Academic literature on the topic 'Political-ideological identity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political-ideological identity"
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Gates, Donald K., and Peter Steane. "Political Religion – the Influence of Ideological and Identity Orientation." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 10, no. 3-4 (September 2009): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760903396310.
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Haas, Ingrid J., Christopher R. Jones, and Russell H. Fazio. "Social identity and the use of ideological categorization in political evaluation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.790.
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In this research, we address a longstanding question concerning how individuals evaluate social and political issues. We focus on the role that political self-identification plays when individuals evaluate policy statements. In a laboratory setting, participants completed a task facilitation procedure, in which they made paired sets of judgments about a series of policy statements. Relative to a control task, ideological categorization of policy statements as liberal or conservative influenced the ease of evaluation. On experimental trials that began with ideological categorization, policy evaluations that were consistent with the participant’s own ideology were made more quickly than responses that were ideologically inconsistent and more quickly than responses following a control judgment. In three experiments, we show that this effect is stronger for individuals with more accessible ideological identification (Experiment 1) and more extreme ideological identification (Experiment 2), and that it holds when examining partisan instead of ideological identification (Experiment 3). The findings suggest that the use of ideological category information can facilitate and interfere with evaluative judgments of political issues, and that the use of such categories varies as a function of individual differences in the strength of political identification.
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Liu, Ru. "Discussion on Improving the Political Identity of College Students in the Network Environment." Lifelong Education 9, no. 6 (September 28, 2020): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i6.1319.
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With the in-depth reform of China’s higher education system, the status of ideological and political education in colleges and universities plays a pivotal role, and the political identity of college students has developed rapidly. Under the traditional education system, colleges and universities attach great importance to increasing political identity education in ideological and political theory courses. Under the current new situation, college students are the most active group on the Internet, and they are accustomed to expressing opinions and attitudes on different events through the Internet. Therefore, it should be aware of the importance of enhancing the political identity of college students under the network environment, and give full play to the role of the Internet in cultivating college students’ political identity. This article focuses on the issues related to enhancing the political identity of college students in the network environment, and enhancing the political identity of college students.
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Fadeeva, L. A. "Securitization of Memory Politics and Identity Politics as Academic and Political Tools." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-12.
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The article discusses securitization of memory politics and identity politics as a part of academic tools and some kind of political tools. The author characterizes the process of securitization analyzing both academic and political discourse of the last decade. The securitization of the politics of memory and identity, as well as the politicization of history are reflected in academic publications and political declarations, pouring out into hot discussions, debates, wars of memory, struggle of identities. Research findings can create basis for a political turn or a new foreign policy course. Securitization puts the category of identity in the context of international security while identity politics could be used as a soft power element or foreign policy tool. There has been a turn towards defining identity politics as a concrete ideological weapon that can be used against opponents in the ideological and political struggle. This significantly changes meaning of identity politics. The author considers that in scientific analysis it is advisable to avoid extreme politization of identity.
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Allen, Bennett, and Ashley Lewis. "Diversity and Political Leaning: Considerations for Epidemiology." American Journal of Epidemiology 189, no. 10 (June 30, 2020): 1011–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwaa102.
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Abstract The positive effects of increased diversity and inclusion in scientific research and practice are well documented. In this issue, DeVilbiss et al. (Am J Epidemiol. 2020;189(10):998–1010) present findings from a survey used to collect information to characterize diversity among epidemiologists and perceptions of inclusion in the epidemiologic profession. They capture identity across a range of personal characteristics, including race, gender, socioeconomic background, sexual orientation, religion, and political leaning. In this commentary, we assert that the inclusion of political leaning as an axis of identity alongside the others undermines the larger project of promoting diversity and inclusion in the profession and is symptomatic of the movement for “ideological diversity” in higher education. We identify why political leaning is not an appropriate metric of diversity and detail why prioritizing ideological diversity counterintuitively can work against equity building initiatives. As an alternative to ideological diversity, we propose that epidemiologists take up an existing framework for research and practice that centers the voices and perspectives of historically marginalized populations in epidemiologic work.
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Devine, Christopher J. "Ideological Social Identity: Psychological Attachment to Ideological In-Groups as a Political Phenomenon and a Behavioral Influence." Political Behavior 37, no. 3 (June 17, 2014): 509–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9280-6.
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Djurkovic, Misa. "Ideological and political conflicts about popular music in Serbia." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 25 (2004): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0525271d.
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The paper is focused on ideological and political conflicts about popular music in Serbia, as a good example of wrong and confused searching for identity. Basic conflict that author is analyzing is about oriental elements (such as asymmetric rhythmic patterns and melismatic singing) and the question if they are legitimate parts of Serbian musical heritage or not. Author is making an analysis of three periods in twentieth century, in which absolutely the same arguments were used, and he's paying special attention to contemporary conflicts, trying to explain why all of the theories are ideologically based. Author is insisting on role market played in development and modernization of popular music in Serbia. The article is ending with some recommendations for better understanding of cultural identity in Serbia, and for recognizing popular music as specific field of interest and research.
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Hanson, Kristin, Emma O’Dwyer, and Evanthia Lyons. "The individual and the nation: A qualitative analysis of US liberal and conservative identity content." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 378–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.1062.
