Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political identity of Alevis'
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1
Yener-Roderburg, Inci Oyku. "Defined on the edge of power: the Alevi identity through centuries of transition in Turkey." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12543.
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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges Alevis experience in Turkey is the lack of adequate historical credit afforded to them within Modern Turkish society. Though Alevis have a much older history than the Republic of Turkey, having occupied the region for centuries before the inception the modern Turkish nation-state, they still have a very specific relationship with the development of the secular Kemalist-Turkish identity. In fact, Alevis began to develop a novel and unique political identity, which embraced secularism in spite of deeply rooted religious convictions, during Turkey's National transition from the late Ottoman Empire (early 1900s) to the early multi-party era (late 1950s).
Existing scholarship on Alevi identity often exclusively focuses on how they were perceived as a religious group during the Ottoman Era or on their increasingly marginalized political identity after the 1970s. However, this thesis will argue that these approaches fail to appreciate the "transition period" of Alevi identity, and how the transformation from being considered a strictly religious/ethnic identity within the Ottoman Empire to becoming viewed as vocal and political advocates of secularism from the early Republic is crucial to understanding contemporary Alevi identity. It will argue that past research has not paid enough attention to this transition, casting Alevi cultural and political identity as fragmented, rigid and impermeable rather than fluid and constantly evolving.
To this end, this thesis will seek to demonstrate that Alevism has in fact evolved politically since the sixteenth century of the Ottoman Era, and validate why most Alevis became secular Kemalists during the early twentieth century Republican era of modern Turkey, with the Alevi identity maintaining a dedicated Kemalist ideology since then society at large.
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Tol, Ugras Ulas. "The Sustainability Crisis Of Alevis." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610507/index.pdf.
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One of the important agendas of Turkey in the 2000s has been the &ldquoAlevi Revival&rdquo
. The subject of this thesis, which claims that Alevis are in a search of identity rather than in a period of revival, is the sustainability crisis of the Alevis. Aleviness which has not been mentioned in the political sphere before has now turned into frequently spoken phenomenon. In this &ldquo
Open Aleviness&rdquo
period Alevis felt themselves more free and relieved and with this sense they started to claim more rights and freedoms. The most important and unexpected consequence of the period for the Alevis is the need for an identification of Aleviness. When Alevis realized the distance they have with Aleviness, they did not adopt different definitions of Aleviness made from different positions. Other identities of Alevis determine what kind of an Aleviness they would become. Nevertheless, while the variety of Aleviness understandings has increased, common points of different approaches have decreased. While Islamic Alevism which is one of the projects aiming at becoming hegemonic tries to sustain the tradition
the other one, Political Alevism refers to pressures and assaults of the past. As long as the Alevi elites can generate projects of Alevism which would encapsulate the tradition but differentiate itself from Islam and does not contradict with secularism
which could renew the traditional leadership
which could define positive elements
which have a mechanism of inclusion, and whose members will have the feeling of responsibility the sustainability crisis of Aleviness will deepen.
3
Akbas, Gulcin. "Social Identity And Intergroup Relations: The Case Of Alevis And Sunnis In Amasya." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612520/index.pdf.
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The aim of the current thesis was to investigate the relationship between Alevis and Sunnis through the lenses of Social Identity Theory, Social Dominance Theory, and Contact Hypothesis to understand whether they see the current situation stable and legitimate, and perceive discrimination. It was expected that Alevis and Sunnis will differ in ingroup identifications, social dominance orientations, quantity, and quality of intergroup contact, perception of legitimacy and stability, and perceived discrimination against their ingroup. Moreover, the relationship between the dimensions of religious group identification, social dominance orientation, social contact and legitimacy, stability, and perceived discrimination is expected to differ between groups. The sample was consisted of 157 Sunni and 172 Alevi participants living in Amasya, Turkey. Participants completed a questionnaire package including the measures of religious identification, social dominance orientation, social contact, legitimacy, stability, and perceived discrimination. Results revealed that there were significant differences between Alevis and Sunnis in public religious identity, alienated religious identity, opposition to equality, contact quality, perceived legitimacy of the group status, and perception of discrimination directed against ingroup and outgroup. Moreover, religious group identification and social dominance orientation significantly predicted the perception of legitimacy and stability in both Alevi and Sunni groups. Examination of the associations among the major variables revealed that the relationship between perceived discrimination and ingroup identification was slightly stronger for Alevi group compared to Sunni group. The power of group based dominance was stronger than opposition to equality in predicting the perception of discrimination, especially for the Sunni group. Finally, intergroup contact, especially the quality of contact, had a positive effect on intergroup relations. Considering that this thesis is the first attempt to empirically examine the fundamental social psychological processes underlying the Alevi issue in Turkey, findings were discussed on basis of sociological and political aspects as well as previous work in Western cultures.
4
Doganyilmaz, Didem. "How far religious freedom goes in a laic state: alevis of Turkey." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/403209.
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This study aims to analyze the necessities of Alevism as a belief and the limits of freedom that Alevis have had since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey to maintain and practice their cultural and religious components in between a laic state structure and traditionally Sunni Muslim society. It puts the debate on the limits of religious freedom of a certain group; this is to mention Alevis, in a laic state structure, which should aim to keep its distance to any religious identity with possession none of them on the center. The distinguishments aim to emphasize the place of Alevis in political history of the Republic of Turkey, which has been fulfilled with a concrete competition of two aforementioned identities, and to mention the difficulties that Alevis have faced with as a result of their officially unrecognized religious identity by none of the two identities and its consequent limitations.
