Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political groups in East Timor / Journal articles

Journal articles on the topic 'Political groups in East Timor'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political groups in East Timor.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Political groups in East Timor.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Dzulfaroh, Ahmad Naufal. "STATUS SOSIAL NON-MUSLIM DI TIMUR TENGAH." Jurnal Penelitian Agama 20, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/jpa.v20i1.2019.pp1-23.

Full text

Abstract:

This study aims to find detailed data on non-muslim social status in the Middle East, particularly the social status of Coptic Christian groups in Egypt, Christian Maronites in Lebanon, Christian in Sudan as well as Jewish communities in Egypt, Iraq and Iran. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative through literature review. The authors analyzed matters relating to the existence of groups, social and political status of non-muslim communities in the Middle East. As for the results of this analysis is first, non-muslim existence in the Middle East as a whole occupies a position as a minority group. This is due to the long history of the Islamic journey that has captured the entire Middle East region and the diaspora of the non-muslim population to the West. Second, in general, non-muslim groups in the Middle East are able to co-exist well with the majority. However, in certain situations minority groups are often subjected to several acts of terror, such as killing and assaulting houses of worship. Third, judging from the right received by non-muslim groups in the Middle East as citizens, only Sudanese Christian groups, Jewish Communities in Iraq and Iran are received discriminatory treatment. Fourth, politically, only the Egyptian and Christian Copts of Sudan received discriminatory treatment from the government, both political and parliamentary. Keywords: Social Status, Non-muslim, Middle East

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (January 2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.

Full text

Abstract:

Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Gusmão, Xanana. "Eyes on the prize." Index on Censorship 26, no. 2 (March 1997): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600214.

Full text

Abstract:

The thousands of people who welcomed Nobel prize-winner Bishop Carlos Belo back to Dili on 24 December were also carrying posters of Xanana Gusmão. The charismatic former leader of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) has been in prison in Jakarta since 1992, serving a 20-year sentence for rebellion and possession of firearms. Gusmão, a poet and former seminary student, spent 11 years leading the armed resistance in the Timorese jungle. In 1989 he became leader of the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a newly formed alliance of pro-independence groups. ‘Maubere’ is a name adopted by Fretilin to signify ‘the oppressed’. Below are excerpts from conversations with Gusmão in Cipinang prison over the last Christmas holidays

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Yunas, Novy Setia, and Baiqun Isbahi. "PERBANDINGAN LOYALITAS PEMILIH ABANGAN DAN SANTRI TERHADAP KHOFIFAH DAN SAIFULLAH YUSUF PADA PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018." Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 12, no. 1 (December 18, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2018.121-08.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural group from the influence of cadence and culture shifted to the orientation of the issues brought by the candidate.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Dudouet, Véronique. "Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469978.

Full text

Abstract:

The dynamics of conflict (de)escalation by social movements or political opposition groups have attracted cross-disciplinary interest among social scientists, but there remain several knowledge gaps to be filled. On the one hand, there is already extensive research on the shifts from unarmed expressions of collective grievances to the adoption of violent strategies by oppressed constituencies or ‘minorities at risk’, as well as on the transition from armed insurgency to negotiations, demobilization, reintegration and conventional politics. However, there is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also ‘unripe’ for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article offers a first attempt to fill this conceptual and empirical gap, by investigating the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decisionmaking process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. This multilevel analysis draws from past research on various self-determination or revolutionary movements which fit the scope of analysis (i.e. Nepal, Egypt, Palestine, West Papua, East Timor, Mexico and Western Sahara). The article also points to the need for more systematic enquiry on these cases through in-depth comparative empirical analysis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar. "Islam dan Perilaku Politik di Timur Tengah." Insignia Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.1.895.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper aims to analyze religion�s roles related to the political activities in the contemporary Middle East. Constructivism is a framework that offers the way to understand the phenomenon. Constructivism provides a place for the influence of non-material factors such as the value, identity, and purpose of actor behavior in politics. This study used descriptive-interpretative method to acknowledge the problem formulation. Through the lenght of descriptive-interpretative method, author carried out data management, unification, and examination by exertly looking for patterns and relations regarding the role of Islam in political activities in Middle-East. In this article, the author examines through two levels of analysis, ie state level and regional level. At the state level, Islamic political ideology grows in a modern state and often confronts democracy. The debate over the application of Islamic law, the involvement in elections, and the adaptation of Islamic justice principles and the principle of equality are the discourses that characterize political activity in the Middle East. At the regional level, Islam exerts impact in foreign policy in the region. The regional tensions between Sunni and Shiite groups, the resistance in the context of jihad, and the emergence of ISIS are part of the conflict that contributes to regional instability. These political behaviors shows that Islam is not a religion with a single interpretation. Keywords: Islam, Middle East, constructivism, modern states, foreign policy Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di kawasan Timur Tengah terkini. Konstruktivisme merupakan kerangka pemikiran yang menyediakan jalan untuk memahami fenomena tersebut. Konstruktivisme memberi tempat bagi pengaruh faktor-faktor non-material seperti nilai, identitas, dan maksud dari perilaku aktor dalam dunia politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif untuk menjawab rumusan masalah. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif, penulis melakukan pengaturan, penyatuan, dan pemeriksaan data dengan berupaya mencari pola dan relasi mengenai peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam artikel ini, penulis meneliti melalui dua level analisis, yaitu level negara dan level regional. Dalam level negara, ideologi politik Islam tumbuh dalam negara modern dan seringkali berhadapan dengan demokrasi. Perdebatan mengenai penerapan syariat Islam, keterlibatan dalam pemilihan umum, serta penyesuaian prinsip keadilan Islam dan prinsip persamaan hak merupakan diskursus yang mewarnai aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam level regional, Islam memberi pengaruh dalam politik luar negeri di kawasan. Ketegangan regional antara kelompok Sunni dan Syiah, perlawanan dalam konteks jihad, serta kemunculan ISIS adalah bagian dari konflik yang menyumbang ketidakstabilan kawasan. Perilaku-perilaku politik tersebut menunjukkan bahwa Islam bukan agama dengan makna yang tunggal. Kata kunci: Islam, Timur Tengah, konstruktivisme, negara modern, politik luar negeri