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Recent research highlights the significant role of political ideological identities in America’s increasing political polarisation. In line with social identity theory, self-placement as a US liberal or conservative predicts favouritism toward the ideological in-group and negative attitudes and behaviours toward the outgroup. The theory also holds that the link between self-categorisation and behaviour is mediated by the content of that identity, by what an individual believes it means to be a member of that group. Although previous research has done much to analyse the differences between US liberals and conservatives on various a priori dimensions, little work has been aimed at gaining a holistic account of ideological identity content from the individual’s lay perspective. Through qualitative analysis of 40 interviews (20 liberals and 20 conservatives), this study identifies central themes in the meaning self-identified US liberals and conservatives attribute to these labels and finds evidence for asymmetrical constructions of these identities. The liberal participant group’s identity construction revolved around identification as, and concern for, individuals, supported by reference to personal values and political issues and underpinned by a motivation to move toward a more equal society. Conversely, the conservative participant group connected the understanding of their identity directly to the political ideology of the nation through a thread of self-reliance and reverence for the national group. Implications for political behaviour and the study of ideological identity are discussed.
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Godlewski, Tomasz. "Ideological Identifying as a Determiner of the Polish People Political Collective Identity." Politeja 17, no. 5 (68) (April 19, 2021): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.68.14.
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The aim of the article is to examine whether and to what extent a socio-political division into left- and right-wing is a factor that significantly influences the formation of the Polish political collective identity. The author of the article attempted to present the leftist and rightist identities in relation to defining characteristics of collective identity. Then, a theoretical model was empirically verified based on the findings of the author’s own research conducted in 2019.
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Yang, HaiQuan, and JuGao Dian. "Problems and Countermeasures: Professional Cognition of Ideological and Political Education Major Students." World Journal of Educational Research 7, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): p70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v7n2p70.
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The cognitive level of students majoring in ideological and political education directly reflects the construction of ideological and political education and the quality of personnel training, which is an important basis for further promoting the development of ideological and political education. From the dimensions of channel, degree, and behavior of cognition of ideological and political education major, we know that students of ideological and political education major have some problems in professional cognition, such as low starting point of cognition, low degree of cognition, single-channel of cognition, etc. We also try to strengthen the professional cognition of students of ideological and political education major from the aspects of correcting professional attitude, improving professional interest, strengthening professional cognition education, strengthening professional construction, personnel training and ideological guidance, etc., and further enhance professional identity, so as to better promote the construction and development of ideological and political education major.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political-ideological identity"
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King, Amy Laine Balthrop V. William. "Evangelical confessions an ideological struggle over evangelical political identity /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2387.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 26, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Docor of Philiosophy in the Department of Communication Studies." Discipline: Communication Studies; Department/School: Communication Studies.
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Devine, Christopher John. "Ideological Social Identity: How Psychological Attachment to Ideological Groups Shapes Political Attitudes and Behaviors." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305968870.
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Агаларова, Карина Адільївна. "Співвідношення понять "політична соціалізація" та "політичне виховання" в контексті дослідження політико-ідеологічної ідентифікації." Thesis, ФОП Бровін О. В, 2015. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/45264.
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У тезах аналізується співвідношення понять "політична соціалізація" та "політичне виховання". Зазначається, що говорити про систему політичного виховання в демократичних традиціях в сучасній Україні поки що зарано. Cпецифічні для пострадянських держав проблеми політичної соціалізації зумовлені ситуацією перманентної суспільної кризи, наростанням процесів глобалізації, що призводить до суттєвих змін політичних цінностей, форм політичної участі тощо. На пострадянському просторі, зокрема в Україні, актуалізуються дослідження політичної соціалізації перш за все у її широкому сенсі, тобто як процесу, спрямованого на формування політико-ідеологічних ідентичностей і засвоєння цінностей, що визначають ставлення індивіда до існуючої політичної системи, становлення якостей особистості як суб'єкта політичного життя.Correlation of concepts "political socialization" and "political education" are analysed in theses. It is marked that to talk about the system of political education in democratic traditions in modern Ukraine while yet early. Specific for the post-soviet states of problem of political socialization conditioned by the situation of permanent public crisis, growth of processes of globalization, that results in the substantial changes of political values, forms of political participation. On post-soviet space, in particular in Ukraine, researches of political socialization аctualized, foremost, in her wide sense, id est as the process, sent to forming of political-ideological identity and mastering of values that determine attitude of individual toward the existent political system, becoming of internalss of personality as subject of political life.
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Mitchell, Kathryn E. "Foreign Terrorist Organizations: The Correlation Between Group Identity and Becoming Transnational." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366131538.
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Turner, Kathleen Therese. "Competing myths of nationalist identity : ideological perceptions of conflict in Ambon, Indonesia /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060713.204930.
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Faure, Clémence. "Les effets du discours sarkozyste de l'identité nationale (2002-2007)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0299.