Keywords: Alevism, political history of Republic of Turkey, laicism, religion, political IslamEste estudio tiene el objetivo de analizar las necesidades del alevismo como una creencia y los límites de la libertad que los alevís han tenido desde la fundación de la República de Turquía, al mantener y practicar sus componentes culturales y religiosos entre una estructura estatal laica y la sociedad tradicionalmente musulmana sunita. Pone el centro del debate en los límites de la libertad religiosa de un grupo determinado, los alevís, en una estructura del Estado laico, que debe tratar de mantener su distancia hacia cualquier identidad religiosa, sin optar por ninguna de ellas. Por lo tanto, las determinaciones tienen el objetivo de destacar el lugar de los alevís en la historia política de la República de Turquía y hablar de las dificultades a las que se han enfrentado los alevís, como consecuencia de su identidad religiosa no reconocida oficialmente por ninguno de las dos identidades y sus consecuentes limitaciones. Palabras clave: alevismo, la historia política de la República de Turquía, el laicismo, la religión, el Islam político
5
Gamberale, Carlo. "European citizenship and political identity." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6013/.
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The provisions of the EC Treaty on citizenship of the Union introduce a fundamental democratic element in the process of European political integration. The focus of integration is no longer on an economic factor of production (workers) but on politically self-determined citizens. Citizenship of the Union, however, does not constitute a full status of European citizenship, because of its incompleteness in terms of entitlements and its dependence on Member States' nationality. The development of Union citizenship into a complete status of citizenship depends on Member States' determination to transfer essential aspects of sovereignty to the Community and achieve full political integration. If Union citizenship is to evolve from the current form of derived status of Member States' nationality into a more complete and independent European citizenship, it must be followed by a parallel evolution in the field of collective identity of the citizens. In the EU legal order, citizenship, if taken in its `national meaning', could be a fundamental element in the consolidation of the Union as a `state-like phenomenon'. The current `national understanding' requires the existence of a common national identity (based on culture, language, traditions and in some cases ethnicity) to sustain the legal and political framework made of rights and obligations of membership. At European level, however, this approach is unlikely to work because of the different national and cultural identities of the people of Europe. Alternatively it is argued that Europe needs a radical change in the conception of citizenship and democracy to proceed in the direction of political integration. Only a strictly political European identity based on association and participation could co-ordinate the different allegiances that European citizens already have towards institutions and groups other than the Union, and at the same time create a common political bond among them. Despite this fundamental change, the extension of citizenship beyond the national boundaries should take place without endangering those citizens' rights, which have been developed in the context of the nation-state, in particular the principles of liberty and equality. The great challenge faced by the European Union consists in dissociating those rights from the tie of nationhood. On a point of eligibility, European political identity could not be used to exclude `cultural outsiders' from European citizenship, regardless of whether they come from a Member State or a third country. As European identity would lack a common cultural basis, the same concept of `cultural outsider' would not apply to European citizenship. As a result such type citizenship would be naturally open to non-European immigrants, who already reside in the Union, but who are excluded from national citizenship, and to prospective third country immigrants. The openness of a politically based European citizenship and identity contrasts with the restrictive European Union immigration and asylum policies (fortress Europe). In the absence of cultural or ethnic common grounds, fortress Europe seems to be based mainly on contingent economic reasons, such as the protection of the European labour markets and welfare systems. It appears that in the long term, due to demographic changes, these economic reasons might disappear together with the restrictive immigration policies. In the meanwhile, however, there seems to be no excuse for the non-integration of resident third country nationals into European citizenship.
6
Tee, Caroline. "Mysticism and identity amongst the Alevis in Turkey : a study of flexibility and adaptation in the aşık poetry of an eastern Alevi ocak." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559494.
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In this thesis, I investigate a minority Muslim group in Turkey called the Alevis. Particularly, I explore the way in which one Alevi group, the Dervis Cemal Ocak from Erzincan, is currently in the process of reformulating its religious traditions and rethinking its identity as it seeks to define a place for itself in contemporary Turkish society. I explore and analyse the group's decision to align itself with one of the more state- conciliatory of the national Alevi organisations, the Cem Vakfi, and investigate how the Dervis Cemal Ocak is seeking to engage with, rather than distance itself from, the official criteria for belonging to the Turkish nation: namely, Turkishness and self-identification as Muslim. I investigate the oral history ofthe group, focusing on the lives and miracle stories attributed to its early forefathers and the sacred sites associated with them in western Anatolia, and consider the role these narratives are playing in the codification ofthe group's history and identity today. I approach the major part of my study through the medium of astk poetry, which is a central feature of the Alevi tradition. I explore the life-story and poetry of Ozan Seyfili, a prominent astk. from the Dervis Cemal Ocak, and analyse the changes that the Alevi community went through in the 20th century, as well as the current revival activities, through the lens of his poetry and associated commentaries. I consider the nature of Alevi mysticism, through analysis of the way in which Ozan Seyfili draws on Persian Sufi imagery in his poetry as well as through ethnographic research into the traditional religious practices of the Dervis Cemal Ocak before the fragmentation brought about by mass migration. I consider the way in which Alevi mysticism is changing in the urban setting and conclude with a discussion of the possibilities for how the Alevis might organise themselves as a socio-religious community in the future.