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Alfiyah, Nur Inna, and Dwi Listia Rika Tini. "EDUKASI POLITIK PEMUDA KARANG TARUNADESA LENTENG TIMUR DALAM MENGHADAPI PILKADA DI KABUATEN SUMENEP." Jurnal Pengabdian dan Peningkatan Mutu Masyarakat (JANAYU) 2, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/janayu.v2i1.13092.

Full text

Abstract:

This service aims to provide education to youth groups in the youth group "Tunas Muda" in East Lenteng Village related to politics in order to face regional head elections that will be conducted by the Sumenep Regency government this year. Education is carried out through political education which later the knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. The implementation of this service uses the method of socialization and education in youth youth groups in Lenteng Timur Village. Education is carried out in this service through two activities namely related to how the role of youth youth in the electoral activity and organizational activity that later knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. This service is expected to be able to change the mindset of young people to the community towards their participation in politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Abdurrahman, Abdurrahman, M. Husin Al-Banjari, and Muradi Muradi. "TERPILIHNYA FIGUR MINORITAS DALAM MASYARAKAT MAJEMUK BELOTO KABUPATEN FLORES TIMUR: TINJAUAN PERSPEKTIF TEORI PENGARUH MINORITAS DAN TEORI KONTAK." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v4i2.454.

Full text

Abstract:

Election of Beloto village head East Flores District 2015 is a paradox in modern-pragmatic political logic, where Solhan Masang, who was the personification of the Muslim minority group, was chosen as the head of Beloto village in the middle of the majority of Catholic communities. The Beloto community practices village head elections in accordance with the principles and spirit of democracy. The decision to choose Solhan Masang as the Village Head, the Beloto community does not take into account the brand of religion, ethnicity, group or group what the candidate is as a uniform political calculation with the majority of the people as long as the political drama of the election is presented. This reason is why this research needs to be conducted to explore this healthier political phenomenon more deeply in Beloto Village. There are two theories that I use in analyzing this phenomenon, namely, first, the theory of minority influence, this theory approach emphasizes 3 (three) components that minority figures must have, namely attitudes of consistency, confidence (self-confidence) and persuasive. Second, contact theory, this theory emphasizes more interaction between individuals and minority groups and the majority are bound by a condition that must be fulfilled

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Wungu, Dewi. "Modal Sosial dalam Keterpilihan Perempuan Calon Gubernur: Studi Kasus Karolin Margret Natassa di Kalimantan Barat dan Khofifah Indar Parawansa di Jawa Timur pada Pilkada Serentak 2018." Journal of Politics and Policy 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jppol.2022.004.01.02.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis aims to see how social capital is utilized in the process of selecting female gubernatorial candidates in the 2018 election. The research subjects were Karolin Margret Natassa of West Kalimantan and Khofifah Indar Parawansa of East Java. This phenomenon needs to be studied through a constructive paradigm, to find out how these two women formed and used their social capital to win as governors, a position that has rarely been filled by women since the direct local election era began. A social capital analysis is placed at the micro (individual) level in the structural (network) dimension using the Social Capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu and Robert Putnam. This research also wanting to identifies what kind of political pathways lead women into political contestation, and how it can affect the instrumentalization pattern of their social capital. The research procedure was carried out using qualitative methods where data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews with key informants and then deepened by literature studies. The results showed that Karolin and Khofifah have different types of social network ties in the process of utilizing their social capital. Karolin is a Bonding type (Same identity with strong ties characteristic and more focusing on internal traits), while Khofifah is a Bridging and Linking type, where the earned trust is used to bridge the interests of groups and later to be activated as a ladder to her political interests. The results of the study also identified Karolin as a politician from the elite route and Khofifah as a politician from the grassroots route.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Asrikah, Asrikah, and Erman Anom. "Interpersonal Communication of the Election Commission as a Strategy in Efforts to Improve the Political Efficiency of the Fisherman Community in Manggar District, Belitung Timur Regency." Ilomata International Journal of Social Science 4, no. 1 (February 5, 2023): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52728/ijss.v4i1.643.

