the theory of Ideology as a supporting theory. The method applied in data collection was documentation method, while the method applied in data analysis was descriptive qualitative method that applied based on three analysis levels of Fairclough CDA theory. The results show that the ideology contained in Soekarno’s political language is the ideology of ‘unity as an important thing’, the ideology of ‘revolution as an integral part of the Indonesian nation soul’, and the ideology of ‘imperialism as the main enemy of the Indonesia’. The ideology needs to be lived for the sake of Indonesia’s endurance, security and peace. Furthermore, the ideology is based on a plural nation state and the realization that static nature is a barrier to the progress of a nation. The ideology contents have brought changes in the way of communication and the way of Indonesian nation life.Keywords: ideology, political language, critical discourse analysis
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Blankenship, Kevin L., Kelly A. Kane, and Carly R. Hewitt. "The Self-Validating Role of Political Ideology on Political Attitudes." Social Cognition 39, no. 4 (August 2021): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2021.39.4.437.

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Recently there has been a resurgence of interest in the influence of ideology on the formation and maintenance of political attitudes. Much of this work has examined ideology as an individual difference that influences evaluations of political issues; these studies instead examined how one's ideology explicitly serves to polarize political opinions. Using the self-validation perspective as a theoretical backdrop, two studies examine the role of political ideology in validating thoughts about a political issue. In Study 1, considering one's political ideology after writing about one's attitude toward abortion increased thought confidence and attitude extremity related to abortion. Study 2 utilized a more subtle manipulation of ideology salience and found that political ideology validated thoughts about abortion, but not the issue of changing the legal drinking age (an issue less related to political ideology). These studies suggest that political ideology plays a role in attitude extremity and certainty toward ideology-relevant issues.
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Putra, Pebri Prandika. "IDEOLOGI DAN TEKNIK PENERJEMAHAN FRASA PADA BUKU BIOGRAFI SUHARTO (A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY) DARI BAHASA INGGRIS KE DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA KARYA R.E. ELSON (STUDI ANALISI ISI)." Tsaqofah dan Tarikh: Jurnal Kebudayaan dan Sejarah Islam 4, no. 1 (August 26, 2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/ttjksi.v4i1.2220.

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Abstract: Ideology in the translation process is important in deciding towards what kind of direction the translation will go. If the primary purpose of the translation is to promote the culture and techniques, it is considered adequate to choose the foreignization over the domestication as the ideology of the translation when it comes to the translation of culture-specific items. It also discussed those techniques used in the object of the research. The object of the research was A Political Biography of Suharto. This research was content analysis where focus on the object and the researcher as instrument. The result of this reserach found out that the most ideology used was domestiction and the technique was pure borrowing. There was significant relationship between domestication ideology and pure borrowing. It was meant The technique oriented to source language Abstrak: Ideolgy dalam proses penerjemahan sangat penting dalam menentukan kemana arah terjemahan dituju. Jika tujuan utama penerjemahan adalah untuk mengenalkan ideology dan teknik maka perlu mempertimbangkan idelogy lokal atau asing yang harus digunakan dalam pengembangan budaya bahasa. Penelitian ini juga mendiskusikan teknik yang digunakan dalam proses penerjemahan objek. Objek penelitian ini adalah buku biografi politik Suharto. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah analisis isi dan peneliti sebagai instrumennya. Hasil dari penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa ideologi yang paling banyak digunakan adalah lokal dan tekniknya adalah peminjaman alami. Terdapat hubungan erat antara ideologi lokal dan teknik tersebut yang artinya penerjemah telah berorientasi pada bahasa sumber (bsu)
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Van Dijk, Teun A. "Political discourse and ideology." Doxa Comunicación. Revista interdisciplinar de estudios de comunicación y ciencias sociales, no. 1 (December 2003): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n1a12.

