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Journal articles on the topic 'Political-ideological identity'
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1
Gates, Donald K., and Peter Steane. "Political Religion – the Influence of Ideological and Identity Orientation." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 10, no. 3-4 (September 2009): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760903396310.
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Haas, Ingrid J., Christopher R. Jones, and Russell H. Fazio. "Social identity and the use of ideological categorization in political evaluation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.790.
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In this research, we address a longstanding question concerning how individuals evaluate social and political issues. We focus on the role that political self-identification plays when individuals evaluate policy statements. In a laboratory setting, participants completed a task facilitation procedure, in which they made paired sets of judgments about a series of policy statements. Relative to a control task, ideological categorization of policy statements as liberal or conservative influenced the ease of evaluation. On experimental trials that began with ideological categorization, policy evaluations that were consistent with the participant’s own ideology were made more quickly than responses that were ideologically inconsistent and more quickly than responses following a control judgment. In three experiments, we show that this effect is stronger for individuals with more accessible ideological identification (Experiment 1) and more extreme ideological identification (Experiment 2), and that it holds when examining partisan instead of ideological identification (Experiment 3). The findings suggest that the use of ideological category information can facilitate and interfere with evaluative judgments of political issues, and that the use of such categories varies as a function of individual differences in the strength of political identification.
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Liu, Ru. "Discussion on Improving the Political Identity of College Students in the Network Environment." Lifelong Education 9, no. 6 (September 28, 2020): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i6.1319.
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With the in-depth reform of China’s higher education system, the status of ideological and political education in colleges and universities plays a pivotal role, and the political identity of college students has developed rapidly. Under the traditional education system, colleges and universities attach great importance to increasing political identity education in ideological and political theory courses. Under the current new situation, college students are the most active group on the Internet, and they are accustomed to expressing opinions and attitudes on different events through the Internet. Therefore, it should be aware of the importance of enhancing the political identity of college students under the network environment, and give full play to the role of the Internet in cultivating college students’ political identity. This article focuses on the issues related to enhancing the political identity of college students in the network environment, and enhancing the political identity of college students.
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Fadeeva, L. A. "Securitization of Memory Politics and Identity Politics as Academic and Political Tools." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-12.
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The article discusses securitization of memory politics and identity politics as a part of academic tools and some kind of political tools. The author characterizes the process of securitization analyzing both academic and political discourse of the last decade. The securitization of the politics of memory and identity, as well as the politicization of history are reflected in academic publications and political declarations, pouring out into hot discussions, debates, wars of memory, struggle of identities. Research findings can create basis for a political turn or a new foreign policy course. Securitization puts the category of identity in the context of international security while identity politics could be used as a soft power element or foreign policy tool. There has been a turn towards defining identity politics as a concrete ideological weapon that can be used against opponents in the ideological and political struggle. This significantly changes meaning of identity politics. The author considers that in scientific analysis it is advisable to avoid extreme politization of identity.
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Allen, Bennett, and Ashley Lewis. "Diversity and Political Leaning: Considerations for Epidemiology." American Journal of Epidemiology 189, no. 10 (June 30, 2020): 1011–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwaa102.
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Abstract The positive effects of increased diversity and inclusion in scientific research and practice are well documented. In this issue, DeVilbiss et al. (Am J Epidemiol. 2020;189(10):998–1010) present findings from a survey used to collect information to characterize diversity among epidemiologists and perceptions of inclusion in the epidemiologic profession. They capture identity across a range of personal characteristics, including race, gender, socioeconomic background, sexual orientation, religion, and political leaning. In this commentary, we assert that the inclusion of political leaning as an axis of identity alongside the others undermines the larger project of promoting diversity and inclusion in the profession and is symptomatic of the movement for “ideological diversity” in higher education. We identify why political leaning is not an appropriate metric of diversity and detail why prioritizing ideological diversity counterintuitively can work against equity building initiatives. As an alternative to ideological diversity, we propose that epidemiologists take up an existing framework for research and practice that centers the voices and perspectives of historically marginalized populations in epidemiologic work.
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Devine, Christopher J. "Ideological Social Identity: Psychological Attachment to Ideological In-Groups as a Political Phenomenon and a Behavioral Influence." Political Behavior 37, no. 3 (June 17, 2014): 509–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9280-6.
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Djurkovic, Misa. "Ideological and political conflicts about popular music in Serbia." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 25 (2004): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0525271d.
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The paper is focused on ideological and political conflicts about popular music in Serbia, as a good example of wrong and confused searching for identity. Basic conflict that author is analyzing is about oriental elements (such as asymmetric rhythmic patterns and melismatic singing) and the question if they are legitimate parts of Serbian musical heritage or not. Author is making an analysis of three periods in twentieth century, in which absolutely the same arguments were used, and he's paying special attention to contemporary conflicts, trying to explain why all of the theories are ideologically based. Author is insisting on role market played in development and modernization of popular music in Serbia. The article is ending with some recommendations for better understanding of cultural identity in Serbia, and for recognizing popular music as specific field of interest and research.
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Hanson, Kristin, Emma O’Dwyer, and Evanthia Lyons. "The individual and the nation: A qualitative analysis of US liberal and conservative identity content." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 378–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.1062.