Full text

Abstract:

The KPU's communication target in general elections is to increase voter participation by giving them their voting rights in elections. Preliminary studies show that around 69.8% of 40 fishermen in Manggar District, East Belitung Regency, are still apathetic towards political processes such as elections and feel that their involvement in politics will have no impact. Therefore, the KPU then implemented an interpersonal communication strategy in an effort to increase the political efficacy of the fishing community in Manggar District. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with data collection techniques of interviews, observation, and documentation. Data analysis used the Miles and Huberman interactive model, which consisted of the stages of data collection, data condensation, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of the study found that the East Belitung KPU, together with members of the Manggar District Election Committee (PPK), held face-to-face meetings and discussions with fishermen groups as part of the KPU's outreach activities to the public. KPU has been open and honest in conveying any information related to the election, understanding the problems felt by fishermen, and providing support in the form of providing election education and knowledge to fishermen. In addition, KPU has also tried to build an atmosphere and interaction with fishermen to foster equality, as well as a communication approach that considers fishermen important. External factors such as the social environment or friends in the community and the candidate's vision and mission that can prosper the fishermen are factors that also influence the fishermen's perceptions and evaluations of elections and the political system in Indonesia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Rahman, Sainul. "TENSI SEKTARIANISME DAN TANTANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TIMUR TENGAH PASCA ARAB SPRING." DIALEKTIKA 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33477/dj.v12i2.1116.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT The Arab Spring wave in the beginning of 2011 that hit Middle Eastern countries, started from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria, which still continue to this day, is a symbol of the fall of authoritarian and repressive Arab regimes, as well as a symbol of the struggle of Arabian people who want great changes in various fields such as economic, social, and democratic political system. After eight years, the Arab Spring still has many problems, Middle Eastern countries still trapped in conflict and civil war. The transition of democracy that hoped is not going well, trapped in sectarian interests: tribes, religions, streams (madzhab), and political groups. Sectarianism has become one of the causes of instability and colored the politic dynamics in the region. In fact, it socially and historically has multiple roots over a long period of time in the Middle East. This paper seeks to read the history and dynamics of sectarian conflict, as well as the process of democratic transition: between opportunities and challenges, and the realization of democracy in the region after the Arab Spring. Keywords: Sectarianism, Democracy, Arab Spring, Middle East. ABSTRAK Gelombang Arab Spring pada awal 2011 yang melanda negara-negara Timur Tengah, dimulai dari Tunisia, Mesir, Libya, Yaman, dan Suriah yang masih berlanjut hingga kini, adalah sebuah simbol jatuhnya rezim-rezim Arab yang otoriter dan represif, dan juga sebagai simbol perjuangan rakyat Arab yang menginginkan adanya perubahan besar dalam berbagai bidang, ekonomi, sosial, sistem politik terbuka dan demokratis. Setelah delapan tahun semenjak bergulirnya, Arab Spring masih menyisakan banyak problem, negara-negara Timur Tengah masih terpuruk, terjebak dalam konflik dan perang saudara. Transisi demokrasi yang dicita-citakan tidak berjalan dengan baik, tersandera oleh kepentingan-kepentingan sektarian: suku, agama, mazhab dan kelompok politik. Sektarianisme menjadi salah satu penyabab instabilitas dan telah mewarnai dinamika politik di kawasan Timur Tengah. secara sosio-historis sektarianisme di Timur Tengah memiliki akar yang berlapis-lapis dalam kurun waktu yang panjang. Tulisan ini berusaha untuk membaca sejarah dan dinamika konflik sektarisnisme, proses transisi demokrasi: antara peluang dan tantangan, dan realisasi demokrasi di Timur Tengah pasca Arab Spring. Kata Kunci: Sektarianisme, Demokrasi, Arab Spring, Timur Tengah.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Traub, James. "Inventing East Timor." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 4 (2000): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049810.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Putra, Helmi Perdana. "IMPLEMENTASI PERATURAN PRESIDEN NOMOR 87 TAHUN 2016 TENTANG SATUAN TUGAS SAPU BERSIH PUNGUTAN LIAR DI PROVINSI JAWA TIMUR." dia 17, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dia.v17i1.2873.