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This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. The ways in which ideologically based beliefs are exhibited in discourse and discursive evidence in the interplay of several ideologies are analysed in the form of a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons. Parliamentary debates are particularly revealing for these purposes because their text and content exhibit the social cognitions of political parties and their members. An analysis of this particular debate shows how political discourse in general, and parliamentary debates in particular, are replete with ideological expressions and rhetorical tropes at all levels.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political ideology"

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Alagha, Joseph Elie. "The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology : religious ideology, political ideology, and political program /." Leiden : Amsterdam : ISIM ; Amsterdam University Press, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0701/2007358448-b.html.

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Farmer, Adam. "POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND CONSUMER PREFERENCES." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/marketing_etds/2.

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Despite continued polarization along political party lines, it remains unclear how differences in political ideology impact the choices consumers make. The results of seven studies indicate that political ideology profoundly influences the way consumers think and behave. Liberals and conservatives are systematically drawn to distinct choice preferences where liberals prefer hedonic, novel, and desirable options, while conservatives prefer utilitarian, status quo, and feasible options. These findings are robust for multiple measures of political ideology across multiple choice sets. Differences in behavior are explained by the amount of deliberation used for a given decision. Liberals deliberate more than conservatives as they are more open to information while conservatives have a lower tolerance for ambiguous information. Implications for consumers, marketers, and policy makers are provided.
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Bonilla, Claudio Andres. "Political competition and ideology in formal political economy." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077408.

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Wax, Kevin P. "Political ideology : perspectives from the Bible." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53004.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.
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Williams, A. A. "Christian Socialism as a political ideology." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3001797/.

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A study of Christian Socialism is valuable at a time in which Christianity has become, in the minds of many, intrinsically associated with right-wing politics and conservatism. In addition, recent publications on this topic have focused on history and biography rather than the details of what Christian Socialists actually believed. This thesis considers that topic under three main headings: (1) ‘The Basis of Christian Socialism’; (2) ‘The Route to Christian Socialism’; (3) ‘Christian Socialist Society’. Firstly, Christian Socialists based their socialism mainly on the Bible, church teaching and the sacraments, to a far greater extent than any other sources. Secondly, Christian Socialists called for a revolution but were committed to democratic methods, suggesting a synthesis between revolutionary and democratic socialism. In practice this can be sketched out as a three-stage process: first, persuading people of the deficiencies of capitalism and the need for socialism; second, the election of a Labour government / the persuasion of other politicians to adopt socialism; third, the establishment of socialism, brought about by a socialist government and population. Thirdly, Christian Socialists sought to create a society of co-operation and collectivism, equality, democracy and peace. Their vision of this society was for the most part highly utopian, due to the belief that the new society would be the Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. There are several criticisms of Christian Socialism which have been made, both from a Christian and from a socialist perspective, over, for example, the viability of the Christian Socialist methodology and the validity of the Christian Socialist use of Scripture and church teaching. It will be concluded that the concept at the core of Christian Socialism is brotherhood, based on the idea of the universal Fatherhood of God, and that other key concepts – co-operation, equality and democracy – are derived from this. In seeking co-operation, equality and democracy Christian Socialism is not necessarily distinct from other forms of socialism, but it is distinct in drawing upon Christian theology as a basis for these concepts as well as the language to describe a future socialist society.
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Niang, Amy. "Naam : political history as state ideology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14226.