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Recent research highlights the significant role of political ideological identities in America’s increasing political polarisation. In line with social identity theory, self-placement as a US liberal or conservative predicts favouritism toward the ideological in-group and negative attitudes and behaviours toward the outgroup. The theory also holds that the link between self-categorisation and behaviour is mediated by the content of that identity, by what an individual believes it means to be a member of that group. Although previous research has done much to analyse the differences between US liberals and conservatives on various a priori dimensions, little work has been aimed at gaining a holistic account of ideological identity content from the individual’s lay perspective. Through qualitative analysis of 40 interviews (20 liberals and 20 conservatives), this study identifies central themes in the meaning self-identified US liberals and conservatives attribute to these labels and finds evidence for asymmetrical constructions of these identities. The liberal participant group’s identity construction revolved around identification as, and concern for, individuals, supported by reference to personal values and political issues and underpinned by a motivation to move toward a more equal society. Conversely, the conservative participant group connected the understanding of their identity directly to the political ideology of the nation through a thread of self-reliance and reverence for the national group. Implications for political behaviour and the study of ideological identity are discussed.
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Godlewski, Tomasz. "Ideological Identifying as a Determiner of the Polish People Political Collective Identity." Politeja 17, no. 5 (68) (April 19, 2021): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.68.14.
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The aim of the article is to examine whether and to what extent a socio-political division into left- and right-wing is a factor that significantly influences the formation of the Polish political collective identity. The author of the article attempted to present the leftist and rightist identities in relation to defining characteristics of collective identity. Then, a theoretical model was empirically verified based on the findings of the author’s own research conducted in 2019.
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Yang, HaiQuan, and JuGao Dian. "Problems and Countermeasures: Professional Cognition of Ideological and Political Education Major Students." World Journal of Educational Research 7, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): p70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v7n2p70.
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The cognitive level of students majoring in ideological and political education directly reflects the construction of ideological and political education and the quality of personnel training, which is an important basis for further promoting the development of ideological and political education. From the dimensions of channel, degree, and behavior of cognition of ideological and political education major, we know that students of ideological and political education major have some problems in professional cognition, such as low starting point of cognition, low degree of cognition, single-channel of cognition, etc. We also try to strengthen the professional cognition of students of ideological and political education major from the aspects of correcting professional attitude, improving professional interest, strengthening professional cognition education, strengthening professional construction, personnel training and ideological guidance, etc., and further enhance professional identity, so as to better promote the construction and development of ideological and political education major.
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Yang, HaiQuan, and JuGao Dian. "Problems and Countermeasures: Professional Cognition of Ideological and Political Education Major Students." World Journal of Educational Research 7, no. 4 (October 9, 2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v7n4p1.
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The cognitive level of students majoring in ideological and political education directly reflects the construction of ideological and political education and the quality of personnel training, which is an important basis for further promoting the development of ideological and political education. From the dimensions of channel, degree, and behavior of cognition of ideological and political education major, we know that students of ideological and political education major have some problems in professional cognition, such as low starting point of cognition, low degree of cognition, single-channel of cognition, etc. We also try to strengthen the professional cognition of students of ideological and political education major from the aspects of correcting professional attitude, improving professional interest, strengthening professional cognition education, strengthening professional construction, personnel training and ideological guidance, etc., and further enhance professional identity, so as to better promote the construction and development of ideological and political education major.
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Aunesluoma, Juhana, and Johanna Rainio-Niemi. "Neutrality as Identity? Finland's Quest for Security in the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 4 (October 2016): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00680.
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This article examines Finland's Cold War neutrality, highlighting its political and ideational dimensions. In contrast to other scholars who have stressed the pragmatic realpolitik considerations behind Finnish policymaking, the article demonstrates that political and ideological considerations were at least as important in shaping Finnish Cold War neutrality. The ideological and political identity dimensions are connected to the strong national consensus that lay behind Finnish neutrality policy and its wide, sustained public support. Paying attention to these dimensions helps us also to understand continuities in Finnish foreign and security policy that have continued into the post–Cold War period. The continuities of Cold War–era neutrality formulations are illustrated by a discussion of Finnish foreign policymaking in the final phase of the Cold War and the early 1990s.
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Yu, Chengzhen. "Analysis on the Ideological and Political Education Function of Major Commemorative Activities." Scientific and Social Research 3, no. 5 (November 5, 2021): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ssr.v3i5.1244.
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Major commemorative activities can carry and transmit the content of ideological and political education, with distinct political nature, extensive participation and strong characteristics of the times. Therefore, major commemorative activities have the function of ideological and political education. The ideological and political education function of major commemorative activities is mainly manifested in strengthening political identity, condensing value consensus and enhancing mission responsibility. By enriching the forms of practical activities, widely using new media and realizing the organic unity of family, school and society, we will give full play to the ideological and political education function of major commemorative activities, so as to cultivate qualified builders and reliable successors for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
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Fields, Barbara J. "Whiteness, Racism, and Identity." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901004410.
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As an organizing concept, whiteness rests on insecure theoretical ground—specifically, the notions of identity and agency. It replaces racism with race and equates race with racial identity, which it accepts uncritically both as an empirical datum and as a tool of analysis. It thereby establishes a false parallel between the objects and the authors of racism and between Afro-Americans and other Americans of non-European ancestry. Whiteness is the ideological counterpart of race relations, both of them ways of skirting around the relations of political, social, and economic power that have determined the place of Afro-Americans in American society.
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Thomas, Kevin J. A. "Racial Identity and the Political Ideologies of Afro-Caribbean Immigrants." Review of Black Political Economy 45, no. 1 (March 2018): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644618770762.
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Although the number of Black immigrants in the United States is increasing, few studies have examined whether they assimilate into the liberal ideologies with which U.S.-born Blacks are typically affiliated. Using data from the National Survey on American Life, this study examines how identity formation and generational status among Black Caribbean immigrants moderate their ideological differences with U.S.-born Blacks. It shows that Black Caribbean immigrants are more likely to identify with more conservative ideologies as generational status increases. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that the adoption of a Black American racial identity is not by itself associated with an ideological convergence between Black Caribbean immigrants and U.S.-born Blacks. More assimilated Black immigrants who prefer Black American rather than non-Black identities are still more likely to be conservative compared with U.S.-born Blacks. The analysis further provides a nuanced understanding of the relationship between Black racial solidarity and the political ideologies of Caribbean immigrants. It finds that immigrants who both embrace a Black American identity and are members of Black advancement organizations are more likely to have similar political ideologies as U.S.-born Blacks. However, these similarities disappear as assimilation increases.