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThe rise of illegal levies that occur in Indonesia has damaged the joint life of society, nation and state. On October 20, 2016, the President issued Peraturan Presiden Nomor 87 Tahun 2016 concerning the Wild Sweeping Clean Sweep Task Force by appointing the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs to control and be responsible for the activities of the Wild Sweeping Clean Sweep Task Force. How is Peraturan Presiden Nomor 87 Tahun 2016 concerning the Clean Sweeping Task Force Task Force implemented? What is the Policy Model for the Wild Sweeping Task Force Clean Sweep Task Force? The focus of this research analysis is that good governance actors consist of, first, the state, which is elaborated in the executive, legislative and judiciary branches and the military. Second, civil society, consisting of NGOs, mass organizations, mass media, associations based on professionalism, religious groups and others. And third, economic markets. The three actors of good governance interact with each other and influence each other according to their respective capacities. Analyzed from Peraturan Presiden Nomor 87 Tahun 2016 concerning the Clean Sweeping Task Force on Wild Levies, Policy of East Java Governor Surat Keputusan Gubernur Jawa Timur No. 188/624/kpts/013/2016 concerning the Establishment of the Wild Sweeping Clean Sweep Task Force in East Java and the Guiding Factors for Target, Communication, Resources, Disposition, Bureaucratic Structure, Characteristics of Implementing Institutions, Social, Economic and Political Conditions. The research findings obtained that since the implementation of the activities of the eradication of the Provincial/Regency/City extortion unit up to September 12, 2018, a total of 712 cases were obtained, for law enforcement in the form of arrest operations of 228 suspected suspects, and from both provincial, district , and the City as many as 133 people were caught in the operation caught red-handed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Hannase, Mulawarman. "Islamist Ideology and Its Effect on the Global Conflict: Comparative Study between Hamas and ISIS." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 20, no. 2 (October 27, 2019): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v20i2.2107.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper aims to explain that the spread of the ideology of Islamism in the Middle East in recent decades has led to conflict, both intra and inter-religion that continues until today. From these Islamist groups, Hamas Movement and ISIS provided significant effects of the conflict are. This study is qualitative research. Conflict Theory of John Spanier (higt-politic conflict) used to analyze how the two groups model of ideological construction influenced the political and economic stability as well as conflict in the Middle East and the Islamic world. Based on the observations of these two groups, it can be found that theologically, Hamas adheres to religious doctrines which prompted him to undertake armed resistance against Israel. At the same time, ISIS is a militant group that is strongly influenced by religious doctrine. However, from the aspect of rigidity doctrine and strategy of the movement, both groups are much different. ISIS is an ultra-radical group hostile to all other communities and brutally attacked the community of which he considered infidels. While Hamas has a more soft ideology and commit acts of violence in the context of resistance against Israeli colonialism.[Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bahwa penyebaran ideologi Islamisme di Timur Tengah dalam beberapa dekade terakhir telah menyebabkan konflik, baik intra maupun antar-agama yang berlanjut hingga saat ini. Dari kelompok-kelompok Islam ini, Gerakan Hamas dan ISIS memberikan efek signifikan dari konflik tersebut. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif. Teori Konflik John Spanier (konflik politik berskala tinggi) digunakan untuk menganalisis bagaimana model konstruksi ideologis kedua kelompok mempengaruhi stabilitas politik dan ekonomi serta konflik di Timur Tengah dan dunia Islam. Berdasarkan pengamatan kedua kelompok ini, dapat ditemukan bahwa secara teologis, Hamas menganut doktrin agama yang mendorong mereka untuk melakukan perlawanan bersenjata terhadap Israel. Pada saat yang sama, ISIS adalah kelompok militan yang sangat dipengaruhi oleh doktrin agama. Namun, dari aspek kekakuan doktrin dan strategi pergerakan, kedua kelompok jauh berbeda. ISIS adalah kelompok ultra-radikal yang memusuhi semua komunitas lain dan secara brutal menyerang komunitas yang dianggapnya sebagai orang kafir. Sementara Hamas memiliki ideologi yang lebih lunak dan melakukan tindakan kekerasan dalam konteks perlawanan terhadap kolonialisme Israel.]