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Nous nous proposons dans ce travail d’éclairer le processus d’émergence, entre 2002 et 2007, du discours de l’identité nationale dans la parole de Nicolas Sarkozy, et cela au prisme du paradigme des actes de langage, prisme nous permettant de mesurer parallèlement l’opérabilité des concepts de la philosophie et de la pragmatique du langage dans la compréhension des discours de nature politique. Notre hypothèse est que la rhétorique sarkozyste sur la nation résulte d’une dynamique discursive régie par la tension entre l’intention de son auteur et les contextes idéologiques et politiques dans lequel celui-ci se trouve inséré. Plus précisément, il s’agit ici de comprendre les attendus de ce discours et les effets cognitifs et politiques qu’il a pu engendrer au travers de la relation que celui-ci entretient à la configuration de l’espace idéologique des Français et des rapports de forces qui structurent l’espace politique. Pour ce faire, nous nous sommes appuyée sur l’analyse automatisée des déclarations de Nicolas Sarkozy prononcées entre 2002 et 2007, confrontant ses résultats à diverses enquêtes d’opinions sur les valeurs des Français mais aussi à l’évolution des dynamiques électorales observables depuis les années 1980. Il ressort de nos recherches que le discours de l’identité nationale sarkozyste est un véritable acte, résultat d’une entreprise discursive de coalescence idéologique menée dès 2003 et qui se caractérise par un pragmatisme. Cherchant à faire exister et à imposer un ordonnancement du réel jusqu’alors impensé, cette entreprise se définit comme une construction sans cesse renouvelée, puisant dans le contexte pour mieux certifier auprès de ses destinataires la pertinence de la grille du réel qu’elle promeut. Passant alors entre 2003 et 2007 d’une rhétorique de cadrage à un problème objectivé socialement et politiquement autorisé, le discours de l’identité nationale aura in fine participé à transformer l’ordre des choses et, corrélativement, à maximiser les chances de Nicolas Sarkozy de remporter les élections présidentielles de 2007This PhD thesis aims to shed a light on the process by which, between 2002 and 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy incorporated the notion of national identity in his discourse. We study this process through the prism of the speech act paradigm, which enables us to measure the operability of concepts put forward both by the philosophy and pragmatic subfields of linguistics in order to promote a better understanding of political discourses. Our hypothesis is that Sarkozy’s rhetoric about the nation stems from a tension between Sarkozy’s intentions on the one hand and the political and ideological context at the time on the other hand. More specifically, our objective is to identify both the results that Sarkozy expected to achieve and the cognitive and political effects that his discourse produced through its relationship with the French’s ideological scene and with the balance of power within the partisan system. To that end, we used an automated text analysis of Sarkozy’s public speeches between 2002 and 2007 and confronted the result we obtained to what polls had to say about the French people’s values and to the evolution observable at the ballot box since 1980. We conclude that Sarkozy’s discourse about national identity was indeed a speech act that followed a discursive enterprise of ideological coalescence that started in 2003 and that can be described as pragmatic. This enterprise planned to bring to life and impose a construction of reality that had not been thought about until then. This enterprise can be understood as a continuously renewed endeavor that used context in order to convince its recipients of the relevance of the representation of reality it promoted. Moving from 2003 to 2007 from a framing exercise to a response, to a socially objectified and politically accepted problem, the discourse about national identity had a transformative effect on the France and its view of the world and, consequently, helped Sarkozy win the 2007 presidential elections
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Ruedin, Didier. "Symbolic and ideological representation in national parliaments : a cross-national comparison of the representation of women, ethnic groups and issue positions in national parliaments /." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94320eba-9ccd-4bfa-90c8-230462fe2eb8.
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Botha, Woudri. "Ideology and myth in South African television : a critical analysis of SABC channel brand identities." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/26820.
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This dissertation investigates the brand identities of the South African Broadcasting Corporation television channels SABC1, SABC2 and SABC3 during the first decade of the 2000s (from 2000 to 2009). The study explores the manifestation and dissemination of dominant political ideologies and myths by the SABC television channels and their respective brand identities. It is argued that SABC television channels are structured and organised according to specific brand ideologies that match dominant political ideologies prevalent in South Africa. This is evident from the manner in which these channels have been organised, defined and redefined over the past years, and also from the self-promotional visual imagery shown by the television channels. The visual brand identities of each channel create the elements that make up each channel’s visual vocabulary, and each visual vocabulary in turn contributes to notions of “South Africanness” and definitions of South African identity. The study also explores the main concepts of ideology theory as a critical discursive practice to assist in a better understanding of the power relations in the SABC and its channel brands in particular. Some developments and changes in the SABC brand identities and the organisation of its television channels are studied from a historical perspective and correlated with ideology theory. In order to do this, the study also draws from semiotic theory. The author notes the semiotic quality of a brand and argues that the process of branding, the process of semiosis and the process of the dissemination of political ideologies bear structural resemblance. Basic definitions and key concepts of branding and corporate identity contribute to an enhanced understanding of the visual brand identities of the SABC television channels. An exploration of the elements specific to television channel branding helps to determine the signs, codes and meanings in SABC television channel branding.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2011.
Visual Arts
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Labisch, Diana. "From Critical Race Theory to Critical Religion Theory: An Adaptation for In-Country Struggles based on Race, Religion, Skin Color, and Capitals. A Globalized Cultural, Social, Political, Educational, Historical, and Contemporary “East versus West” Crisis." 2019. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34345.