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This thesis argues that the ideology of Naam (principle of power) is an essential and overlooked component in explaining both the logic of state formation, as well as the institutional continuities evident within the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba states system. With reference to Igor Kopytoff’s Internal African Frontier Thesis, it understands this logic as a single, continuous historical process whereby states were formed and dismantled, broken in autonomous entities and (re)created as clones of a constitutive Naam ‘model’. This model also was negatively responsible for the genesis of acephalous non-state formations, composed of frontier men and women who escaped the stifling grip of the state. Specifically, the thesis argues that the ideology of Naam was the overarching principle that not only informed the expansion of the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagombasystem, but also enabled the construction of a Mossi identity. Naam was ‘proposed’ in some places, and ‘imposed’ in others, through rituals, family-like associations, and the integration of indigenous groups into the sphere of political rule. Naam ideology was confronted with a fundamental contradiction: the Mossi ruled (over) people but had no control over the territorial basis of their rule. This contradiction was partly resolved through the extension of the discourse of power to the realm of Tenga (the sphere of rituals and earth-custody), by uniting the Mossi divinity (Wende) to the earth divinity (Tenga) and by tapping into the possibilities of a common belief, in order to buttress state legitimacy but also to articulate ‘Mossi’ culture on the basis of a shared idiom that transcended the dichotomy Naam/Tenga. This contradiction cannot be explained with reference to the materiality of conquest alone, as most accounts of state formation, within and beyond Africa, have suggested. Yet the process was informed throughout by violence of a different kind. The deployment of Naam in the realm of rituals served to mediate the gap between power and legitimacy; but at the same time, state power as discourse and representation concealed the ontological violence inherent in the Mossi state. It also concealed the limits of discourse in making valid statements on historical experience. In the Mossi case, pânga (a form of travesty/violent version of Naam), intervenes in the disarticulation of power from kinship by isolating the Naaba (king) from all forms of loyalties. An extended analysis of the consolidation of the Mossi state in the eighteenth century demonstrates how centralisation centred on the twin conditions of the necessary separation between kinship and kingship, and the integration of the stranger-kin as mediating agent at the junction of this divorce. The thesis will contribute to a better understanding of the role of ideology in state formation and society-making in the Voltaic region and West Africa more generally.
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Gadsby, P. "Ideology reconsidered : Arguments for ideology from a social materialist position." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382553.

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Iton, Richard. "Political ideology and the black American community." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22357.

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Haralambakis, George. "The Action Francaise : ideology and political identity." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496217.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine the ideological weapons that the Action Francaise used to challenge the Third Republic and its ideology. While the Action Francaise been seen either as another monarchist challenge to the Republic or as the precursor of fascism (Weber, Nolte, Stemhell), it has not been seen as a part of the wider phenomenon of the debate on citizenship and Republicanism that was taking place in fin de siecle France.
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Lower, Chad D. "The political ideology of Connecticut's Standing Order." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618870.

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Many historians of religion and politics in the early republic period fail to fully examine the importance of the debate between the Connecticut's Standing Order and religious dissenters concerning the necessity of a religious establishment in America. Relying on sermons, newspaper accounts, this project examines the ideology and justification of Connecticut's Standing Order in defending religious establishment, as well as the ideological reasons Republicans and religious dissenters offered in opposing it. Exploring the value of the church establishment from the perspective of both the supporters of the Standing Order and those who sided with the Jeffersonians offers important insight into how issues of religion shaped the political and social battles in the early republic.

This work focuses upon the political ideology of Connecticut's established clergy and Federalist allies in relation to the defense of the church establishment. In particular, the motives for those who defended the established church were based not upon selfish ambition, but rather upon well-constructed ideas about how best to maintain the prosperity of the American republic. In Connecticut, the adherents of the Standing Order valued holding the Congregational Church as the established church for the state because traditional social structures and social systems such as churches seemingly benefitted the continued success of the community.

This project demonstrates that the convictions on both sides of the debate were grounded upon ideas, not ambitions. For the Standing Order, the state church was a fundamental component of stability and prosperity in Connecticut. The established clergy of Standing Order, as well as their dissenter counterparts, believed that the outcome of the ecclesiastical issue was crucial for determining the future prosperity of the republic. Their vision for the nation may have lost out to that of the Jeffersonians and religious dissenters, but it was nonetheless a vision that ultimately had meaningful consequences for the development of the nation and the role of Christianity in shaping the political and social spheres.

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Books on the topic "Political ideology"

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Alagha, Joseph. The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology: Religious ideology, political ideology and political program. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006.

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Alagha, Joseph Elie. The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology: Religious ideology, political ideology and political program. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006.