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Smith, Anthony L. "East Timor: Beyond Independence." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 2 (August 2008): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2k.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Naidu, G. V. C. "The East Timor crisis." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 9 (December 1999): 1467–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455137.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Juita K. Nababan, Evi, Rommy Qurniati, and Asihing Kustanti. "Modal Sosial Pada Pengelolaan Dan Pelestarian Hutan Mangrove Di Kecamatan Labuhan Maringgai Kabupaten Lampung Timur." Jurnal Sylva Lestari 4, no. 2 (May 23, 2016): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/jsl2489-100.

Full text

Abstract:

The sustainability of mangrove forest management was required social capital. Social capital wassociety capability to made relation each other and built the power that very important not only for economic life of the community but also other socialexistantion. This research aimed to know the social economiccharacteristic and social capital communities that managed and conserved the mangrove forest in Labuhan Maringgai district of East Lampung Regency. The study used quantitative and qualitative analysis. The method used descriptive and scoring method. The results showed that social economic characteristic atMargasari village had much in common with the majority of Muara Gading Mas village and the social capital in Margasari dan Muara Gading Mas village community groups was low. Social capital group of mangrove in Margasari and Muara Gading Mas village were (a) group and network was low in 93% and 100%, (b) trust and solidarity was low in 85% and 76%, (c) aspects of collective and cooperative was low in 80% and 94%, (d) information and communications was minimum in 67% and low in 53%, (e) aspects of cohesion and inclusion was low in 63% and 94% and (f) actions of empowerment and political was low in 96% and 100%. Keywords: social capital, social economic characteristic, mangrove forest, community group

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Koefner, G. "DISPLACEMENT IN EAST TIMOR." Refugee Survey Quarterly 19, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/19.2.77.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Islam, Iyanatul. "EAST TIMOR: DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK." Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy 5, no. 1-2 (February 2000): 2–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13547860008540778.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Narayan, Raviprasad. "The East Timor Crisis." China Report 36, no. 1 (February 2000): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550003600107.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Sherlock, Stephen. "Political Economy of the East Timor Conflict." Asian Survey 36, no. 9 (September 1996): 835–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645534.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Brown, M. Anne, and Alex Freitas Gusmao. "Peacebuilding and Political Hybridity in East Timor." Peace Review 21, no. 1 (February 27, 2009): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650802690086.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Sherlock, Stephen. "Political Economy of the East Timor Conflict." Asian Survey 36, no. 9 (September 1996): 835–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.9.01p0163s.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Soares, Maria. "East Timor at the crossroads." South African Journal of International Affairs 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469909545270.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Millo, Yiftach, and Jon Barnett. "Educational development in East Timor." International Journal of Educational Development 24, no. 6 (November 2004): 721–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2004.04.005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Singh, Udai Bhanu. "East Timor: issues and prospects." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 3 (June 1999): 497–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455062.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Hohe, Tanja. "Justice without judiciary in East Timor." Conflict, Security & Development 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1467880032000151626.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Thomaz, Luís Filipe F. R. "East Timor: A Historical Singularity." Human and Social Studies 3, no. 3 (October 1, 2014): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2013-0036.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract During the 24 years of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, to talk about its cultural individuality as a product of its history - focusing on what set it apart from Indonesia - was an act likely to raise suspicions of some kind of manipulation of history for political purposes. Naturally, the same suspicions could fall on anyone assuming an opposite view, that is a view that valued the connection uniting the two peoples and discarded what separated them. In this paper, we adhere more to the first perspective. Obviously, we are not driven by the desire to prove that East Timor had to be, a priori, independent; this is by no means the task of a historian. We are simply trying to explain, a posteriori, why, in the referendum of 30 August 1999, the people of East Timor voted overwhelmingly for independence