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Multiculturalism and the merging of local communities with immigrants demands glocal policies in various sectors—especially in education. In order to successfully integrate immigrants, language acquisition is oftentimes the first initiative educators and politicians regard as one of the most essential attributes for successful and prompt integration. However, language acquisition cannot be separated from the need to bridge communities and their different values, tradition, ideologies, and identities based on their cultural heritages and religious affiliations. In order to properly respond to newly-emerging glocal dynamics in, for instance, classrooms, it is crucial to understand the shifts in racisms from black versus white to East versus West. Therefore, concepts need to consider different dynamics and embrace issues related to gender, sexuality, skin color, habitus, social, financial, and cultural capital, as well as educational achievement (gaps) on an interdisciplinary level. While seeking to find appropriate adaptations of school curricula, it is necessary to not try to run before one can walk—in other words—to not try to let educators teach before they have been taught cross-cultural communication. In addition, racisms cannot be limited to conflicts between immigrants and non-immigrants; racisms also occur among a homogeneous group. The complexity of reuniting and/or integrating various immigrant, non-immigrant, (Middle) Eastern and Western identities and their (intercultural) belonging is critical because of the various circumstances and settings that need to be considered for responding to linguistic, cultural, social, psychological, educational, and financial matters individually. Although there is not one concrete theoretical framework or outcome that can be applied for integration; this dissertation thesis functions as a roadmap for becoming more aware of regional and international struggles. Despite the multifaceted approaches that need to be combined and implemented in terms of second language acquisition, updated teacher training, cross-cultural policies, access to social services and support systems, etc., the education sector remains the foundation for prospective integration: Integrative and multiculturally-aware education provides the glocal society with intercultural and interdisciplinary-applicable assets and capitals. Such abilities help create a politically, socially, financially, culturally, and educationally responsible future embracing transatlantic intermingling instead of oppressing Otherness. Local and global communities benefit from better-adjusted and well-integrated immigrant families and students. The better societies and politics educate, integrate, and value non-locals, the more societies will benefit culturally, socially, politically, and economically from the glocal population. The newly-introduced PIC SAM guidelines provide, in cooperation with key actors and community-centered programs for immigrants and non-immigrants, a roadmap for combining theory and practice in glocal contexts.:Table of Contents vi
List of Figures, Tables, and Illustrations x
Chapter One 1
Personal Narrative and Relevance: Education as Powerful Integration Tool 1
Rationale, Overview, and Global Integration and Education 7
Theoretical Framework and Methodological Approaches 14
Terminology 17
Steps for Globally-Adjusted Integration and Education 29
Step 1: Understanding Legal Challenges of Turkish Immigrants 29
Step 2: Understanding that Not Every Middle Easterner is a Muslim 33
Step 3: Starting Successful Integration in Kindergarten 33
Step 4: Nurturing Integration Instead of Oppressing Immigration 36
Step 5: Adapting CRT—From Colorblind to Headscarfblind 39
Step 6: Taking the Education Exit for Integration 43
Step 7: Taking the Education Exit to Integration 44
Step 8: Sprucing Up the Headscarf Image 45
Chapter Two 48
Literature Review 48
Chapter Three 103
“Other” Ideologies and Identities—Theoretical Approaches 103
(1) How to Approach Different Ideologies 103
(2) Reasons for Othering and Biased Headscarf Images 103
(3) Disempowering the Exotic Other 104
(4) The Danger of Ill-Ideologies 106
(5) Ideologies as Utopia and Fantasy 108
(6) Capitalization and Mass Economization of Identities and Ideologies 109
(7) Institutionalization of the ISA (aka the School) 110
Chapter Four 113
Individuals are Always-Already Subjects of Ideology 113
Concepts Creating the Multifaceted Constructions of Ideology 114
(1) Ideology as A-Historical 114
(2) Is Ideology “Real” or an Illusion? 115
(3) Individuals are Always-Already Subjects (of Ideology) 116
(4) Subjects within a Mass-Produced Media (Ill)Ideology 117
(5) Shift: From Dominant via Repressed Ideology to State Apparatus 119
(6) Concluding Thoughts on Ideologies 120
Chapter Five 123
Race as Product of Social, Political, and Educational Thought 123
Chapter Six 128
Shifts in Racisms: Whitewashed—From Black to (Middle) East 128
The Wende within Immigration and Globalization 134
(1) History and Its Effect on Pre- and Post-Activism 134
(2) GDR Museums—(False?) Nostalgia in Times of Globalization 141
(3) Cross-Generational Racisms and Racialized White Others 145
Chapter Seven 149
Different Social and Cultural Capitals: East vs. West (German) Habitus 149
Adapting Bourdieu’s Habitus to Different Contexts 151
Comparative Examples: Disadvantaged Groups in the Education Sector 154
Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Oscar 156
Concluding the Nitty-Gritty: Political Trust and Progressive Educators 165
Chapter Eight 170
Reverse Activisms: The Importance of Transnational Post-Activism 170
Tear Down that Church! 173
Transferring Activism from the GDR to the 21st Century 177
From “Teaching” Activism to “Doing” Activism 181
East versus West: Striving for Balanced Activisms 184
Activism, Aktivismus, and Activisme—or Negativism? 187
Chapter Nine 190
Adapting and Diversifying CRT 190
Teaching and Learning German and Intercultural Communication 195
Global and Anti-Racist Pedagogies In- and Outside of Schools 200
Roadmap for Changing (the) Dynamics in Germany’s Education 203
(1) Cross-Language Policies: Bilingualism for Everyone 203
(2) Current Challenges in Germany’s Education System 207
(3) Key Actors and Levels in Addressing the Integration Problem(s) 208
(4) Solution Approaches 210
Chapter Ten 212
Glocal Frameworks: Adding “Bi-Religionism” to Bilingualism & Biculturalism 212
Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Mo 215
Educational Policy Recommendations 224
Concluding the Nitty-Gritty 230
Chapter Eleven 233
Outlook and Conclusion: Striving for Glocal Awareness and Activist Change 233
References 243
Endnotes 263
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Wang, Lurong. "Immigration, Literacy, and Mobility: A Critical Ethnographic Study of Well-educated Chinese Immigrants’ Trajectories in Canada." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/27608.