7
Henderson, Ailsa. "Negotiated identity, contested belonging and political inclusion : national identity and political culture in Scotland and Quebec." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22304.
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Early political culture research, in its attempts to determine which combination of attitudes, values and behaviours created the ideal electorate, often treated national identity as a tool of integration. If individuals felt a sense of national identity then the political culture would be in a healthier state than if citizens expressed their loyalty to rival sub-groups or felt no national identity at all. Since these works, little attention has been paid to the role of national identity within political culture. Altered by discussions of post-materialism, mundane political culture or rational choice theories, political culture has abandoned the initial interactive focus of examination to other literatures studying social capital and new social movements. The thesis argues that national identity has remained an under-explored aspect of political culture, and that an integrated approach would benefit analyses of States where nationalist movements have sought greater political autonomy. Relying on case studies of Scotland and Quebec, the thesis examines the way in which national identity is treated by political actors to create a hierarchy of belonging within the nation. Perceptions of national inclusion, as determined by this hierarchy, affect the patterns of interaction within the political culture. The sense of ease with which people feel integrated in the political system is not currently explored by surveys of trust, efficacy, satisfaction and confidence. Relying on survey data and qualitative interviews, the thesis seeks to demonstrate that the way in which individuals draw boundaries around themselves, their nations and political systems forms an integral part of political culture.
8
Longman, Christopher Mark. "The political mobilisation of cultural identity." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272534.
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Long, Jacob Andrew. "Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595519865595447.
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Blurton, Scott. "Territorial identity: The "third category" of identity in Normative Pluralism." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27958.
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Normative Pluralism is a field of academic literature that attempts to reconcile the growing diversity within modern states by defining rules and norms to manage the relationships between differing identity groups. For the most part, normative pluralism has been focused on reconciling the relations between groups who exhibit one of two categories of identity: national identities and cultural identities. Much of the debate within the field of normative pluralism is in defining within which category an identity should be included and which rights and responsibilities should be assigned to it. However, there is another form of identity that while increasing in frequency and strength has been almost completely ignored by frameworks of normative pluralism---territorial identity. This presented thesis contends that territorial forms of identity comprise a "third category" of identity that frameworks of normative pluralism must address. More precisely, this thesis analyses the academic literature of normative pluralism and finds that, despite the strong connection between territory and identity, territorial identities are invisible in the academic debate within normative pluralism. This thesis explains the power and stability of territorial identities within the public sphere by outlining a theory of how territorial identities are formed, maintained, and transmitted through the relationship of three distinct phenomena: territoriality, narrative, and banal flagging. In a case study, the thesis reveals practical evidence of territorial identity, and the three phenomena that construct it, by analyzing the text of the editorials by three Albertan newspapers over the span of a single year.
11
Bouche, Vanessa P. "Identity and the Mechanisms of Political Engagement." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305648034.
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Lindqvist, Erik. "Essays on privatization, identity, and political polarization." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics (EFI), 2007. http://www2.hhs.se/efi/summary/733.htm.
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Haralambakis, George. "The Action Francaise : ideology and political identity." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496217.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the ideological weapons that the Action Francaise used to challenge the Third Republic and its ideology. While the Action Francaise been seen either as another monarchist challenge to the Republic or as the precursor of fascism (Weber, Nolte, Stemhell), it has not been seen as a part of the wider phenomenon of the debate on citizenship and Republicanism that was taking place in fin de siecle France.
14
McBride, Terence. "Irish political identity in Glasgow, 1863-91." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2002. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21562.
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The Irish in nineteenth-century Glasgow constituted a significant but essentially short-term element in politics. The purpose of this thesis was, first of all, to identify and characterise competing claims to their allegiances. Then, secondly, to decide whether one 'fusion' of loyalties, elaborated in the course of a dynamic, evolutionary engagement with Glasgow popular politics in the period 1863-91, made the integration of the Glasgow Irish into the mainstream of local and Westminster politics more possible than it otherwise might have been. A secular, at times radical, tradition of organising and representing Irish nationality in Glasgow had been moulded in O'Connell's various campaigns for catholic emancipation and Repeal, in Reform Bill and Chartist agitation. It however, was strongly opposed by the local catholic hierarchy. Irish people qua lay catholics, nevertheless, asserted a right to come together in social and political organisations. When such bodies were portrayed as insurrectionary nationalism in disguise in the 1860s, leading Irish catholics took measures to re-assert secular Irishness through more formal and enduring political association. This secular Irishness gave Irish protestants such as John Ferguson an entry into nationalist debate. Ferguson, from 1870 to 1879, through his agitation among the Irish and confrontation with local Liberal 'commonsense' united nationalists in the West of Scotland behind his militant constitutionalism. That said, in the 1870s, the Catholic Church and the drink trade made competing claims on the loyalty of the Glasgow Irish. During and immediately after the Irish Land War of 1879-82, however, Ferguson and Michael Davitt adapted the traditional rhetoric of anti-landlordism and a vision of land redistribution to the aspirations of Britain's urban-based Irishmen. These 'social' nationalists continued to represent their cause as one essentially allied to a vision of social reform. Ferguson and like-minded activists formalised this by entering into municipal electoral alliances with the cause of independent labour and crucially fused loyalty to organised labour with his representation of Irish political identity.
