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Journal articles on the topic 'Political geography United States'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Jordan, Lisa M. "Religion and political geography in the United States." Political Geography 29, no. 7 (September 2010): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.05.001.

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2

Glaeser, Edward L., and Bryce A. Ward. "Myths and Realities of American Political Geography." Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.20.2.119.

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The division of America into red states and blue states misleadingly suggests that states are split into two camps, but along most dimensions, like political orientation, states are on a continuum. By historical standards, the number of swing states is not particularly low, and America's cultural divisions are not increasing. But despite the flaws of the red state/blue state framework, it does contain two profound truths. First, the heterogeneity of beliefs and attitudes across the United States is enormous and has always been so. Second, political divisions are becoming increasingly religious and cultural. The rise of religious politics is not without precedent, but rather returns us to the pre–New Deal norm. Religious political divisions are so common because religious groups provide politicians the opportunity to send targeted messages that excite their base.
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3

ROUCEK, JOSEPH S. "The Development of Political Geography and Geopolitics in the United States." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 204–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00383.x.

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4

Kinsella, Chad J. "Political Geography of the South: A Spatial Analysis of the 2008 Presidential Election." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.227-240.

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The region identified as the "South" arguably has been and continues to be the most politically interesting and analyzed region in the United States. Using election results and county maps of the eleven southern states, this study provides a spatial analysis of the counties in this region. Through the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS), this study analyzes the 2008 presidential election using counties as the unit of analysis within these states. This exploratory study will provide data as to which candidate won each county as well as a "landslide" county map that denotes counties that supported a candidate by a margin of twenty percent or more. This study will also investigate the difference in county-level voting between the 2004 and 2008 election to see how the preferences of the electorates changed. Finally, a contextual analysis, using data gathered from the United States Census Bureau will identify county population demographics that help explain voting behavior as well as the change in vote between 2004 and 2008.
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5

ADAMS, D. K. "A Note: Geopolitics and Political Geography in the United States Between the Wars." Australian Journal of Politics & History 6, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1960.tb00783.x.

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6

Bakan, J. C., and N. K. Blomley. "Spatial Categories, Legal Boundaries, and the Judicial Mapping of the Worker." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 24, no. 5 (May 1992): 629–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a240629.

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It is argued that there are important parallels and intersections between critical theoretical analysis in legal studies and in geography. Each critical tradition is sceptical about the ontological status of its disciplinary foundation—‘law’ in legal studies, and ‘space’ in geography. Furthermore, the reification of particular distinctions in legal discourse is deepened by spatial distinctions. A convergence of critical legal and geographic analyses can thus have powerful analytical consequences, and the authors attempt to demonstrate this point by investigating judicial approaches to the regulation of worker health and safety in two federal states, Canada and the United States. They conclude with a discussion of the theoretical and political significance of critical legal geography, and suggest some directions it might take in the future.
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7

Kim, Sukkoo, and Marc T. Law. "Political Centralization, Federalism, and Urban Development: Evidence from US and Canadian Capital Cities." Social Science History 40, no. 1 (2016): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.83.

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A growing empirical literature links political centralization with urban development. In this paper we present evidence showing how different patterns of political centralization in the United States and Canada affected urban agglomeration during the twentieth century, with a specific focus on the impact on the population of capital cities. Using data on Canadian and US cities and metropolitan areas, we find that the national capital effect on population grew over time in both countries but more so in the United States whereas the subnational (i.e., provincial or state) capital effect rose much more significantly in Canada than in the United States, controlling for other factors like geography and climate. We argue that these patterns in the national and subnational capital city effects reflect different trends in federalism in the two countries. In the United States, the Jeffersonian-Jacksonian tradition of states’ rights and localism was transformed into a more nationally centralized form of federalism during the Progressive Era, but states and localities continued to retain significant autonomy. In Canada, federalism came to favor provincial rights but not localism. We believe that that these diverging trends were driven by institutional differences that gave the various levels of governments in Canada and the United States different access to revenue sources.
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8

Conroy, Hilary, Robert A. Scalapino, and Han Sung-Joo. "United States-Korea Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758914.

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9

Syed, Anwar H., Leo E. Rose, and Noor A. Husain. "United States-Pakistan Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758920.

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10

Foster, John Bellamy. "The Political Economy of the United States Left." Monthly Review 38, no. 4 (September 5, 1986): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-038-04-1986-08_5.

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11

Stolzenberg, Ross M. "Ethnicity, Geography, and Occupational Achievement of Hispanic Men in the United States." American Sociological Review 55, no. 1 (February 1990): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095709.

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12

Sutter, Robert. "The United States and Asia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.10.