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This dissertation interrogates the deficit assumptions about English proficiency of skilled immigrants who were recruited by Canadian governments between the late 1990s and early 2000s. Through the lens of literacy as social practice, the eighteen-month ethnographic qualitative research explores the sequential experiences of settlement and economic integration of seven well-educated Chinese immigrant professionals. The analytical framework is built on sociocultural approaches to literacy and learning, as well as the theories of discourses and language reproduction. Using multiple data sources (observations, conversational interviews, journal and diary entries, photographs, documents, and artifacts collected in everyday lives), I document many different ways that well-educated Chinese immigrants take advantage of their language and literacy skills in English across several social domains of home, school, job market, and workplace.
Examining the trans-contextual patterning of the participants’ language and literacy activities reveals that immigrant professionals use literacy as assistance in seeking, negotiating, and taking hold of resources and opportunities within certain social settings. However, my data show that their language and literacy engagements might not always generate positive consequences for social networks, job opportunities, and upward economic mobility. Close analyses of processes and outcomes of the participants’ engagements across these discursive discourses make it very clear that the monolithic assumptions of the dominant language shape and reinforce structural barriers by constraining their social participation, decision making, and learning practice, and thereby make literacy’s consequences unpredictable. The deficit model of language proficiency serves the grounds for linguistic stereotypes and economic marginalization, which produces profoundly consequential effects on immigrants’ pathways as they strive for having access to resources and opportunities in the new society.
My analyses illuminate the ways that language and literacy create the complex web of discursive spaces wherein institutional agendas and personal desires are intertwined and collide in complex ways that constitute conditions and processes of social and economic mobility of immigrant populations. Based on these analyses, I argue that immigrants’ successful integration into a host country is not about the mastery of the technical skills in the dominant language. Rather, it is largely about the recognition and acceptance of the value of their language use and literacy practice as they attempt to partake in the globalized new economy.
Books on the topic "Political-ideological identity"
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Yurasov, Igor', and Ol'ga Pavlova. Discursive study of Orthodox religious identity. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1021279.
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Considers the problem of the Orthodox religious identity from the point of view of the influence of five types of discourse, widely represented in the Orthodox semiotic picture of the world: philosophical, mythological, artistic, political and ideological. Selected types of religious identity: normative, marginalized, and folkloristically, and determined what type of discourse most pragmatically strongly influences the formation of a type of Orthodox identity. The authors come to the conclusion about the existence in the Russian Federation "rural" and "urban" Orthodox discourses. The first leads to the development of social strain in the area of religious identity and is the base of the formation polarisierung religious identity. The second sets the normative Orthodox identity, avoiding archaism and development of the centaur-ideas. This study was conducted in part supported by RFBR, research project No. 18-011-00164 on "Discursive study of religious identity."
Designed for a wide range of sociologists, philologists, cultural studies and religious studies, as well as for a wide circle of readers interested in questions of religion.
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Mondry, Henrietta. Nineteenth century Russian literature in today's ideological debates: A quest for national identity in Soviet literary criticism. Köln: Berichte des Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1991.
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Bandini, Gianfranco, ed. Manuali, sussidi e didattica della geografia. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-8453-958-8.
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This publication is comprised within a recent strand of studies devoted to scholastic culture, understood as an original and complex form of mediation between academic and popular culture. The history of scholastic disciplines is actually one of the most innovative and interesting sectors of the social history of education, and also links up with similar initiatives in other academic sectors, even at international level. These include studies on scholastic and educational publishing, the history of professional associations in the area of geography and cartography (both local and national), and on possible interactions between classical geographical studies and technological applications (digital history and geography). The study of geography teaching, in particular, is extremely useful and significant for analysing: the structure, functioning and changes in scholastic culture; the contribution it made at the time of foundation and consolidation of the Italian State and at other times of political and cultural discontinuity and, finally, the tormented relations of scholastic geography with numerous aspects of an ideological nature and related to the building of Italian identity. From a methodical and historical aspect, the approach of this book is distinctly interdisciplinary: it involves specialists from scientific communities that differ in their origins and current structure, but share the same argument of study and the wish for open exchange. The various contributions seek to highlight the close interrelations between past and present in geography, never severing the links between current and historic study, between the educational and operational concerns of today and those of yesterday. Rather, they underscore the importance and advantages of a historic perspective, which can supply useful keys for interpreting the moments of discontinuity and the (ideal and operational) tensions that have distinguished geographical culture, both scholastic and academic. Rassegna stampa: La Vita Scolastica Rivista n. 5 Dicembre 2013
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology and Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.001.0001.