15
Duvall, Timothy Joseph. "Political science : quests for identity, constructions of knowledge /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03302010-020627/.
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Qaiwer, Shatha Naiyf. "A study of identity construction in political discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/36158/.
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This thesis interrogates the construction of identity and self-presentation strategies in the discourse of the current President of the United States of America, Barack Hussein Obama. The study seeks to answer questions about how the President constructs the various identities evident in his discourse, what kinds of resources are drawn upon, and how the resulting identities contribute to gain the support of the audience and the progression of political discourse in general. The present study sheds light on the construction of the personal, relational and collective identities utilising a pluralistic mixed-method approach. It draws upon the tools provided by corpus linguistics alongside a more fine-grained, narrative-based critical discourse analysis. The qualitative analysis offers a methodological synergy based on the insights of research conducted in critical discourse analysis, sociolinguistics and narrative analysis. The study investigates not only the way identities are constructed and defended, but also their significance in shaping the professional image of the President as a caring and self-made leader. Moreover, the study examines the construction of attitudinal identity in Obama’s discourse, whether in reflecting upon his own attitude or in reference to the collective identity of the American people or the Democratic Party as a whole. The study concludes with a consideration of the potential significance of the present research, along with suggestions for future research explorations.
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Hardman, Dean. "Political ideologies and identity in British newspaper discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10601/.
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Newspaper editorials have a special role within the pages of the press, as they are openly persuasive and there is less emphasis on objectivity (Lee and Lin, 2006). They represent the participation of the newspaper in public debate (Le, 2003) and are sites where the ideological stances of a newspaper can often be found (Hackett and Zhao, 1994). Editorials frequently focus upon issues surrounding national politics, often discussing political leaders and the decisions taken by leading politicians. This thesis investigates four British newspapers, The Guardian, The Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Mirror, in order to assess the different ways in which identities have been constructed over the past thirty-five years by the newspapers for the political leaders featured in the editorials. The thesis utilises a novel analytical framework that modifies Critical Discourse Analysis by incorporating theories of performed identities and metaphor with a "Discourse Historical" approach to critical analysis. The creation of identities, alongside the stance adopted towards individuals and political issues, are found to both help create an ideological identity for the newspaper itself while simultaneously encouraging readers to conceptualise events in such a way that serves the ideology in question. The findings show a series of strategies used by newspapers to evaluate political leaders and their decisions in ways that serve the newspapers' ideologies. Differences in the linguistic strategies used to reflect stance in tabloid newspapers when compared to broadsheet newspapers are also found.
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Murray, Anthony Gerard. "The SDLP 1976 - 1988 : political strategy and identity." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243743.
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Sobolewska, Maria K. "Political choice of visible ethnic minorities in Britain : party identity and political attitudes." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433293.
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Boikhutso, Keene. "Ethnic identity in a 'Homogeneous' Nation State." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7768.
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This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the countryâs democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswanaâs homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language âspoken most at home.âHowever, it is disconfirmed when using âhome language.â It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswanaâs record of development and democracy.
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Romo, Michelle. "National identity in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11536.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-96).
This study investigates the changes in national identity in South Africa over time and examines conditions and perceptions that inform national identity. It has three areas of focus: examining the levels of national identity in South Africa in 2008, the most current year of survey data available; mapping the levels of national identity overtime from 1995 to 2008, and identifying sources of national identity from 2002 to 2008. Using statistical analysis, this study tests for interaction effects between race and notions of inclusive citizenship in the South African population to examine predictors of national identity. The paper explores the extent to which the ANC's program of nation building with its emphasis on inclusive citizenship, as represented by freedom and equity, both political and economic, has influenced the development of national identity.
22
Obeidi, Amal Suleiman Mahmoud. "Political culture in Libya : a case study of political attitudes of university students." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1577/.
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Rudström, Magnus. "Speaking of Identity : Students’ Experiences of Language Use and Identity Issues inthe Educational System of Postcolonial Seychelles." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-142149.
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Colonialism has left its marks in the ordinary lives of people in postcolonial countries. One example of this can be found in the relationship people in postcolonial countries have with the local vernaculars compared to the colonial languages. Often the native languages are restricted to the private and social sphere, while for example English is viewed as the go-to way of ensuring socioeconomic development in countries of this kind (Fleischmann 2008; Hilaire 2009; Rajah-Carrim 2007; Sauzier-Uchida 2009). By reviewing the case of the Seychelles islands, this thesis aims to explore the possible effects of colonialism in how parts of the youth in the country think and feel regarding their language use and their own construction of identity as Seychellois. For historical reasons, Seychelles has three official national languages: Kreol, English and French. The first one did not get its official status as a national language until after the independence 1976, even if being the mother tongue of the vast majority (Bollée 1993, 96). Ten semi-structured interviews were conducted during an eight-week long field study in Seychelles. The respondents were students between 16 and 20 years old who were in their final phase of school, or had recently completed their schooling and started working. The results show that some colonial ideas and norms still can be found in how these young Seychellois thinks about their mother tongue Kreol Seselwa in relation to the colonial language English. Another aspect of the interviews was the respondents’ ambivalence regarding their construction of identity in relation to the national languages. This could be viewed as examples of hybrid, mixed-culture, identities that can appears in postcolonial contexts.