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Connolly, David. "East Timor and Australian foreign policy." South African Journal of International Affairs 7, no. 1 (June 2000): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460009545305.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Wheeler, Nicholas J., and Tim Dunne. "East Timor and the new humanitarian interventionism." International Affairs 77, no. 4 (October 2001): 805–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00220.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Cotton, James. "Against the Grain: The East Timor Intervention." Survival 43, no. 1 (March 2001): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330112331343015.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Webster, David, and John G. Taylor. "East Timor: The Price of Freedom." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 1 (2001): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672517.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Nugroho, Irzak Yuliardy, and Imam Syafi'i. "Metode Studi Ilmu Al-Qur’an Kontemporer: Respon Terhadap Pandangan Orientalis Pada Al-Qur’an." Asy-Syari’ah : Jurnal Hukum Islam 8, no. 1 (February 7, 2022): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.55210/assyariah.v8i1.641.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The historical nature of the Qur'an led to the emergence of hermeneutical ideas and theories (methods of interpretation). This theory is a very urgent effort to be developed in understanding the meaning of the Qur'an as a whole. The hope is that the theological and legal ethical parts can be placed in a unified whole (total). Through this method, a weltanschauung (worldview) of the Qur'an can be formulated and understood. If humans want to think optimally and want to use their rational mind, they will realize that in fact the greatest blessing of the Qur'an is the thought and understanding of the intentions and meanings contained therein to then realize their ideas in actions that are both religious and spiritual. . In this case, then Sahiron Syamsuddin, mapped the flow of contemporary Qur'anic study methods into three groups: a) The traditionalist quasi-objectivist view; b) The modernist quasi-objectivist view; c) Subjectivist views. The study of the science of the Qur'an in the West was first carried out by the Orientalism group, which at the beginning of its emergence was closely related to the psycho-historical relationship between Islam and the West in the intellectual, trade and war fields. Therefore, the study of the science of the Qur'an in the study of orientalism is not only oriented to the emotional-intellectual relationship, but also the emotional-political east, namely in order to facilitate the political expansion of the West towards the East. But along with the times, orientalism in the end moved purely on an objective-independent study of the east. The flow of orientalism, at least, goes through three periods, namely the period before the crusades, the crusades to the European enlightenment period, and the last period from the enlightenment to modern times. This is marked by the presence of orientalists in the East (Islam) who also functioned as colonial advisors, in addition to conducting scientific studies. Keywords: Al-Qur’an, Hermeneutics, Contemporary. Abstrak Sifat Al-Qur’an yang bersifat historis menyebabkan munculnya gagasan dan teori hermeneutika (metode penafsiran). Teori ini menjadi kerja-usaha yang sangat mendesak untuk dikembangkan dalam memahami makna Al-Qur’an secara utuh. Harapannya, bagian-bagian teologis dan etika legalnya dapat ditempatkan dalam keseluruhan (totalitas) yang padu. Melalui metode ini, sebuah weltanschauung (pandangan dunia) Al-Qur’an dapat dirumuskan dan dipahami. Bila manusia mau berpikir secara optimal dan mau memanfaatkan akal rasionalnya, ia akan menyadari bahwa sesungguhnya berkah Al-Qur’an yang teramat besar adalah pemikiran dan pemahaman maksud-maksud serta makna yang terkandung di dalamnya untuk kemudian mewujudkan gagasannya dalam perbuatan yang bersifat keagamaan dan keduaniaan. Dalam hal ini, kemudian Sahiron Syamsuddin, memetakan aliran metode studi qur’an kontemporer menjadi tiga kelompok: a) Pandangan quasi- obyektivis tradisionalis; b) Pandangan quasi-obeyektivis modernis; c) Pandangan aliran subyektivis. Studi ilmu al-Qur’an di Barat pertama kali dilakukan oleh kelompok Orientalisme yang pada awal kemunculannya berkaitan erat dengan psiko- historis hubungan Islam dan Barat di bidang intelektual, perdagangan dan peperangan. Oleh karena itu, studi ilmu al-Qur’an dalam kajian orientalisme tidak hanya berorientasi pada hubungan emosi-intelektual, melainkan juga emosi-politis ketimuran, yaitu dalam rangka memperlancar ekspansi politik Barat terhadap Timur. Tetapi seiring perkembangan zaman, orientalisme pada akhirnya bergerak murni pada kajian ketimuran secara obyektif- independen. Alur perjalanan orientalisme itu, setidaknya, melalui tiga periode, yaitu periode sebelum perang salib, perang salib hingga masa pencerahan Eropa, dan periode terakhir adalah mulai pencerahan hingga zaman modern. Hal ini ditandai dengan kehadiran para orientalis di Timur (Islam) yang juga berfungsi sebagai penasehat kolonial, disamping melakukan kajian-kajian ilmiah. Kata Kunci : Al-Qur’an, Hermeneutika, Kontemporer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Levrat, Bertrand. "Le droit international humanitaire au Timor oriental: entre théorie et pratique." International Review of the Red Cross 83, no. 841 (March 2001): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500106194.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract East Timor has been on the international community's agenda since 1975, and the events of 1999 have attracted worldwide attention to the island's fate. This article examines some of the legal issues which are relevant for the application of international humanitarian law to the conflict over East Timor. In particular, the author examines the international status of East Timor during the Indonesian occupation and after, with the arrival of the multinational military force and the administration set up by the United Nations. The status of those civilians who took refuge in West Timor from the explosion of violence, as well as the rights of Timorese detained by the provisional administration, are also extensively discussed. The author regrets that many legal issues have not been settled in a satisfactory manner by the various players involved in the international response to the drama, although clear answers may be found in international humanitarian law applicable to the situation prevailing in East Timor.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Salla, Michael E. "Australian foreign policy and East Timor." Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, no. 2 (November 1995): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445157.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Taylor-Leech, Kerry. "Language and identity in East Timor." Language Problems and Language Planning 32, no. 2 (June 6, 2008): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.32.2.04tay.

Full text

Abstract:

Language choice in the newly independent Republic of East Timor can be usefully examined in the wider context of language policy in multilingual states. The present article reports on ethnographic research investigating official and popular discourses of language and identity in East Timor and the role of past and present language policies and practices in shaping national and social identity. It focuses on the discursive reconstruction of identity through five official instruments of language policy development. Hostile discourses in the Australian and Indonesian press towards the choice of Portuguese (the former colonial language) and Tetum (the endogenous lingua franca) as official languages provided the context for the investigation. A persistent theme in these discourses is that English and/or Indonesian would be preferable choices. The article puts these discourses into perspective by presenting findings from two data sets: (i) the 2004 National Census and (ii) analysis of the discourses of 78 participants in semi-structured interviews and student focus groups. The census shows clear signs of the revival of Portuguese and the reinvigoration of Tetum. It also shows how diverse linguistic identities have become in East Timor. The research findings show that there is less hostility to official language policy than claimed in the Australian and Indonesian press. However, the findings also emphasise the urgent need to reconstruct an inclusive, plurilingual national identity that can encompass diversity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Kammen, Douglas, and Yuji Uesugi. "Three Centuries of Conflict in East Timor." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 330–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-2m.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Scobbie, Iain G. M., and Catriona J. Drew. "Self-Determination Undetermined: The Case of East Timor." Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 1 (March 1996): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000131.