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This book challenges the view that party politics and elections in India are far removed from ideas. It claims that a dominant intellectual paradigm of what constitutes an ideology is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In these more diverse states, the most important ideological debates center on statism—the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property, and on recognition—whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. Using survey data from the Indian National Election Studies (NES) and survey experiments from smaller but more focused studies, and evidence drawn from the Constituent Assembly debates, it shows that Indian electoral politics, as represented by political parties, their members, and their voters, is in fact marked by deep ideological cleavages, with parties, party members, and voters taking distinct positions on statism and recognition. This ideological divide can account for the replacement of the one-party-dominant system by a party system in which regional parties have become far more important and a right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had spectacular success in the 2014 national elections. The focus on ideology also explains why leadership is so important in contemporary Indian politics as well as the limited influence of patronage politics. The book shows how education, the media, and religious practice transmit the competing ideas that lie at the heart of the ideological debates in India.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.003.0003.
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The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.
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Mader, Matthias, and Harald Schoen. Ideological Voting in Context. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0011.
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The chapter addresses whether the extent of ideological voting undertaken by German citizens varied in different media contexts in the period 2009 and 2015. Ideological voting is understood here as the choice of a political party on the basis of one’s ideological identity. We argue that in times of low ideological conflict, these identities may or may not become psychologically salient—and thus enter the calculus of voting—depending on the presence of relevant cues in the public discourse. This hypothesis is tested using thirty GLES Online Tracking surveys and the complementary GLES Long-Term Media Agenda Analysis. Our analysis shows considerable variation in the extent of ideological voting, both among the politically involved and among the politically uninvolved. In contrast to theoretical expectations, however, ideological voting did not increase with the salience of retirement and health issues among the issue public of the elderly.
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Jenco, Leigh. Chinese Political Ideologies. Edited by Michael Freeden and Marc Stears. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0002.
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This chapter examines modern Chinese political ideologies beginning in the late nineteenth century, as intellectuals began to articulate China’s place in a global order centred outside its own borders. It eschews a teleological view of China’s ideological development, in which the present communist regime is assumed to be the inevitable culmination of the past, in favour of detailing ongoing contestations about Chinese history, identity, and modernization. The chapter surveys early responses of the ‘self-strengthening’ school to nineteenth-century Western imperialism, going on to discuss the deepening of Chinese commitments to Western learning and the totalistic critique of ‘traditional’ culture by thinkers associated with the May Fourth Movement. The continuity of these ideas is discussed in relation to key contemporary ideological developments on China and Taiwan, including: Chinese democratic thought and human rights; ideologies of revolution; Communism; contemporary liberal and New Left thought; and New Confucianism.
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Bosia, Michael J., and Meredith L. Weiss. Political Homophobia in Comparative Perspective. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037726.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter discusses political homophobia as a state strategy, social movement, and transnational phenomenon, powerful enough to structure the experiences of sexual minorities and expressions of sexuality. It considers political homophobia as purposeful, especially as practiced by state actors; as embedded in the scapegoating of an “other” that drives processes of state building and retrenchment; as the product of transnational influence peddling and alliances; and as integrated into questions of collective identity and the complicated legacies of colonialism. In this analysis, unexpected forms of political homophobia must be examined as typical tools for building an authoritative notion of national collective identity, for mobilizing around a variety of contentious issues and empowered actors, and as a metric of transnational institutional and ideological flows.
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West-Harling, Veronica. Rome, Ravenna, and Venice, 750-1000. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198754206.001.0001.
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The richest and most politically complex regions in Italy in the earliest Middle Ages were the Byzantine sections of the peninsula, thanks to their links with the most coherent early medieval state, the Byzantine Empire. This comparative study of the histories of Rome, Ravenna, and Venice arises from their unifying element: their common Byzantine past, since all three escaped being incorporated into the Lombard kingdom in the late seventh and early eighth centuries. By 750, however, their political links with the Byzantine Empire were irrevocably severed, except in the case of Venice. Thus, after 750, and in the ninth and tenth centuries, did these cities remain socially and culturally heirs of Byzantium in their political structures, social organization, material culture, ideological frame of reference, and representation of identity? Did they become part of the Western political and ideological framework of Italy: Frankish Carolingian in the ninth, and German Ottonian in the tenth, centuries? This book attempts to identify and analyse the ways in which each of these cities preserved the continuity of structures of the late antique and Byzantine cultural and social world; or in which they adapted each and every element available in Italy to their own needs, at various times, and in various ways. It does so through a story which encompasses the main contemporary narratives, the documentary evidence, recent archaeological discoveries, and discussions on art history, and it follows the markers of status and identity through titles, names, ethnic groups, liturgy and ritual, foundation myths, representations, symbols, and topographies of power
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Duara, Prasenjit. The Cold War and the Imperialism of Nation-States. Edited by Richard H. Immerman and Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0006.