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Chorney, Noelle. "The political power of place, a case study of political identity in Prairie literature." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq31282.pdf.
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Newman, Zoë G. "Coming together, coming apart, identity, community and political struggle." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq28717.pdf.
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Lustgarten, Danielle. "Race and space : mapping the construction of political identity." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ59262.pdf.
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Mustafa, Asma. "Identity and political engagement among second-generation British Muslims." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543634.
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Zhang, Mengmeng. "Constructing Hong Kong identity : political contestations and press mediations." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7656.
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This research investigates the discursive construction of Hong Kong identity in mediated political communication, in order to understand the relationship between media discourse and the political economy of the media in Hong Kong, as well as the political and economic context in Hong Kong, and thereby reveal the dynamic of the involvement of the media in the politics of Hong Kong identity. It is argued that the Hong Kong identity has changed substantially over the past few decades, and that these changes have been shaped by broader political changes, economic developments and cultural shifts, all of which have been filtered through the Hong Kong media system. To demonstrate this, the thesis employs a novel combination of textual and contextual analysis, drawing on analytical techniques and concepts from corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis, the political economy of the media, and sociological theories of identity. To be able to assess the relative role of the media system factors and the broader contextual elements in shaping the mediated representations of Hong Kong, the research encompasses two case studies, one focusing on the media coverage of the 2004 interpretation of the Basic Law regarding universal suffrage, the other on the coverage of the Chief Executive Election in 2005. The analysis reveals that the mediated construction of Hong Kong identity is closely related to the political economy of individual newspapers the newspaper type, its readership, ownership, political affiliation and commercial orientation. The comparison between the two case studies also shows that the media representations of identity are also inflected by the characteristics of the broader society of Hong Kong, its politics and economy at the chosen points of time. The results of the study contribute to a better understanding of Hong Kong, its identity, political culture, and its media system. These results also suggest that the analytical approach used, based on a parallel examination of the political economy of the media and the discursive constructions of identity in the media, has a lot to offer and could be fruitfully applied to other cases around the world.
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Barrow, Sarah Elizabeth. "Peruvian cinema, national identity and political violence, 1988-2004." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2007. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/2584/.
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The role of national cinema in shaping, reflecting and contesting a complex national identity that is the site of conflict and struggle is the central interest of this study of contemporary Peruvian cinema, 1988-2004. This project examines the relationship between cinema, state and identity in Peru, with a specific focus on the representation of the political violence between the state and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that began in 1980. It looks in particular at portrayals of important events, characters and consequences of the bloody conflict that for a time threatened to destabilize the nation entirely. It considers these representations in the context of a time of great change for Peruvian society and of transition for Peruvian national cinema, and addresses the relationship between developments in film policy and the formation of Peruvian national identity in cinema. As such, it draws on debates about the nature and function of national cinemas, as well as on discussions between artists, cultural theorists and sociologists about the evolution of peruanidad since the declaration of independence from Spain in the early nineteenth century. Once the main elements of the cinematic and social crises have been explored and established in Chapters Two and Three, the remainder of the project consists of three sets of chronologically ordered analyses of individual films that somehow defied the national cinema crisis, and that provoked debate on both the conflict itself, and on broader questions pertaining to the relationship between national identity and violence. The conclusion considers these films as an interlinked body of cinematic works that share similar themes and concerns. It summarises the issues they tackle, the ideological and formal approaches they take to those issues, the potential social and cultural impact, and their contribution to the crystallization of a Peruvian national identity at the start of the twenty-first century.
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Scanlan, Emma. "Ominous metaphors : the political poetics of native Hawaiian identity." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/71812/.
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This thesis examines poetry by Native Hawaiian activists written between 1970 and 2016 in order to develop a detailed understanding of the multi-faceted ways poetry incorporates, transmits and enacts contemporary political identity. Whilst fundamentally a literary analysis, my methodology is discursive, and draws on a range of critical approaches, archival research and interviews with poets, in order to address why poetry is such a powerful form of resistance to American hegemony. By reading contemporary poetry as an expression of deeply held cultural and political beliefs, this thesis suggests that writing and performing poetry are powerful forms of political resistance. Adopting a lens that is attentive to both the indigenous and colonial influences at play in Hawaiʻi, it elucidates the nuanced ways that traditional literary techniques enter contemporary Native Hawaiian poetry as vehicles for cultural memory and protest. Attention to the continuities between traditional Hawaiian epistemology and the ways those same methods and values are deployed in twentieth and twenty-first century poetry, means this thesis is a part of a growing body of work that endeavours to understand indigenous literature from the perspective of its own cultural and political specificity. The introduction establishes the historical and critical context of the Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement and the Hawaiian Renaissance. It outlines the main developments in Native Hawaiian literary criticism since the late 1960s, including the reclaiming of traditional narratives and the privileging of indigenous epistemologies. Chapters One to Seven proceed chronologically, each addressing a particular collection, anthology or body of work. Chapter One focuses on Wayne Kaumualiʻi Westlake's radical rejection of Westernised Waikīkī, whilst Chapter Two explores the anthologies Mālama: Hawaiian Land and Water and HoʻiHoʻi Hou: A Tribute to George Helm and Kimo Mitchell, in relation to the Sovereignty Movement's dedication to Aloha ʻĀina (love the land). Chapters Three to Five deal with five poetry collections, two by Haunani-Kay Trask, and one each by Imaikalani Kalahele, Brandy Nālani McDougall and Māhealani Perez-Wendt. The chapters address how these poets articulate Native Hawaiian identity, nationalism and continuity through traditional moʻolelo (stories), which underpin the political beliefs of three generations of sovereignty activists. Chapters Six and Seven address contemporary performance poetry in both published and unpublished formats by Jamaica Osorio, David Kealiʻi MacKenzie, Noʻukahauʻoli Revilla and Kealoha, demonstrating how a return to embodied performance communicates aloha (love, compassion, grace). The conclusion, Chapter Eight, indicates projects that are already productively engaging Hawaiian epistemology in the areas of geography and science, and points towards developments in the digital humanities that could extend this indigenised methodology into literary studies, in order to further engage with the depth and multiplicity of storied landscapes in Hawaiʻi.