Full text

Abstract:

On 22 February 1991, Portugal filed a case against Australia in the Registry of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) instituting proceedings in a dispute concerning “certain activities of Australia with regard to East Timor”. The impetus behind the case was the conclusion of the Timor Gap Treaty between Australia and Indonesia in December 1989. The application alleged that Australia's conduct had caused “particularly serious legal and moral damage to the people of East Timor and to Portugal, which will become material damage also if the exploitation of hydrocarbon resources begins.” Jurisdiction was founded on the parties' declarations under Article 36(2) of the Statute.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Bello, Judith Hippler, and Peter H. F. Bekker. "Treaty of 1989 between Australia and Indonesia concerning the “Timor Gap”—existence of legal dispute between Portugal and Australia—objections to jurisdiction—effect of Court ruling on absent third parties—right to self-determination as right erga omnes —status of East Timor as non-self-governing territory: East Timor (Port. v. Austl.). 1995 ICJ Rep. 90." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 1 (January 1996): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203755.

Full text

Abstract:

International Court of Justice, June 30, 1995.Portugal submitted an Application instituting proceedings against the Commonwealth of Australia before the International Court of Justice on February 22, 1991. Both Portugal and Australia had made declarations accepting the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court pursuant to Article 36, paragraph 2 of the ICJ Statute. Portugal sought a declaration from the Court that Portugal's status with respect to East Timor and the rights of the people of East Timor to self-determination, territorial integrity and unity, and permanent sovereignty over its wealth and natural resources were opposable to Australia. Portugal also sought a declaration that Australia had incurred international responsibility and had caused damage for which it owed reparation to both the people of East Timor and Portugal. Portugal alleged that Australia had incurred this responsibility mainly by negotiating and concluding—not with Portugal, but with Indonesia—a treaty on December 11, 1989, creating a “Zone of Cooperation” in an area of the undelimited continental shelf between East Timor and northern Australia known as the “Timor Gap.”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Tsuchiya, Kisho. "Representing Timor: Histories, geo-bodies, and belonging, 1860s–2018." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2019): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000377.

Full text

Abstract:

This article provides an outline of the historical construction of Timorese (East Timorese and Indonesian West Timorese) geo-bodies and communal identities from the mid-nineteenth century to the present time, thereby reconstructing the origins of many national imaginings amongst the Timorese people. Since the controversial annexation of Portuguese Timor by Indonesia in 1976, (East) Timor has been constructed as a place of two territorial identities: Timor as a part of Indonesia and East Timor as a homogeneous nation distinct from Indonesia. However, representations of Timor had been much more fluid and inconsistent in preceding ages. This article studies various communities’ representations of Timor to reveal dialectic relations between diverse colonial and post-colonial representations of the Timorese spaces and their senses of belonging. Thereby, it problematises the political role of global and regional place-making in a contested Southeast Asian locale.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