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This chapter examines the role of the imperialism of nation-states in the Cold War. It suggests that the Cold War rivalry provided the “frame of reference” in which the historical forces of imperialism and nationalism interacted with developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies and modes of identity formation. The chapter also argues that while the equilibrium of Cold War rivalry generated an entrenched political and ideological hegemony limiting the realization of political, economic, and imaginative possibilities in much of the world, the developing world represented significant weak links and played an equally important role in its collapse.
Book chapters on the topic "Political-ideological identity"
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Alinejad, Mahmoud. "The Rivalry Between Secular and Religious Nationalisms: On the Split in Iranian National Identity." In The Nation Form in the Global Age, 273–300. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85580-2_11.
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AbstractNationalism remains a compelling ideological force and is the most important marker of collective identity in modern times. It inspires the idea of the nation by forging strong bonds of solidarity through the invocation of pre-existing ethnic, cultural or religious loyalties. Recurrent political conflicts in Iran have often been driven by nationalist ideologies. This chapter demonstrates the central role of the rivalry between secular and religious nationalisms in shaping Iran’s national identity. The interplay of these two nationalisms in the country has left national identity torn between modernity and tradition for more than a century. Rather than a clear break, however, what distinguishes the two nationalist persuasions are differences in the degree of religious or secular overtones respectively: secular nationalists have drawn on underlying religious support, while blatantly religious stances have had to adjust themselves to the demands of a modern secular state. Both of these nationalisms have tended to conceal the real diversity of political interests, but thus far they have failed to build an inclusive and secure national identity for Iran, leading to political instability and crisis.
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Aleef, Dastan. "Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 175–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_9.
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AbstractThe former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.
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"Ideological, Political, and Identity Issues in L2 Writing." In A Synthesis of Research on Second Language Writing in English, 73–78. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203930250-16.
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Wineinger, Catherine N. "Institutionalizing a Partisan-Gender Identity." In Gendering the GOP, 91–122. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556542.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 examines the collective action of Republican congresswomen. Through case studies of the Congressional Caucus for Women’s Issues (CCWI) and the Republican Women’s Policy Committee (RWPC), the chapter demonstrates how institutional and political changes over time have shaped the recognition and mobilization of a partisan-gender identity among Republican women. The first half of the chapter examines the evolution of CCWI membership, focusing on Republican women. It shows how ideological differences, party loyalty, and institutional changes have affected Republican congresswomen’s decisions to work within the bipartisan women’s caucus. The second half of the chapter discusses how this partisan-gender identity would gradually become institutionalized as the RWPC. Through an analysis of the formation of the RWPC, it shows how ideological cohesion, interparty competition, and changes in the political environment have resulted in opportunities for women to organize collectively within the GOP. Chapter 4 also reveals the various challenges faced by Republican congresswomen and the significance of male party leaders as gatekeepers.
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Hawkes, Martine Louise. "Memory, Identity, and Possession." In Postgenocide, 211–35. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895189.003.0009.
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Contributing to discourses of postgenocide identities, memories, and irreconciliation, this chapter explores the role of museums, archives, and galleries (‘GAMs’) in constructing a history of genocide through personal objects they collect and display, and ways in which these objects are mobilized to give physical shape to particular narratives. These institutions are presented as being reflexive; they do not simply mirror the world but also produce what we know about particular histories and people. The analysis suggests that the role GAMs play in producing public knowledge of genocide is apparent in the power they hold over what they will, or will not, collect or keep, and which story they’ll tell through the arrangement and description of these objects. The personal objects, removed from their original setting, stand not only in the context of a collection but also in the broader political and ideological context of the construction of the genocide narrative.
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Shaked, Nizan. "The political referent in debate: identity, difference, representation." In The Synthetic Proposition. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992750.003.0005.
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This chapter offers a specific set of distinctions made in the debates about political art in the 1980s and 1990s by observing a constellation of anthologies, symposia, and exhibitions as a backdrop to understanding the curatorial agenda and reception of the 1993 Whitney Biennial for American Art, as well as a comprehensive examination of the exhibition contributions of Daniel Joseph Martinez, Andrea Fraser, and Lorna Simpson. The 1993 Biennial provides an ideal case study to examine the representation of socio-political issues in art, as it consolidated perspectives on two key terms for the later part of the twentieth century: identity politics and multiculturalism. A for-or-against debate gives way to understanding identity politics and multiculturalism as modes of describing a historical stage and/or a political strategy. Many artists concerned with these frameworks sought ways of showing how identities worked, not what they looked like. Significant in this respect was the landmark exhibition Difference: On Representation and Sexuality (1985), which highlighted a set of constructivist approaches to the formation of subjectivity and the subject, underscoring the social, ideological, psychological, economic, and linguistic structures of identity over essentialist definitions reliant upon notions of inherent communality. Silvia Kolbowski’s Model Pleasure I-VIII 1982-1984 (1982-84), included in Difference, is discussed.
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Skorini, Heini I. "Science as a Political Battlefield." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 29–53. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3677-3.ch002.