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King, Amy Laine Balthrop V. William. "Evangelical confessions an ideological struggle over evangelical political identity /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2387.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 26, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Docor of Philiosophy in the Department of Communication Studies." Discipline: Communication Studies; Department/School: Communication Studies.
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Takhar, Shaminder. "South Asian women and the construction of political identity." Thesis, n.p, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Orgill, Kelly M. "Conservative conservationists : water rights, wilderness, and Idahoan political identity /." [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/34/.
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D'Cruz, Carolyn. "Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations." Thesis, D'Cruz, Carolyn (1997) Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50370/.
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This thesis explores the injunctions and disjunctures effected through relations between politics, philosophy, and ethics by working through various issues and problems confronting discourses of identity politics. These confrontations concern such matters as speaking positions and their relations to the legitimation of knowledge claims; relations between history, power, and the appropriation of political identities; relations between philosophy and politics; and the renegotiation of these relations with regard to a certain space of ethics and justice. Among the cases studied are those concerning the 'authenticity' of Australian Aboriginal identities; the politics of appropriation and subversion in 'queer' commentaries; the epistemological and political status of the category of 'woman' in feminist criticism; and the ethical status of a freedom fighter (Chris Hani) who belonged to the South African Communist Party.
According to a certain structure of identity, the realms of politics, philosophy and ethics are separable from one another, while according to a certain logics of identity politics these realms are inseparable from one another. This thesis argues, however, that these realms are neither separable nor inseparable: they are always being brought into crisis in the formation of emancipatory struggles. While many commentators concerned with the disjunctures of such a crisis have sought to reconcile the irreducibility between the three domains by asserting the primacy of the political, this thesis is concerned with ways in which the privileging of 'the political' can have detrimental effects for the promise of the emancipatory ideal. This is not to undermine the importance accorded to the category of the political, but to pursue what might ironically be the political and ethical costs of refusing to question (via a necessary and difficult detour through the philosophical language of ontology) the privileged status of the political in such movements.
Beginning with Foucault's analytics of discourse, the thesis moves to a consideration of Derrida's critique of the metaphysics of presence. This critique (as argued by way of Derrida's negotiations with Foucault, Nietzsche, Levinas and Marx) raises problems for any notion of identity insofar as the metaphysics of presence infuse all relations between politics, philosophy and ethics, requiring such relations to be continually re-applied and re-worked. While this is to unsettle the structure of identity, it is not to refuse the necessity of politics or the urgency of decisions. On the contrary, the critique of politics opens onto a certain space of justice which pledges the emancipatory promise of identity politics to the promise of a democracy-yet-to-come.
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Mols, Frans J. G. M. "Regional, national and European identity amongst political representatives in peripheral regions : a social identity perspective." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421559.
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Hage, Ali Mohanad. "Hizbullah's identity : Islam, nationalism and transnationalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3300/.
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This thesis draws on the debates in nationalism studies to address the question of how Hizbullah’s identity is produced, and investigates the further questions of how modern is this identity, what are its main pillars, and who produces it and to what end. By analysing the findings of fieldwork observations and interviews, and applying discourse analysis to a range of official and unofficial party publications, and internal notes or memos, the thesis argues that Hizbullah, employing its transnational links, has constructed a revised identity among the Lebanese Shiʿa and overhauled traditional forms of Shiʿi practice through the various institutions it has established and expanded over the past two decades. The thesis examines how Hizbullah manages its identity dissemination through these numerous institutions by tailoring the Shiʿi identity it embodies to suit different audiences, while simultaneously keeping a tightly centralised control over their work through its Central Cultural Unit. The thesis further argues that Hizbullah’s re-creation of Shiʿi identity entails reconstructing the community’s history. The organisation’s historical narratives are based on twentieth-century Shiʿi histories – accounts that are mostly attributed to uncorroborated oral sources, but which nevertheless created novel notions of a historical ‘ʿAmili people’ and ‘ʿAmili resistance’. Such concepts are central to Hizbullah’s re-creation of Lebanese Shiʿi identity. The organisation’s main historical accounts, while partially based on these earlier histories, have also constructed new narratives, attributing these to fresh oral accounts, and suggesting continuity with Shiʿi history. This approach bears similarities to the efforts of nationalist intellectuals, who reconstruct historical accounts focused on establishing the historical origin and continuity of their nation. Hizbullah-affiliated publications incorporate advantageous supernatural accounts of its contemporary battles against Israeli occupation. These supernatural narratives build upon a Safavid tradition in Shiʿi theology, reintroduced by the Islamic Republic in Iran and Hizbullah in Lebanon. The last chapter in the thesis looks at the interplay between the organisation’s transnational ideological links and its national politics, and argues that it uses these relations to support its political identity project for the Shiʿi community in Lebanon.