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Early Trump administration initiatives upset regional stability, complicating the foreign policies of Asian partners and opponents alike. Subsequent pragmatic summitry eased regional anxiety and clarified the new government’s security and political objectives. The administration’s national security strategy, released in December, provided a well-integrated security, economic, and diplomatic strategy for Asia and the rest of the world.
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13

Cohen, S. B. "Corrigendum to: “The 2002 Annual Political Geography Lecture - Geopolitical realities and United States foreign policy”." Political Geography 23, no. 2 (February 2004): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2003.10.001.

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14

Tow, William T. "The United States and Asia in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (January 2014): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.12.

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Prospects for a U.S. decline in global power generated by political strife and protracted economic recession at home have affected Washington’s regional diplomatic presence and strategic influence in the Asia-Pacific. Ongoing regional power politics and economic imperatives may constrain the ability of the U.S. to quickly recover from the largely self-imposed damage it has inflicted on its future role as a central regional player.
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15

Libby, Ronald T. "The United States and Jamaica." Latin American Perspectives 17, no. 1 (January 1990): 86–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9001700106.

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16

Conroy, Hilary, Youngok Koo, Dae-Sook Suh, Tae-Hwan Kwak, John Chay, Soon Sung Cho, and Shannon McCune. "Korea and the United States." Pacific Affairs 58, no. 4 (1985): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758504.

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17

Melby, John F., and Arnold Xiangze Jiang. "The United States and China." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 4 (1988): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760533.

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18

Zunes, Stephen. "The United States and Bolivia." Latin American Perspectives 28, no. 5 (September 2001): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x0102800503.

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19

Hay, I. "Place, Power, and Medical Liability Insurance in the United States." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 24, no. 5 (May 1992): 645–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a240645.

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Following the Western world's economic ‘crisis’ of the early 1970s and the related medical liability insurance calamity in the United States, new spatial and organizational arrangements emerged in the US medical malpractice insurance market. Reorganization gave a major London-based reinsurer—Lloyd's—a great deal of potential influence over the politically powerful US medical profession. At the same time as the prospects of control over medicine and law were being concentrated in London, Lloyd's was confronting immense financial difficulties arising from asbestos-related liability claims in the United States. Through the political influence derived from their economic connection with US physicians and malpractice insurers, Lloyd's seems to have been able to encourage US tort law reforms which minimize its profit-seeking underwriting members' exposure to asbestos-related and medical liability-related claims.
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20

Smith, Peter H. "The Political Impact of Free Trade on Mexico." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166148.

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the rule of free trade, taken by itself, is no longer able to govern international relations … Freedom of trade is fair only if it is subject to the demands of social justice.Pope Paul VIPopulorum ProgressioCurrent Debates over North American free trade focus almost exclusively on economic issues. Advocates claim that a trilateral agreement will provide impetus for sustained, long-term economic growth in Canada, Mexico, and the United States — and that it will provide a regional counterweight to the European Community (EC) and to Japan. Critics in the United States claim that the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) will encourage the export of US investment and employment to Mexico. Canadians fear accelerated debilitation of vulnerable sectors of the national economy, from natural gas to automobile parts. Skeptics in Mexico predict that NAFTA will perpetuate low wages for the Mexican working class and transform the entire country into a massive maquiladora.
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21

Sodhy, Pamela. "Malaysian–American Relations during Indonesia's Confrontation against Malaysia, 1963–66." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1988): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400000369.

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The period from 1963 to 1966, which spans Indonesia's “confrontation” against Majaysia, marks an important benchmark in the history of Malaysian-American relations as it represents the first direct involvement of the United States into the political affairs of Malaysia. Before confrontation, the United States had maintained a low profile in the country and had confined the relationship to mainly economic issues. Politically, the United States had, for the most part, hovered in the background behind the British who had continued their close ties with Malaysia even after the granting of independence in 1957. America's deeper involvement with Malaysia because of confrontation, signified, therefore, a distinct departure from its earlier policy.
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22

Blake, G. H. "Political Geography in the Literature on Libya 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006762.

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Political geography can be taken to include the geographical analysis of formal political territories of all kinds, and an interest in political spheres of influence. Thus defined, Libya must have provided an almost unparalleled range of topics for study in the past 20 years. Internal administrative districts have been changed three times. The international boundaries of the state have been the subject of debate and dispute. In 1975 Libya occupied a large tract of northern Chad and became heavily involved in the Chadian civil war in 1980. Maritime boundary delimitation began in the 1980s and Libyan claims to historic water status for the Gulf of Sirte were disputed by the United States. At least eight attempts at political mergers with other states have been made by Colonel Qadhafi, while other Libyan foreign policy adventures have been widespread, especially in Africa. In the face of this plethora of geopolitical activity it is disappointing to report that the political geography of Libya has not received the attention it deserves from scholars in Britain or elsewhere. Only in one area of study — international boundaries — is the literature reasonably plentiful, and of a high calibre (detailed bibliographies in Alawar 1983; Lawless 1987). While this emphasis may be justified on the grounds that Libya's boundaries are major potential ‘flashpoints’ (Copson 1982) it leaves a great deal of potentially useful geopolitical insights as yet unexplored. No publications have been traced for example on the implications of the changing location of Libya's designated capital city, from Tripoli to Benghazi — Tripoli to Beida to Tripoli and now — conceivably — to Sirte.
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23