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This chapter will examine the role of science and factual knowledge in public policymaking in the digital era. The chapter will address why certain scientific issues trigger political controversy and cultural polarization and what psychological mechanisms fuel political tribalism, ideological group thinking, and the rejection of facts and science in collective political decision-making. Furthermore, the digital revolution and its capability of fueling disinformation and false narratives will also be analyzed. According to the main argument, the rejection of science on particular issues is not due to public ignorance, the lack of education, or scientific illiteracy. The emergence of “post-truth politics” and the erosion of science in collective decision-making is largely caused by rising political partisanship, cultural group thinking, motivated reasoning, and identity-protective cognition.
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Williamson, George. "Aspects of Identity." In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0007.
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Amodern Example May Help to Clarify some of the issues to be discussed in this chapter. Formerly one of the six republics forming the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Bosnia- Hercegovina has since 1995’s Dayton Agreement been an uneasy international protectorate, divided into a Croat-Muslim Federation, and the Serbian ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS). Bosnia’s coinage speaks powerfully about the paradoxes of a state created through a bloody war of identity and ethnic cleansing. These two entities—the Federation and the RS— and three communities—Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian Muslim—display strong and sometimes aggrieved senses of their own individual identities, and ethnic divisions can arise over the simplest of everyday differences. For example, car registration stickers until recently identified cars as registered either in the Federation or in the RS. The International Community felt compelled to design a coinage in which ethnic differences were avoided. The currency itself is a paradox—known as the ‘Convertible Mark’ (KM), it converts to another currency, the Deutschmark, which no longer exists. But it is in the choice of iconography that the Bosnian KM is most striking; these are some of the least attractive coins ever issued, more akin to subway tokens than to genuine coinage. One side of the 1 KM coin displays the stylized shield motif of Bosnia-Hercegovina, a device approved by the International Community. The other bears the denomination and the words ‘Bosne i Hercegovina’ twice, in one language, and two alphabets, though Serbs, Muslims, and Croats might deny that the Latin script of Catholic Croatia, and the Cyrillic of Orthodox Serbia represent the same language. Aside from this need for linguistic even-handedness, no other motifs are to be found. An iconographic void appears to be the only means of compromise. What does this tell us? First, any minting authority can use coins to send an ideological and iconographical message. Coinages represent both political and economic acts. Second, coinage is in no sense an unmediated or direct guide to the ethnic identities of communities; it represents deliberate political choices made by those in control and may therefore mirror social attitudes of those not in control, attempt to modify them, or ignore them outright.
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Bardon, Adrian. "Bias and Belief." In The Truth About Denial, 1–66. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062262.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces key psychological concepts pertinent to denial, such as cognitive dissonance, motivated reasoning, and confirmation bias. It also addresses the relation between denial and ideology. It explains different social psychology approaches to understanding the phenomena of denial and ideological denialism. Ideological denialism is a unique psychological condition wherein the subject is motivated to embrace a certain conclusion about issues of public relevance for reasons relating to self-interest, group-interest, culture, personality, and/or identity. A discovery of great importance is that the tendency to ideological denial is neither a consequence of being uninformed nor a consequence of one’s lacking political sophistication.
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"The Undergrounds - The Search for a Political and Ideological Identity at the Crossroads of 1944-1948." In Jabotinsky and the Revisionist Movement 1925-1948, 332–42. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315035253-21.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Political-ideological identity"
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Song, Sumin, Zhaoping Zhang, and Xiaoxia Feng. "Analysis of Views on Objective of Colleges Ideological and Political Education based on Conversion from Course Education to Cultural Identity." In 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.228.
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"Brief Analysis of Personality Shaping of Young Teachers of Ideological and Political Course--Analysis from the Perspective of Professional Self-identity and Vocational Happiness." In 2017 International Conference on Advanced Education, Psychology and Sports Science. Francis Academic Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/aepss.2017.107.
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Konstantinov, Mikhail. "POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AS AN EVOLUTIONARY SYSTEM (TO THE THEORY OF COGNITIVE-IDEOLOGICAL MATRICES)." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/14.
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The aim of the article is to concretize the concept of political ideology in the aspect of its matrix structure and in the context of the cognitive-evolutionary approach. Based on Michael Frieden's morphological approach to the analysis of ideological consciousness, the concept of cognitive-ideological matrices is introduced, which allows us to describe the process of transition from proto-ideological to ideological concepts proper, especially at the level of individual consciousness. The identification of the ideological concept as the main “gene” of conceptual variability and inheritance made it possible to describe the main parameters of the evolution of political ideologies and associate it with changes taking place at the individual consciousness level. The described concept was tested in a series of sociological studies of youth consciousness conducted in 2015-2016 and 2018-2020. As a result of the study, it was possible to first identify the “zero level” of ideology, at which the minds of young respondents are potentially open to the influence of diverse and often mutually exclusive ideological orientations, and second, to pinpoint the changes that have occurred in the cognitive ideological matrices of Rostov-on-Don students over the past five years. This study was conducted by scientists from the southern Federal University.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.
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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Wei, Ling, and Huan Yu. "The Way to Improve Students' Ability to Identify Social Thought in the College Ideological and Political Education." In 2016 4th International Education, Economics, Social Science, Arts, Sports and Management Engineering Conference (IEESASM 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ieesasm-16.2016.43.
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