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Gisselquist, Rachel M. "Ethnic leftists, populist ethnics : the new politics of identity." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/42391.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 398-434).
Group identifications - in particular, those based on ethnicity and class - are central to political mobilization during elections. This dissertation asks: when and why does the salience of ethnic and class categories vary across elections in emerging democracies? It argues that which categories are politicized has less to do with which categories are most salient to voters and more to do with which are most useful to politicians. The strategies of politicians, however, are contrained in a particular ways, by opportunity, which is provided by party system crises, and by the political space, which is given by the structure of existing social identity categories, particularly their sizes and degrees of overlap with traditionally-politicized categories. Given the institutional rules, size and overlap affect which identity groups have the numbers to win and which describe similar constituencies that could be switched between for political expediency. The project nests the theory within an explanatory framework describing four key factors that drive variation in identification: voter preferences, political institutions, party institutions, and elite manipulation. The dissertation presents data from three sources: a fieldwork-based study of Bolivian party politics, focusing on the democratic period from 1982 to 2005; data from the "Constructivist Dataset on Ethnicity and Institutions (CDEI)" on political parties and elections in Latin America in the early 1990s; and four shadow cases from the Andean region (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela). These data are used to map variation in identification across countries and over time; to illustrate the plausibility of the argument and to test it against predictions drawn from alternative hypotheses; and to explore the generalizability of the argument.
by Rachel Miyoshi Gisselquist.
Ph.D.
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Leith, Murray Stewart. "Nationalism and national identity in Scottish politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2924/.
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Scotland has long been a nation within a wider state, but only within the last four decades has a political party dedicated to the establishment of a Scottish state emerged as an electoral force. Yet, since that time the political landscape within the United Kingdom has changed rapidly. While some see devolution as a step towards the separation of Scotland from the United Kingdom, others argue it is a strengthening of that relationship. This thesis argues that only by acknowledging the ethnic and mass influences on the nature of Scottish national identity will an understanding of Scottish nationalism be possible. After considering the theoretical arguments surrounding nationalism, and specifically Scottish nationalism, the work shifts to an empirical analysis of Scotland. To examine the nature of Scottish nationalism and national identity, this research considers the manifestos of the political parties over the past thirty-five years, examining how they have employed a sense of Scotland the nation, and Scottishness. This consideration is then linked to an analysis of mass perceptions of national belonging and identity, which are themselves contrasted with elite perceptions, gleaned through interviews conducted amongst MPs and MSPs. The results indicate the need to recognise that ethnic aspects of Scottish national identity are more significant than the foremost theoretical considerations of nationalism and national identity allow. Furthermore, this case study illustrates that the impact that mass perceptions have on national identity also requires greater recognition within the field.
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Chunun, Logams P. "The Middle-Belt movement in Nigerian political development : A study in political identity 1949-1967." Thesis, Keele University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354917.
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The study examines causes of the Middle-Belt movement and its identity In Northern Nigeria. It relates this identity to Nigerian Politics and Federation. The study suggests that internal colonialism of the Islamic society on the M-Belt groups were contributive to activating minorities identities and the organization of the M-Belt movement. The roots of internal colonial relationships were from a colonial system which the British incorporated with the M-Belt groups in 1900. In the processes of Incorporation before 1940, British adminstration subordinated many M-Belt groups to Islamic leadership. The M-Belt movement was a reaction to colonial relationships and domination by cultural ly different groups. The reaction took the form of activating tribal support for creation of a M-Belt Region. This was meant to separate the M-Belt and the Islamic society into different units of the Federation. Tribal identities developed from chieftancy institutions among some of the fl-Belt groups were reinforced by modernization, with European Missionaries dominating the processes and produced Christian political leadership. The tribal identities, were complemented by a trans-tribal Christian religious identity, to produce cohesion and collective political demands. Variation in processes of modernization between the Islamic society and M-Belt groups in a North, under Islamic leadership, conditioned support of non-Islamic groups for the M-Belt movement. The combination of these factors and with the North as an outsized unit, produced conceptions of regionalism. The thesis studies the futherance of their cause in the development of Middle-Belt political parties and the UMBC party under the leadership of J. S. Tarka. While the causes for the regionalism resulted into re-structuring of Nigeria in 1967 in which Benue-Plateau State emerged and enclosed prominent minorities in the M-Belt Movement, sub-regionalism produced localism.Although localism in the political identity of M-Belt groups, destroyed conceptions of the M-Belt, its religious identity remains powerful in Nigerian Politics.
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Shannon, Vaughn Parnell. "Interpreting interventions : identity, images, and the perception of normative behavior /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486401895207787.
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Summerville, Tracy. "Political culture, the relationship between organizational identity and individual identity : an exploration of the Charlottetown Accord." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0004/NQ39396.pdf.
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Shore, C. N. "Organization, ideology, identity : The social anthropology of Italian communism." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373907.
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Okuyan, Mukadder. "Strategic Constructions Of National Identity By Political Leaders In Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614591/index.pdf.