Tabbasum, Salamat Ali. "The Political Economy of the United States Economic Growth Programme in Pakistan." Journal of International Development 27, no. 7 (August 11, 2014): 1312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3030.

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24

Weintraub, Sidney. "US-Mexico Free Trade: Implications for the United States." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166028.

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The Moment of Truth has come for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The US Congress will have to stop talking and vote to accept or reject the agreement negotiated among Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The disagreement on NAFTA in the United States is about free trade with Mexico, not with Canada. A US-Canada free trade agreement (FTA) already exists.This controversy over NAFTA has been fierce in the United States, much more so than in Mexico. This comparison speaks volumes about changing attitudes. It was almost unthinkable a decade ago that Mexico would so drastically alter its traditional position of maintaining economic and political distance from the United States. This change would not have been possible but for la decena trágica, the years of the 1980s. Beyond that, Mexico has more at stake in a free trade agreement. It has the smaller economy (about 1/27th that of the United States) so that changes, for better or worse, are magnified.
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25

Johnston, Joseph B. "Educational Ecosystems and Charter Policy Development in the United States." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 4 (December 17, 2016): 768–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416683161.

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Why have charter schools been embraced as an urban educational solution in many metropolitan areas, but not in others? I develop a theoretical framework whereby the “educational ecosystem” of metropolitan areas—formed through the social geography of school district boundaries and school integration plans—supplement existing perspectives, thereby aiding in the understanding of policy adoption variability. I provide an initial test to the theoretical framework through a case study of a metropolitan hub that continues to have no charter schools: Louisville, Kentucky. I demonstrate how Louisville’s particular urban educational ecosystem, which diverges from the overall national pattern of racially and socioeconomically isolated urban systems, transformed the perceptions of the urban district and shaped the battles over an otherwise nationally popular school reform.
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26

Hassner, Pierre. "Europe between the United States and the Soviet Union." Government and Opposition 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb01106.x.

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‘EUROPE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET UNION’. This subject could have been formulated in different terms, such as: ‘Europe between East and West’ or: ‘The European states between the two empires’ or: ‘The two Europes and the two superpowers’. Europe is at the same time one geographically and culturally, divided into nations, and split into two camps. The United States and the Soviet Union are both two global and two European powers, two ordinary states and the leaders of two alliances, the standard bearers of two ideologies. If one were discussing Korea instead of Europe, one would hesitate between calling our study ‘Korea between East and West’ and ‘Korea between North and South’. Europe is that continent where political divisions seem cast in the stone of history and geography, where the opposition between East and West seems to have at the same time a geopolitical meaning (that of maritime versus continental coalition), an ideological one (liberal democracy or capitalism versus communism) and a cultural one (the Western Church versus the Eastern one, Rome versus Byzantium).
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27

Vaky, Viron P. "Political Change in Latin America: A Foreign Policy Dilemma for the United States." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 2 (1986): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165770.

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In 1968 Henry Kissinger wrote: “A mature conception of our interests in the world … would deal with two fundamental questions: What is it in our interest to prevent? What should we seek to accomplish?” (Kissinger, 1974: 92) Whatever its general relevance, that passage is an apt description of the lens through which American policymakers have contemplated the phenomenon of political change in the Third World. Those are the first questions they tend to ask.The rationale for this particular concept of foreign policy tasks has its roots (1) in the complexities of an increasingly interdependent world in which world politics have become truly global for the first time in human history, and (2) in the deep antagonisms embedded in the US/Soviet relationship. Because nuclear realities .have placed a cap on the way in which the two superpowers confront and contend with one another, conflict between them tends to get pushed to the periphery and to take place in indirect ways.
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28

Bajpai, Kanti. "India and the United States." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500103.

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29

Lebow, David. "Leviathans unbound: irrationalist political thought in interwar United States and Germany." Journal of Political Ideologies 24, no. 1 (November 18, 2018): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2019.1548086.

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30

Roett, Riordan. "Brazil and the United States: Beyond the Debt Crisis." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 1985): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165662.