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Y. Nasir, Dr Adel. "Identity and ideological reading paths in the conflict and developments." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 212, no. 2 (November 12, 2018): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v212i2.673.
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Ideology and identification is one of the main and big subjects nowadays, especially after the ideology specified the ideology and main nationality identification existence by process which leads to Replacement and paddlefish of ideology existence rather than identification , while ideology makes so much efforts ( intellectual and beliefs efforts ) to solve century problems and presents mental and intellectual developments which characterized by realism in such disturbed and Dispersion world in political, social, economic factions and dominated by cases of conflict and chaos . Identification seeks to connect the individual similarities participating in the land, history and real affiliation, which tend to personal fulfillment of humanity in its social and cultural frame and confirms his affiliation root. But while that facing the impact of ideological conflict which aims to achieve an intellectual image and adopts cultures and ideas from another civilization might disagree with identification characteristics existence. Ideology trying to dismantling in all Civilization and national directions, as well as seeks to Skepticism of identification with its ideological features while the weakness of the Factors affiliation , the local organizations , National parties and Religious institutions and their branches in its special directions . Which lead to the disability of resists the ideological Invasion weather is was local, regional or global. But despites of the some ideologies presents humanitarian and reformative theses .In different political shapes and frames still mainly defending to the Elements of existence which resulting the ideological conflict – identificational despite of that both of them have weakness in its Staff fundamental parts thus the ideology Remain to protect the benefits of the interests of the political elite and leaders while facing Cases of rejection and acceptance in social circles . Whereas the main nationality identification went through a conflict with sub-identification ,Sectarianism and loyalty instead of main identification or the national identification and from that description we can conclude that the conflicts and its pathways are continuous in such a world full of existence and hegemony and superiority .
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Strickler, Ryan. "Deliberate with the Enemy? Polarization, Social Identity, and Attitudes toward Disagreement." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 4, 2017): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917721371.
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As of late, political theory, research, and practice have taken a deliberative turn, extolling the benefits of idealized public discourse. This paper explores how mass polarization impacts the preconditions for such discourse. Drawing from social identity theory, partisanship is conceptualized as having distinct, yet interrelated social and ideological dimensions. Through both online and telephone-based survey experiments, the paper then examines how these two dimensions affect attitudes toward discussion that theorists prioritize. Strong social attachments to one’s party consistently drive antideliberative attitudes toward disagreement; ideological partisan attachment, however, does not have this effect. The results suggest that the rise of social identity polarization has driven the public away from discursive norms that would support a deliberative democratic system.
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Fierlbeck, Katherine. "The Ambivalent Potential of Cultural Identity." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007228.
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AbstractDespite the overwhelming prevalence of democratic ideals in contemporary political relations throughout the world, a potent ideological challenge to liberal democratic norms is the recent claim that “differential” rights are essential to foster and protect the identity of individual rights within culturally distinct groups. This article examines the claim that cultural identity confers sufficient normative force upon which to base distinct political rights for specific groups. In what, precisely, does the normative force of “cultural identity” lie? The article challenges the claims that individuals' sense of personal identity can only arise through a “secure cultural context”; that a passive sense of group identity is a “primary good” that equals or even precedes the importance of universal human rights; and that this “politics of inclusion” based upon differential rights for different groups will lead to greater equality and tolerance within the larger political community.
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Yang, Lihong, and Yu Shi. "The Cultivation of Political Identity Literacy in Ideological and Political Classroom Based on IOT and Knowledge Map." Wireless Communications and Mobile Computing 2022 (April 5, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/9904314.
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The learning depth and training temperature of citizen research course are realized through preclass preview and exploration of life situation and strengthen emotional noncognitive learning by guiding students through preschool preview, life situation exploration, hot topic dialogue and questions, experience transfer and application, and creating practical activities. In order to achieve the purpose of critical understanding and real problem-solving, I integrated and refined the learning content, from emotion to internal political identity and realized the organic combination of in-depth learning and classroom training. Combined with the development of Multimedia Internet of Things in the classroom, a new software is developed to solve the problem of multimedia network management that connects to other central media control devices and auxiliary devices through the Internet of Things. This paper introduces the design idea and overall structure of the system and discusses the changes brought by the network structure to the multimedia network. The network architecture of multimedia classroom based on SDN and Internet of Things helps to solve the practical problems in the use of existing multimedia classroom, improve the intelligence of multimedia classroom, and better serve teachers and students.
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Loke, Jaime, Ingrid Bachmann, and Dustin Harp. "Co-opting feminism: media discourses on political women and the definition of a (new) feminist identity." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443715604890.
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While feminism is a heterogeneous and complex ideological perspective, mainstream news media have routinely portrayed it in simplistic terms and as social deviance. Within a context of increasing visibility of public women in the political arena in the United States – many of them self-proclaimed feminists – this study examines and illustrates the ideological struggle for defining ‘feminism’ in mediated discourse. A textual analysis of more than 200 US news websites stories from 2007 to 2011 shows how this struggle for meaning centers on women in the political public sphere. In doing so, this article addresses the consequences of such coverage for women and gender equality.
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HUDDY, LEONIE, LILLIANA MASON, and LENE AARØE. "Expressive Partisanship: Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (February 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000604.