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The present study examines how political party leaders in Turkey strategically construct boundaries of the Turkish nation, which norms they attribute to it, and the prototypicality claims of these party leaders regarding the nation. Leaders&rsquonational identity constructions are expected to be in line with their parties&rsquo
collective projects and serve to increase their claims of representativeness in the eyes of the electorate. A secod aim of the study is to inquire leaders&rsquo
attempts in rhetorically including the Kurdish population to the Turkish nation construction. The particular context was 2011 General Elections and the data was composed of campaign speeches of AK Parti, MHP and CHP. The campaign speeches given at Eastern and Southeastern regions of Turkey prior to the elections constituted the data. The analysis revealed that three leaders consensualized on the national flag, the official language, the unity of the land and the state as the claimed commonalities of the Turkish nation. Differences emerge when elaborating on the nature of the binding relationship between nationals. Erdogan (AK Parti) puts more emphasis on religion, Bahç
eli (MHP) underlines shared history and culture and Kiliç
daroglu (CHP) depicts a nation based on citizenship. Nation constructions also involve attribution of national norms that also differ among parties and coincide with the topics over which leaders claim prototypicality. Apart from invoking national categories, party leaders argued over universal and other social categories (in this study
politician category) when constructing their rhetoric. Taking social categories for granted impairs the possibility of social change. Therefore, examining strategic purposes these categories serve, as in this study, is intended to empower those who struggle through their effects.
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Howe, Paul Douglas. "National identity and political behavior in Quebec, Scotland and Brittany." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34553.pdf.
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Tapp, Ivey R. "Political Theatre in Public Spaces: Manifesting Identity in Venice, Italy." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/59.
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The combination of poorly managed mass tourism, rapidly increasing international migration, and a declining economy facilitated a permanent exodus of natives out of the Venetian lagoon. This thesis examines how the community activism group and social network Venessia.com attempts to reclaim a place-based and place-manifested Venetian identity (venezianità) through theatrical public protests. While members are sensitive to an ethic of intercultural awareness, the discourse accompanying their concerns reveals nostalgia for the power and grandeur of Venice’s past that is threatened by a perceived invasion by suspicious outsiders. The theoretical framework I employ to illuminate Venessia.com's efforts includes the socio-cultural and economic implications of mass tourism, theory of space and place, and critiques of modernity and postmodernity.
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Yoshida, Reiko. "Political economy, transnationalism, and identity : students at the Montreal Hoshuko." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33950.
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This thesis examines the identity of the students at the Montreal Hoshuko and the factors that affect the way in which they identify themselves as Japanese, drawing upon a framework of political economy and concepts of globalization and transnationalism. It also explores how Japanese identity is changing in this globalized world. The fieldwork demonstrates that the identity of the Hoshuko students is somewhat commoditized based on Japanese popular culture such as Pokemon. It suggests that increasing communication and contact with external forces has changed and will further change the way Japanese people understand their own culture, identity, and themselves. It is argued that identities are not fixed or frozen in time; rather, they should be understood as flexible and a process shaped by history, a given context, and multiple external factors, and that a more fluid understanding of Japanese culture and identity is needed in a globalized, transnationalized world.
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Golden, J. "Language and Identity Making in a Northern Irish Political Party." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527704.
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Carr, Rosalind. "Gender, national identity and political agency in eighteenth-century Scotland." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/602/.
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This thesis considers the interrelationship between the discourse and performance of gender, national identity and political agency in Scotland during the Union debates of 1706-07 and the mid-to-late eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. These two periods are offered in contrast to each other in order to demonstrate the means by which changing discourses of gender and national identity impacted upon the performance of political agency. The first section of this thesis (Chapters 2 and 3) demonstrates that anti-Union discourse in 1706-07 was founded upon a conception of a masculine Scottish nationhood defined by ‘heroick ancestors’. This is contrasted with women’s political agency at the time, demonstrated most markedly by elite women’s ability to influence parliamentary politics. I argue that despite masculinist discourses of nationhood, during the Union debates status was a more important determinant of political agency than gender. The second section of my thesis (Chapters 4, 5 and 6) considers the centrality of male refinement and ‘civilised’ femininity to discourses of North British nationhood in the context of the Scottish Enlightenment. I examine the construction and performance of male refinement within intellectual societies and convivial clubs and then consider women’s limited inclusion in the urban Enlightenment public sphere, demonstrating that discourses of femininity necessarily precluded women’s full public engagement in this sphere. The final chapter (Chapter 7) considers martial masculinity, particularly the masculine ideal of martial Highland manhood in order to demonstrate the problematic aspect of notions of hegemonic masculinity and in order to bring the story of the Highlands and Empire into the story of Enlightenment Scotland. This thesis will demonstrate the centrality of gender to discourses of national identity and examine the impact of these on the performance of political agency in eighteenth-century Scotland and in doing so offers a contribution to the history of gender and political power.
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Fatz, Lyndsey D. "An identity of violence: exploring the origins of political violence." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10597.
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The United States Defense and development agencies often attribute political violence and instability to poverty and a lack of economic development. However, the cases of Morocco and Algeria challenge this popular assumption as Morocco is considerably poorer than Algeria, yet enjoys greater political stability with less incidences of political violence. Beyond the traditional answers of economic aid and political intervention, these two nations demonstrate that national identity is also necessary in establishing more stable and sustainable practices.
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O'Byrne, Darren J. "Citizenship sans frontieres : globality and the reconstruction of political identity." Thesis, Roehampton University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245918.
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