M. Beuman, Lydia, and Rui Graca Feijo. "Political Institutions in East Timor: Semi-presidentialism and Democratization." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-2i.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Mack, Alistair. "Intervention in East Timor from the ground." RUSI Journal 144, no. 6 (December 1999): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849908446461.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Bovensiepen, Judith, and Frederico Delgado Rosa. "Transformations of the Sacred in East Timor." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 3 (July 2016): 664–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000311.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractFor Catholic missionaries in the early twentieth century, the only way to achieve true conversion of Timorese ancestral ritualists was the deliberate destruction of sacredlulikhouses. Although Timorese allegedly participated enthusiastically in this destruction,lulik(a term commonly translated as sacred, proscribed, holy, or taboo) remains a key part of ritual practice today. This article offers a dynamic historical analysis of what may be described as a particular form of Southeast Asian animism, examining how people's relationships with sacred powers have changed in interaction with Catholic missionaries. It links the inherent ambivalence of endogenous occult powers to religious and historical transformations, teasing out the unintended consequences of the missionaries' attempts to eradicate and demonizelulik. Comparing historical and ethnographic data from the center of East Timor, it argues that, contrary to the missionaries' intentions, the cycles of destruction, withdrawal, and return that characterized mission history ended up strengtheninglulik. Inspired by anthropological studies of “taboo” and “otherness,” especially the work of Mary Douglas and Valerio Valeri, this article makes visible the transformation of the sacred in relation to outside agents: when relations with foreign powers were productive, the positive sides oflulikas a source of wealth and authority were brought out; yet when outsiders posed a threat, the dangerous and threatening aspects oflulikwere accentuated. This analysis allows us to highlight the relational dimensions of sacred powers and their relation to ongoing social transformations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Saura, Jaume. "Free determination and genocide in East Timor." Human Rights Review 3, no. 4 (July 2002): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-002-1002-5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Leksana, Grace. "Ketimpangan dan Kontinuitas Patronase dalam Lintasan Sejarah: Menelusuri Sejarah Perubahan Agraria di Malang Selatan." BHUMI: Jurnal Agraria dan Pertanahan 5, no. 1 (May 23, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31292/jb.v5i1.319.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract: Opinions that perceive villages (desa) as solid entity, traditional, reservoir of labor and foodcrops, have been intensively criticized. On the contrary, villages are filled with social-political tension, class difference, and became areas where large conflicts in history also took place. This article develops the second argument, which tries to trace agrarian transformation through history: from the colonial period, independence and the New Order. By presenting a case study in South Malang, East Java, this article aim to show that village dynamics are controlled by patronage relation, where agrarian policies only benefited certain groups in the village. Historical analysis also shows how patronage relation persisted, although the state had changed. Violence that occurred in regime change did not necessarily transform the patronage relation in the village, instead strengthened it through the formation of new alliances. Agrarian policies that are going to be developed in the present should notice this power relation. The question of ‘who gets what’ should be continuously raised by agrarian studies experts and policy makers.Keywords: patronage relation, clientelism, class inequality, 1965 violence, colonial plantation, Malang-East JavaIntisari: Pandangan yang melihat desa sebagai entitas solid, tradisional, reservoir tenaga kerja dan pangan, telah banyak dikritik. Sebaliknya, desa dipenuhi dengan ketegangan sosial-politik, perbedaan kelas dan area dimana konflik-konflik besar dalam sejarah juga terjadi. Artikel ini mengembangkan pandangan kedua, dan berusaha menelusuri perubahan agraria dari masa ke masa: periode kolonial, kemerdekaan dan Orde Baru. Dengan mengambil studi kasus di Malang Selatan, Jawa Timur, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa dinamika desa dikuasai oleh relasi patronase, sehingga kebijakan-kebijakan agraria hanya menguntungkan kelompok tertentu di desa. Analisa historis juga memperlihatkan bagaimana relasi patronase terus bertahan, meskipun negara (dalam hal ini sistem pemerintahan) telah berubah. Kekerasan yang terjadi dalam perubahan-perubahan rezim tidak mengubah relasi patron di tingkat desa, namun justru memperkuatnya dengan memunculkan aliansi-aliansi baru. Kebijakan-kebijakan agraria yang akan diambil pada masa kini seyogyanya memperhatikan relasi kuasa tersebut, sehingga pertanyaan ‘siapa mendapat apa’ harus kerap dikedepankan oleh para pegiat studi agraria dan para pengambil kebijakan.Kata kunci: relasi patronase, klientelisme, ketimpangan kelas, kekerasan 1965, perkebunan kolonial, Malang-Jawa Timur

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Evans, Malcolm D., and Christine Chinkin. "The East Timor Case (Portugal v. Australia)." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 3 (July 1996): 712–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059455.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Clark, Roger S. "Some International Law Aspects of the East Timor Affair." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (October 1992): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002508.

Full text

Abstract:

On December 7, 1975 Indonesian forces invaded the territory of East Timor, a Portuguese colony for some four and a half centuries. Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, East Timor, like other Portuguese non-self-governing territories had been going through a process of self determination. Portuguese authorities evacuated the territory in August 1975 during civil disorders, condoned if not fomented by the Indonesians. The Frente Revolucianaria de Timor Leste Independente (FRETILIN), a popular group which aimed at independence for the territory after a short transitional period, gained the upper hand. It declared independence on November 28, 1975, hoping this would strengthen its hand in dealing with Indonesian border incursions. A full-scale Indonesian invasion followed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

van Klinken, Gerry. "Three centuries of conflict in East Timor." Asian Studies Review 40, no. 4 (February 24, 2016): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2016.1148549.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Carey, Peter. "International law and the question of East Timor." International Affairs 72, no. 2 (April 1996): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624395.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Berlie, Jean A. "Nationalism, part of the identity of East Timor." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 375–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2015-0047.

Full text

Abstract:

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the just and highly praised Timorese nationalism leading to independence, deal, in particular, with the attitude of the East Timorese and raise questions about their national identity. Design/methodology/approach This paper is largely based on an anthropological and political science research with interviews. Findings East Timor’s nationalism is unique and formerly linked to Liurai chiefs. Political nationalism is discussed in the third part of the paper. Originality/value This research is the first of its kind. East Timor research is mainly centered in the period 1975–1999 of Indonesian occupation. The concepts nationalism, identity and politics are under-researched concepts in East Timor. There the political system is unique.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!