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Party identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.
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Rekker, Roderik. "The nature and origins of political polarization over science." Public Understanding of Science 30, no. 4 (February 17, 2021): 352–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662521989193.
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People have a tendency to disregard information that contradicts their partisan or ideological identity. This inclination can become especially striking when citizens reject notions that scientists would consider “facts” in the light of overwhelming scientific evidence and consensus. The resulting polarization over science has reached alarming levels in recent years. This theoretical review conceptualizes political polarization over science and argues that it is driven by two interrelated processes. Through psychological science rejection, people can implicitly disregard scientific facts that are inconsistent with their political identity. Alternatively, citizens can engage in ideological science rejection by adhering to a political ideology that explicitly contests science. This contestation can in turn be subdivided into four levels of generalization: An ideology can dispute either specific scientific claims, distinct research fields, science in general, or the entire political system and elite. By proposing this interdisciplinary framework, this article aims to integrate insights from various disciplines.
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Cserne, Péter. "Discourses on Judicial Formalism in Central and Eastern Europe: Symptom of an Inferiority Complex?" European Review 28, no. 6 (March 24, 2020): 880–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798720000320.
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Post-communist Central and Eastern European legal cultures in general, and judicial style in particular, are often characterized as formalistic. This article reconstructs two ideological narratives about the formalist heritage of CEE judiciary, variants of which have dominated academic and policy debates about rule of law, judicial reforms and European integration in the last three decades. As the debate becomes linked to deeply rooted and long-term, sometimes traumatic issues of national and political identity, patterns of ideological thinking resurface easily. While it is symptomatic of CEE political cultures that the debate on judicial method has become a battleground for fierce controversies about collective (political) identity, arguably this exemplifies a broader phenomenon. Other weak or peripheral national cultures also face and struggle with issues of collective identity and inferiority complexes which may resurface in professional discourses and seemingly unpolitical domains.
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Valsecchi, Pierluigi. "The ‘True Nzema’: A Layered Identity." Africa 71, no. 3 (August 2001): 391–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2001.71.3.391.
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AbstractNzema has been used historically as a multiple term to describe different but interrelated social, political and territorial realities. Failure to understand the historical context fully has led to persistent ambiguity in writings about the area, especially in anthropological studies. The tendency is to isolate ‘ethnic groups’ as precise categories in a broad context which in reality is covered by a pervasive network of continua. This article deals with the historical ‘mapping’ of ‘what it is to be Nzema’ and therefore puts forward a framework for analysing the question of identity in its actual formulation or, in other words, in relation to local ideological and political processes. Finally, it attempts to identify some of the registers which inform the question and some of the criteria for the use of each specific register by individuals and communities.
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Bengio, Ofra. "Reclaiming National Identity in Kurdish School Textbooks." Middle East Journal 74, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.3.11.
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This article is a qualitative and comparative study of elementary school textbooks in the Kurdish autonomous enclave of Rojava in Syria and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Historical circumstances and political forces account for both superficial and ideological differences between the two sets of textbooks. Nonethless, despite the Rojava leadership's ostensible opposition to nationalism and the KRI's commitments to respect the states of the region, both illustrate attempts by the ruling party in each region to promote a distinct Kurdish nationalism with a view toward nurturing pan-Kurdish identity.
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Melnychuk, Ihor. "Main trends and contents of updates political and ideological principles Russian Federation." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.267-273.
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Nowadays RF have a lot of obstacles. The intense process of globalization, the rapid development of information technology, development of a new instruments of geo-cultural and ideological influence not only lead to problems in the way of expansion of the Russian world, but also to the need to enhance the security of the current geo-cultural space of Russian Federation and design its system concept.
The author notes that the new internal doctrine of RF is penetrated by a nostalgia for a powerful state status. Its main task is to strengthen the unity of society by strengthening civic identity. Therefore we do not underestimate the practical importance of theoretical developments in cultural, ideological and informational spheres.
The ideology which promoted by Russian state media includes the concept of «russkiy mir» that actually justify claims to territories which are inhabited by ethnic Russians. This idea appeals to the Orthodox fundamentalism, as well as the Eurasian geopolitical and historical myths of permanent confrontation between Russia and the West. The main reason for the success of ideological propaganda – in a primitive but effective substitution of concepts.
In conclusion the author stresses that the process of forming a single geo-cultural world of the Russian Federation does not impose functional and effective integration ideology and current Russian civilization and socio-cultural projects are not attractive and competitive position to societies and elites of neighbor states but can be used to consolidate the political situation inside Russia.
Keywords: Political and ideological principles, Russian Federation, cultural and ideological spheres, information sphere, geo-cultural world, civic identity
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Wang, Jinfeng, and Wen Dai. "Ideological and Political Design and Practice of Hydrology and Water Resources Curriculum based on Blending Learning." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.25.
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Curriculum ideological and political is a breakthrough and new starting point for the establishment of morality in colleges and universities, and is an effective way to train socialist builders and successors. We mainly take the geographical science professional course "Hydrology and Water Resources" as an example, starting with the curriculum ideological and political design concept, design ideas, teaching implementation and effects, and discussing the strategy of developing curriculum ideological and political under the online and offline mixed teaching mode, and It analyzes the methods in detail and methods of integrating political identity, professional ethics, professional literacy, scientific exploration spirit, dialectical thinking, scientific and cultural literacy, environmental protection awareness and other ideological and political elements before, during and after class, and implements the goal of training geography teachers to achieve the purpose of educating people for the party and educating talents for the country. Through a questionnaire survey of the 2019 students of geographic science class, the result shows that the ideological and political design and practice of hydrology and water resources courses based on the online and offline hybrid teaching of Chaoxing Xuetong have been highly praised by the students.