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Political ideology today. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

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author, Takenaka Yoshihiko 1964, ed. Ideorogī: Political ideology. Tōkyō: Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai, 2012.

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Political ideology today. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993.

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Using political ideas. 4th ed. Chichester: Wiley, 1997.

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Using political ideas. 5th ed. Chichester: Wiley, 2007.

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Leach, Robert. Political Ideology in Britain. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-33256-1.

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Leach, Robert. Political Ideology in Britain. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05244-5.

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Hoover, Kenneth R. Ideology and political life. Monterey, Calif: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political ideology"

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Decker, James M. "Political Ideology." In Ideology, 73–111. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-62914-1_4.

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Pulzer, Peter. "Political Ideology." In Developments in German Politics, 303–26. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22193-6_17.

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Pulzer, Peter. "Political Ideology." In Developments in West German Politics, 78–98. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20346-8_6.

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Freeden, Michael. "The ‘Political Turn’ in Political Theory." In Ideology Studies, 62–76. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003186151-8.

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Leach, Robert. "Ideology." In British Political Ideologies, 15–36. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14909-4_2.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Green Ideology." In Political Ideologies, 245–73. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60604-4_9.

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Hanappi, Hardy. "Ideology." In Political Economy of Europe, 52–95. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003123378-2.

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Decker, James M. "George Orwell’s 1984 and Political Ideology." In Ideology, 146–58. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-62914-1_7.

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Samuels, Robert. "The Anti-Ideology Ideology." In The Psychopathology of Political Ideologies, 88–108. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199649-6.

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Santambrogio, Ambrogio. "Political Culture." In Utopia without Ideology, 37–68. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003229339-3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political ideology"

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Kim, Sun Hyoung, and Sounman Hong. "Political ideology matter in online salience?" In dg.o 2015: 16th Annual International Digital Government Research Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2757401.2757415.

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Cox, Sarah. "Political Narratives: The Influence of Text Genre and Political Ideology on Political Attitudes." In 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1578525.

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Chen, Wei, Xiao Zhang, Tengjiao Wang, Bishan Yang, and Yi Li. "Opinion-aware Knowledge Graph for Political Ideology Detection." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/510.

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Identifying individual's political ideology from their speeches and written texts is important for analyzing political opinions and user behavior on social media. Traditional opinion mining methods rely on bag-of-words representations to classify texts into different ideology categories. Such methods are too coarse for understanding political ideologies. The key to identify different ideologies is to recognize different opinions expressed toward a specific topic. To model this insight, we classify ideologies based on the distribution of opinions expressed towards real-world entities or topics. Specifically, we propose a novel approach to political ideology detection that makes predictions based on an opinion-aware knowledge graph. We show how to construct such graph by integrating the opinions and targeted entities extracted from text into an existing structured knowledge base, and show how to perform ideology inference by information propagation on the graph. Experimental results demonstrate that our method achieves high accuracy in detecting ideologies compared to baselines including LR, SVM and RNN.
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Alzhrani, Khudran. "Ideology Detection of Personalized Political News Coverage." In ICCDA 2020: 2020 The 4th International Conference on Compute and Data Analysis. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3388142.3388149.

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Iyyer, Mohit, Peter Enns, Jordan Boyd-Graber, and Philip Resnik. "Political Ideology Detection Using Recursive Neural Networks." In Proceedings of the 52nd Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (Volume 1: Long Papers). Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/v1/p14-1105.

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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Sinno, Barea, Bernardo Oviedo, Katherine Atwell, Malihe Alikhani, and Junyi Jessy Li. "Political Ideology and Polarization: A Multi-dimensional Approach." In Proceedings of the 2022 Conference of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2022.naacl-main.17.

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Mani Klar, Samara. "Ideology, Identity, and the American Independent." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir05.

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Preoţiuc-Pietro, Daniel, Ye Liu, Daniel Hopkins, and Lyle Ungar. "Beyond Binary Labels: Political Ideology Prediction of Twitter Users." In Proceedings of the 55th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (Volume 1: Long Papers). Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/p17-1068.