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Milesi, Patrizia, and Augusta Isabella Alberici. "“Frontrunners”: An investigation of the discursive construction of “women politicians” intersectional identity." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i3.1557.
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This paper explores how female politicians discursively construct their intersectional identity as “women politicians.” We interviewed 10 female politicians in charge of local political offices and examined how they talked about the boundaries and contents of their “women politicians” identity. When talking about identity boundaries, the interviewees first presented “women politicians” as an exclusive minority within their gender group. Second, they constructed intergroup categorizations by comparing women who meet the requirements to enter politics versus women who do not. When talking about identity contents, the interviewees constructed intergroup categorizations along the ideological axis only. Thus, they overlooked the differences between men and women who share the same ideology while they enhanced the differences among women of different ideologies. Overall, the interviewees constructed their “women politicians” identity as a subordinate identity within their overarching ideological identity rather than as a real intersectional identity. These results are discussed also in terms of discursive de-politicization of the “women politicians” intersectional identity.
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Berti, Benedetta. "Rebel Groups between Adaptation and Ideological Continuity: The Impact of Sustained Political Participation." Government and Opposition 54, no. 3 (November 28, 2018): 513–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.44.
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The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen or protracted conflicts. This article aims to begin to fill this gap by examining how involvement in institutional politics has shaped both Hamas’s and Hezbollah’s branding, interpretation and reliance on their own constitutive ideological manifestos, with an emphasis on both organizations’ dynamic processes aimed at reconciling political participation with their previous ideological rejection of the legitimacy of the political system and their constitutive calls to dramatically restructure the political order. Based on these detailed accounts, this article reflects on how the complex relationship between politics, electoral competition, governance and ideological principles can shape an armed group’s political identity.
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Ilkowski, Filip. "„Lexit” – pozalaburzystowska, antyunijna lewica brytyjska w referendum 2016 roku." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2020 (June 8, 2020): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.20.7.
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The article presents the analysis of activities and ideological motivations of politicians and political formations connected to those parts of non-Labour British left, that appealed during the 2016 referendum to vote for leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom. It points to key ideological pillars of this heterogenic political milieu with its common and divergent elements. The thesis is put forward in the text that, as in the case of Labour politicians, also among the left-wing outside the Labour Party, we can point to two ideological and political poles that decide to opt for leaving the EU by the UK: socialist universalism and national-identity particularism. Their key determinant was the views on immigration control, also affecting their attitude to cooperation with the anti-EU right-wing political milieu.
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Kiyanka, Iryna, and Аndriі Sharaskin. "National identity and populism: state aspect." Public administration and local government 44, no. 1 (March 10, 2020): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/102001.
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This article analyzes the problem of national identity and populism in the context of modern public administration.
The study of populism is important due to the social procurement from interested subjects of the political environment who use populism for the realization of their programmes and power contest.
At the same time, the populist category of «people» – the keepers of all merits, top priorities, the standard of good and evil – that is quite popular today in Ukraine originates from the Ukrainian national democratic movement of the 19th cent. characterized by distinctive populism elements. New Ukrainian national movement took it over as the part of the intellectual legacy from its historical predecessors, all the more so, because it was, as mentioned before, necessary in the period of the final attack on communism.
The problem of national identity is quite popular in Ukrainian scientific society. This is due to the fact that on the one hand, the definition of Ukrainian identity can be a theoretic way to create a nation state, another ideological cliche that some politicians use to invent new arguments in their power games. The populism strategy is a constant reflection on particular things going on in society. It is some sort of system protection and unification of certain symbols useful for the populists. Moreover, it is a characteristic feature of working on human consciousness in the process and historical self-development in the context of ideological norms.
There is always a «combination instinct» in populism. From a psychological point of view, it is the instinct responsible for the ability of people to analyze their relations and bonds with the world and give certain associations, that is to connect one things with others. Ukrainian society has to find effective ways of political development once again.
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Bueno, Alexandre Marcelo, and Felipe Santos da Silva. "Gender Identity: passional discourses on discoveries." Signum: Estudos da Linguagem 22, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2237-4876.2019v22n1p27.
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The gender identity subject has been the focus of several social and political debates in which: there are individuals who try to eliminate social inequalities regarding gender; and, on the other hand, there are those who seek for visibility, fighting for their rights to be validated. Both of the groups constitute part of the LGBTTQI+ community. Thus, the present study refers to a research carried out at a university in the interior of São Paulo, whose corpus consists of statements made by undergraduate students that discuss the themes of identity, gender, prejudice and discrimination. Once it is a multifaceted theme, in which the phenomena of intolerance, hatred and fear emerge – in addition to discussions and positions that involve political, religious and ideological issues – the present work draws on the French discursive semiotics, by Algirdas Julien Greimas and collaborators. In conclusion, in their discourses, it was observed the identity transformation through the subjective confrontation of some malevolent passions, such as hatred and intolerance.
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Kakitelashvili, Ketevan. "Georgian Israelites or Jews of Georgia." Journal of Religion in Europe 14, no. 3-4 (December 20, 2021): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-bja10061.
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Abstract The paper explores the evolution of Georgian-Jewish identity in different political, ideological, and cultural contexts from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first centuries. It is focused on the beginning of the twentieth century when religious and national dimensions of Georgian-Jewish identity were developed as competing identity models. This paper addresses the impact of these identity models on contemporary Georgian-Jewish identity.
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Identity and Religion in Palestine." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i3.1455.
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In recent years a subtle but steady transformation has been taking place inthe Arab-Israeli conflict. The prominence of Hamas and the process ofIslamization in the West Bank and Gaza are having repercussions on botha local and a regional level, while politics, faith, and nationalism have createda mélange of ideologies.As secularist squares up to Islamist, andHamasand Islamic Jihad vie with the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the objectiveof the Palestinian struggle becomes trampled in the haste to drawsupport to either political group. In the midst of this turmoil, Palestiniansecular-nationalists are defying their ideological background and turning toreligion for support, hope, and survival. The Palestinian political identity isin a state of flux, and Islam’s dominant role in Palestinian society can nolonger be ignored or dismissed. The emergence of Loren D. Lybarger’sIdentity and Religion in Palestine is, then, a timely publication, as it providesa perceptive analysis of political identities in the Occupied Territories.Through his debut publication, Lybarger draws on interviews and experiencesgathered during volunteer work with the Mennonite CentralCommittee in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza. Conducted over aperiod of six years – three in the 1980s in theWest Bank, two in Gaza in theearly 1990s, and one in the West Bank and Gaza from 1999 to 2000 – theauthor breathes life into accounts of the evolving Palestinian political identityby rendering his respondents’ dilemmas, vulnerabilities, hopes, and fearswith startling clarity. By incorporating a plethora of political factions, religiouscommunities, age groups, geographical locations, and socio-economicclasses, he cogently assesses the Palestinian political and religious identity.Equally, his book deepens one’s awareness of the relationship between eventsand the cultural and historical forces that transform the region’s socialmovements and political identities. Over the course of five chapters and anepilogue, Islamism and secular-nationalism are defined both in theory andpractice, thus affording a comprehensive insight into the contemporaryOccupied Territories ...
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Omelchenko, N. "PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL (POLITICAL) IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF IDEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS IN THE RUSSIAN POST-OCTOBER EMIGRATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 10 (November 28, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-10-34-41.
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The author’s interpretation of the content and essence of ideological and political discussions in the Russian post-October emigration in years 1920-1930 about the causes of the revolutionary collapse of Russia, the ways and prospects of the revival of the national Russian statehood has been presented. The connection between the ideological search for Russian emigration and the central for Russian social thought, the problem of understanding the originality of the Russian political process, the features of the formation and evolution of national political identity, has been substantiated. The reasons for the widespread anti-democratic views and beliefs in the emigrant environment, the growing distrust of Western democracy and liberal institutions and values have been revealed. An analysis of the political projects and models of the future revived Russia proposed by Russian emigrants («social Christianity», a renewed monarchy), which affirmed the special path of development of Russia that distinguished its «philistine» West, – has been given. The conclusion about the importance of these projects of the ideal structure of the future of Russia for the modern state development of Russia, the search for its new identity, has been made.
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Mustakim, Bagus. "Kontestasi Identitas dan Kesalehan Anak Usia Dini Islam dalam Animasi Nussa." AL-ATHFAL : JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ANAK 5, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/al-athfal.2019.52-02.
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Discussion of the piety of early childhood, currently in the shadow of an ideological debate of various political, social and religious identities. This kind of ideological debate is increasing along with the expansion of global social media networks in the digital age. In this ideological debate, a phenomenal animated film called "Nussa" emerged. This article focuses on the piety of early Islamic childhood represented by Nussa animation on the Youtube channel. The problem formulated in this article is why Nussa animation is offered as the piety of Islamic early childhood; How is the construction of early childhood piety offered in this animation; and how is this identity promoted? This article was developed with a media and cultural study approach. This research uses qualitative methods with the phenomenological approach and interpretive discourse analysis methods. The author finds that the animation of Nussa actively produces piety as the identity of early Islamic childhood in ideological contestation with globalism and secular modernism. This piety is offered as an authentic Islamic identity for Islamic early childhood.
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Sarmadi, Hamid. "National Identity in Traditional Ideological Discourse of the Islamic Revolution." Studies in Asian Social Science 4, no. 1 (January 25, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/sass.v4n1p15.
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The traditional ideological discourse of the Islamic revolution was formed by the safeguard and support of the pastachievements and also to preserve the historical heritage. It was one of the rings attached to the compatibility of thereligious and national identity in contrast of the Pahlavi's extremism that emphasized the leasing of Shiite's elements,the identity of Western modernity and tyranny.Following of this hegemonic discourse after the Islamic revolution. We can see the adoption of religious and nationalvalues. It is strengthened the national identity by the central slab of religious democracy and some elements such as ;civil society, rule of law, development of higher education, political participation, economic development, civilrights and human dignity.
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Lami, Roland. "Impact of Social Groups in Political Discourse." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 52 (May 2015): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.52.111.
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In this article, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors.
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Napadysta, V. G. "IDEOLOGICAL GROUNDS OF CULTURAL IDENTIFICATION OF THE CRIMEAN TATARS: FORMATION CONTEXTS." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (2017): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2017.1.14.
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The article describes the current ideological grounds of the cultural identity of the Crimean Tatars; the historical and political contexts of their formation is studied, comparative analysis of the activity of the first institutional bodies of the Crimean Tatar national movement – National movement of the Crimean Tatars and Organization of the Crimean Tatar national movement – representations of the ideological longings of the nation, is performed; their role in the creation, expansion, extension of the meaning and practical implementation of the ideological grounds stated in program documents of the named organizations, are determined; it analyzes their differences inthe strategic value landmarks and tactical steps, stipulated by them, which have become the reason of different vectors of the mentioned institutional representatives of the Crimean Tatar people in the process of cultural identification, based on unified ideological grounds – national identity, repatriation and national-cultural revival. This study articulates the value of the ideological grounds of the cultural identification of the Crimean Tatars in solving a whole range of problems, caused by the return of the Crimean Tatars to their historical motherland. The traditional orientation of the power establishments of the independent Ukraine on the economic, inter-ethnic,religious segments of the integration process of the Crimean Tatars into the Ukrainian community, neutral lized the role of their value orientations and ideological longings, which in its turn did not allow to see the CrimeanTatars as the most proUkrainian power in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. The importance of the analysis of the ideological grounds of the cultural identity of the Crimean Tatars, differences in strategic values and tactical steps of the various establishments of the Crimean Tatar national movement, isstipulated by the search of models of efficient projects to return and re-integrate the occupied territory of Ukraine, which would include the humanitarian components, based on specific ideological and valuable grounds, but not limited to the economical and political measures.