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Bhatia, Sumit, and Deepak P. "Topic-Specific Sentiment Analysis Can Help Identify Political Ideology." In Proceedings of the 9th Workshop on Computational Approaches to Subjectivity, Sentiment and Social Media Analysis. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/w18-6212.

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Reports on the topic "Political ideology"

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Anwar, Shamena, Patrick Bayer, and Randi Hjalmarsson. Politics in the Courtroom: Political Ideology and Jury Decision Making. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21145.

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Dutt, Pushan, and Devashish Mitra. Political Ideology and Endogenous Trade Policy: An Empirical Investigation. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9239.

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Giuliano, Paola, and Marco Tabellini. The Seeds of Ideology: Historical Immigration and Political Preferences in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27238.

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Cruz, Cesi, Philip Keefer, and Carlos Scartascini. The Database of Political Institutions 2020 (DPI2020). Inter-American Development Bank, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003049.

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The Database of Political Institutions presents institutional and electoral results data such as measures of checks and balances, tenure and stability of the government, identification of party affiliation and ideology, and fragmentation of opposition and government parties in the legislature. The current version of the database expands its coverage to about 180 countries for 45 years, 1975-2020. It has become one of the most cited databases in comparative political economy and comparative political institutions, with more than 4,500 article citations on Google Scholar as of December 2020.
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Demir, Mustafa. Creating the Desired Citizen: Ideology, State and Islam in Turkey by Ihsan Yilmaz. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0008.

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Ihsan Yılmaz’s new book presents a detailed analysis of Turkey’s political and sociological evolution, from the country’s anxious birth as a “fearful nation,” preoccupied and weighed down by historical traumas to the present. Yılmaz’s study provides a detailed account of the polity’s “never-ending” nation-building process and offers keen insights into why this process is intransient. His book highlights the political nature of defining citizens as either “desired,” “tolerated,” or “undesired” and the way this definitional process functions as a tool in hegemonic rivalries between “political tribes” in polities such as Turkey.
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Gustafsson, Martin, and Nick Taylor. The Politics of Improving Learning Outcomes in South Africa. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe03.

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This paper examines the political economy and the ideology, two important determinants of educational development, in the South African context, using an approach which is in part dialogical, while paying special attention to the acquisition of foundational skills in the early grades.
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Ozturk, Ibrahim. On the Political Economy of Populism: The Decline of the Turkish Economy under Erdoğan’s Populist-Authoritarian Regime. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0008.

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Whether it adopts a right- or left-wing ideology or it is embraced as a belief or a set of ideals, and no matter the strategy or tactics, populism, in the final analysis, is a way of seizing power, and differences between the different strands carry significant repercussions. Many diverse economic, political, and cultural factors have been put forward to explain the rise of populism. One leader who has drawn increasing attention on the crest of the most recent wave of populism is Turkey’s incumbent president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. After a period of progressive and democratic leadership through to 2007, Erdoğan’s fundamental beliefs and personality surfaced, and the entire process was reversed, with devastating consequences for Turkey. This article argues that Erdoğan’s Islamist–nationalist populism has been one of the primary triggers of Turkey’s current political and economic meltdown. Moreover, his populist rhetoric has weakened Turkey’s already fragile autonomous institutions and paved the way for reform reversals and incoherent economic policy. Taken together, Erdoğanism has brought a woeful deterioration in macroeconomic indicators, including rampant inflation, mounting national debt, massive unemployment, rising poverty, and a profound currency shock.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemics. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/29471.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a pre-registered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key policy variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly over-estimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility that are not clearly delineated.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemic. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/25027.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Furthermore, most governments fell short of expectations in their management of the pandemic. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a preregistered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly overestimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility are not clearly delineated.
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Bano, Masooda, and Daniel Dyonisius. The Role of District-Level Political Elites in Education Planning in Indonesia: Evidence from Two Districts. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/109.

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Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.
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