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Mason, Lilliana. "Ideologues without Issues: The Polarizing Consequences of Ideological Identities." Public Opinion Quarterly 82, S1 (2018): 866–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfy005.
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Abstract The distinction between a person’s ideological identity and their issue positions has come more clearly into focus in recent research. Scholars have pointed out a significant difference between identity-based and issue-based ideology in the American electorate. However, the affective and social effects of these separate elements of ideology have not been sufficiently explored. Drawing on a national sample collected by SSI and data from the 2016 ANES, this article finds that the identity-based elements of ideology are capable of driving heightened levels of affective polarization against outgroup ideologues, even at low levels of policy attitude extremity or constraint. These findings demonstrate how Americans can use ideological terms to disparage political opponents without necessarily holding constrained sets of policy attitudes.
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Malkin, S. G. "ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА И ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ БРИТАНСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ НА НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫХ ОКРАИНАХ." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 3, no. 4 (2021): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-3-4-66-71.
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Addressing historical cases has not only academic but also political significance, especially if the current agenda is largely determined by the rhetoric and experience of conflicts rooted in history. In this regard, the article focuses on the nature, forms and consequences of British educational policy on the national outskirts in Modern times in the formation of British identity, which supported the practice of national and state building at the ideological level both within the United Kingdom and within the British Empire. Specific historical and contemporary examples demonstrate the possibilities and limitations of educational policy as a humanitarian technology for strengthening the ideological and rhetorical foundations of Great Britain as a multinational and complex public entity. The study focuses on the Scottish case which has the deepest historically roots; its analysis allows a more detailed study of the relationship between the educational strategies of the authorities in the past and their consequences in the present, taking into account the prospects for a second referendum on Scottish independence in the context of Britain’s exit from the European Union.
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Brody, Richard J. "Ideology and Political Mobilization: The Soviet Home Front during World War II." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1104 (January 1, 1994): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1994.61.
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World War II was a defining experience for the identity of the Stalin-era Soviet Communist Party. The war accentuated fundamental problems in the identity of the civilian party as an instrument of political mobilization. The war also highlighted a deeper disjuncture between popular political mentalities within Soviet society and the official ideology of the Stalin-era party. This essay will examine efforts by party political organs to propagate the official ideological line among party members during World War II and the problems party leaders encountered in training political workers to transmit the party's propaganda message to the public.
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Sládecek, Michal. "Macintyre on identity of ethics and politics." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 31 (2006): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0631029s.
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In first chapters of this article MacIntyre?s view of ethics is analyzed, together with his critics of liberalism as philosophical and political theory, as well as dominant ideological conception. In last chapters MacIntyre?s view of the relation between politics and ethics is considered, along with the critical review of his theoretical positions. Macintyre?s conception is regarded on the one hand as very broad, because the entire morality is identified with ethical life, while on the other hand it is regarded as too narrow since it excludes certain essential aspects of deliberation which refers to the sphere of individual rights, the relations between communities, as well as distribution of goods within the state.
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KARIPBAYEV, Baizhol. "THE IDENTITY OF KAZAKHSTANI YOUTH: IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION AND NEOTRADITIONALISM." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.12.
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The article analyzes the value orientations of modern student youth in Kazakhstan that influence the formation of their identity. Based on the analysis of this social group’s value alignments, the article attempts to determine the vital problem areas in the formation of the character of young people as those capable of taking responsibility for their own destiny and the destiny of their country. Special attention is heeded to ethnic, religious and civic identities. The ratio of civil and ethnic identities among Kazakhstani student youth is assessed. A growth tendency in the norms of individualism and indifference to traditional forms of identity is revealed. Particular attention is paid to the influence of traditional and modernization values on the self-awareness of Kazakhstani youth. This research perspective was selected deliberately. The current state of public relations—both global, and Kazakhstani in particular—is determined by active ambiguous, multi-directional transformation processes. Under these circumstances, the issue of identity becomes especially acute for young people, and a search for sources of worldviews ensues to help young people formulate and self-actualize their own essence and to construct their own view of the world. In the course of this search, it is crucial to avoid becoming an object of various kinds of ideological, spiritual, ideological manipulation and recruiting. The modern contemporary social reality engenders a wide variety of spiritual practices, ideological revelations and political modules. It is essential for a young person to make the right choice based on objective knowledge and understanding. Under the circumstances, a special responsibility is imposed on the education system. Unfortunately, the modern higher education system in Kazakhstan pays special attention to the rigid specialization of graduates as part of the current vigorous reforms. Purely professional training is becoming a priority, while the issues of socio-humanitarian, ideological training of our future specialists remain on the margins of the educational system, which, in turn, impedes their successful socialization. It is in these epistemological coordinates that this article was prepared. The article is based on the data obtained through a sociological study conducted in 2019 as part of the project “Formation of the Concept of Religious Tolerance and Ethnic Consolidation in Educational Formats of Modern Kazakhstan.”
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Surdu, Mihai, and Martin Kovats. "Roma Identity as an Expert-Political Construction." Social Inclusion 3, no. 5 (September 29, 2015): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v3i5.245.
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The creation of an EU Framework for national Roma integration strategies (2011) marks a significant step in the politicisation of Roma identity by ensuring a further increase in the number of initiatives, projects and programmes explicitly targeting Roma. The Framework itself is part of a process that began with postcommunist transition and which has produced historically unprecedented levels of Roma political activism along with a proliferation of national and transnational policy initiatives focussed on Roma identity. In seeking to explain this contemporary political phenomenon, the article argues that Roma is an identity constructed at the intersection of political and expert knowledge by various actors, such as policymakers, Romani activists, international organizations and scholars. This political-expert identity is applied to groups that are not bounded by a common language, religion, cultural practice, geographic location, occupation, physical appearance or lifestyle. The article explores how this collation of disparate populations into a notional political community builds upon a centuries-old Gypsy legacy. It scrutinizes five strands of identification practices that have contributed to the longue durée development of today’s Roma as an epistemic object and policy target: police profiling of particular communities; administrative surveys; Romani activism; Roma targeted policies; quantitative scientific research. The article argues that the contemporary economic and political conditions amidst which the politicisation of Roma identity is occurring explain how the ideological and institutional construction of the ethnic frame tends toward the reinforcement of the exclusion of those categorised as Roma, thus increasing the perceived need for Roma policy initiatives. A self-sustaining cycle has been created where Roma knowledge identifies Roma problems requiring a policy response, which produces more Roma knowledge, more needs and more policy responses. Yet, there are consequences to racialising public discourse by presenting Roma as both problematic and essentially different from everyone else. Hostility towards Roma has increased in many states indicating that the expert framing of Roma groupness affects social solidarity by disconnecting and distancing Roma from their fellow citizens.
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Kannangara, Nisar. "The politics of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy." Clothing Cultures 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00014_1.
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Since colonial times, clothing has had a phenomenal and perhaps complex political implication in Indian politics. The political leaders Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru and others had used their attire to exhibit their politics and ideology. In postcolonial India, the ideological battle between different political parties and the various ideological movements have often used clothing as one of the most effective medium to express their loyalty, identity and differences. However, the politics of clothing, its colours and the style of wearing in the democratic Indian context have received little academic attention. This article attempts to explore some aspects of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy through an in-depth study. The researcher engages in an ethnographic investigation to understand the ways in which different political ideologies are exhibited through clothing and how it is used to display their political identity in public spaces. The article argues that beyond a system of governance, democracy contributes to shaping people’s imagination of clothing, create meaning for specific colours, style of wearing and pave the way for physical and symbolic forms of violence and conflict.
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Weltman, David. "Political identity and the Third Way: Some social-psychological implications of the current anti-ideological turn." British Journal of Social Psychology 43, no. 1 (March 2004): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/014466604322915999.
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Anđelković, Branislav. "The Molding Power of Ideology: Political Transformations of Predynastic Egypt." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 3 (February 26, 2016): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i3.9.
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Ideological “patterns of continuity”, archaeologically perceivable as early as Naqada I, that constitute the most distinctive hallmarks of nascent Egyptian civilization, are, to a great extent, defined by the concept of Divine Ruler, as a charismatic amalgam of sacral authority, ideological values, economic and military power. Divine Kingship, “presiding over everything”, seems to be a key ideological issue in the rapid political transformation of Predynastic Egypt. A cyclic “sense of order” promulgated by annual Nile flooding, and underlying conceptualized “cosmological relations”, joined with the might of a victorious ruler and his brandished mace, molded the Naqadian social tissue of relationships, obligations and behavior, that in their turn justified warfare to obtain any valued resource, enhanced territorial expansion, and eventually enabled full political consolidation. A complex, multi-layered social construct of display-oriented and power-concerned relations and set of values clearly distinguished Naqada culture practices and traditions – both in Upper and from Naqada IIC onwards Lower Egypt – from the Delta communities with their vanishing lifestyle. The constant expansion of Naqada culture and its collective identity irreversibly transformed the political landscape of Predynastic Egypt.
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Dvir-Gvirsman, Shira. "Media audience homophily: Partisan websites, audience identity and polarization processes." New Media & Society 19, no. 7 (February 22, 2016): 1072–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444815625945.
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The study suggests that media consumers favor certain websites not only due to their content but also due to their audience. A new concept is introduced: “audience homophily,” which describes one’s preference for partisan media websites catering to a homogeneous, likeminded consumership. This attraction is explained in terms of the need for self-consistency, and I suggest that over time such behavior will polarize political identity through a spiral of reinforcement. Based on both a survey-experiment ( N = 300) and a panel study combined with web-tracking technology that recorded online-exposure behavior ( N = 397), it was found that individuals with more extreme ideology present higher levels of audience homophily and that, longitudinally, audience homophily is somewhat associated with ideological polarization, intolerance, and accessibility of political self-definition.
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Bølstad, Jørgen, and Elias Dinas. "A Categorization Theory of Spatial Voting: How the Center Divides the Political Space." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (January 19, 2016): 829–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000393.
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This article presents a categorization theory of spatial voting, which postulates that voters perceive political stances through coarse classifications. Because voters think in terms of categories defined by the ideological center, their behavior deviates from standard models of utility maximization along ideological continua. Their preferences are characterized by discontinuities, rewarding parties on their side of the ideological space more than existing spatial models would predict. While this study concurs with prior studies suggesting that voters tend to use a proximity rule, it argues that this rule mainly serves to distinguish among parties of the same side. Overall, the results suggest that voters’ party evaluations are characterized by a nontrivial identity component, generating in-group biases not captured by the existing spatial models of voting.