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North American political scientists and foreign policy observers spend a good deal of time lecturing Brazil on its proper role in world affairs. Brazilian diplomats and foreign policy specialists are occupied with formulating appropriate responses to the well meaning, but basically inaccurate, attempts of the Americans to push Brazil into global leadership (Política e Estrategia, 1983).With the coming change in government on March 15,1985, the debate will again erupt. Will Tancredo Neves reformulate Brazilian foreign policy? Can Paulo Maluf redefine his country's role in world affairs? My own sense of the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy is that the concern is irrelevant. Brazil's world view, for some decades, has manifested a high degree of coherence and even predictability, if one listens to what Brazilian foreign policy elites say as well as what they do.
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31

Prestholdt. "Kenya, the United States, and Counterterrorism." Africa Today 57, no. 4 (2011): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.57.4.3.

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32

Itoh, Mayumi. "Japanese Perceptions of the United States." Asian Survey 33, no. 12 (December 1, 1993): 1122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645173.

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33

Jiang, Wenran, and Robert H. Puckett. "The United States and Northeast Asia." Pacific Affairs 69, no. 2 (1996): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760736.

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34

Itoh, Mayumi. "Japanese Perceptions of the United States." Asian Survey 33, no. 12 (December 1993): 1122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1993.33.12.00p0336w.

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35

Menon, Rajan. "Revitalizing the United States‐Japanese alliance." Pacific Review 7, no. 2 (January 1994): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749408719086.

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36

Bhattacharya, Tithi, Eric Blanc, Kate Doyle Griffiths, and Lois Weiner. "Return of the Strike: A Forum on the Teachers’ Rebellion in the United States." Historical Materialism 26, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 119–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001808.

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AbstractBringing together leading observers of the 2018 teachers’ strikes in the United States, this forum surveys the origins, character, and trajectory of the rebellion as a whole. We examine the relations between union bureaucracies and the rank and file, the wider political context of the United States, the geography of the strike, immediate and longer-term grievances in the public-education sector, spontaneity and organisation, local cultural contexts and labour histories, strategies and tactics, social reproduction and gender, race and racism, and the potentialities and obstacles facing the movement in the near future.
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37

Gardner, Robert W. "Asian Immigration: The View from the United States." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, no. 1 (March 1992): 64–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100104.

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Between the 1965 immigration law and 1990, Asian immigration to the United States increased tenfold to a quarter of a million annually. As sender of the most immigrants, Japan has yielded to the Philippines, South Korea, Vietnam, India, and China. From 1974–1989, over 900,000 Southeast Asian refugees entered the United States. Most Asians today are admitted in the family preference category. On average, the sex ratio is balanced, but over 55% of immigrants from South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan are female. Asians are occupationally diverse, with a greater number of professionals/executives (35%) than laborers (14%). Though relatively few in number, Asians concentrate geographically (notably in California) and exert growing political influence in those areas. Except for refugees, Asians are generally viewed as having a positive impact as students and workers. On the other hand, inas much as they contribute to ethnic diversity, they fan the current fears over threats to a common American cultural heritage. Anti-Asian hate crimes and interethnic violence have risen. Asian immigration is likely to continue to rise and show greater emphasis on employment preference categories.
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38

Altuntaş, Nezahat. "Religious Nationalism in a New Era: A Perspective from Political Islam." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.

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Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
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39

Althaus, Scott L., Anne M. Cizmar, and James G. Gimpel. "Media Supply, Audience Demand, and the Geography of News Consumption in the United States." Political Communication 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2009): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600903053361.

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40

Bernell, David. "The Curious Case of Cuba in American Foreign Policy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 36, no. 2 (1994): 65–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166174.

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The bitter rivalry between the United States and Cuba has occupied a position as one of the principal political disputes in the Western Hemisphere for the past 35 years. Since the rise of Fidel Castro, the governments of these two countries have placed themselves on opposite sides of almost every major regional and global issue. They have long held vastly different ideas about what constitutes a good and just government, what kind of international behavior is legitimate, and the ends that foreign policy should serve. Moreover, they have not only harbored political differences but also maintained a very intense dislike of one another. The United States has attempted to sustain a picture of Cuba as an international outlaw, the source of much turmoil, crisis, and mischief in the world. Adding a personal dimension to the attacks, the United States has also sought to demonize Castro, creating and continually portraying an image of him as the embodiment of evil.
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41

Fenelon, Andrew. "Geographic Divergence in Mortality in the United States." Population and Development Review 39, no. 4 (December 2013): 611–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2013.00630.x.

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42

Ganguly, Sumit. "The United States and South Asia." International Studies Review 1, no. 3 (December 1999): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.00179.

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43

Evans, Brian L., and William J. Miller. "The CCP's United Front Tactics in the United States, 1972-1988." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 2 (1991): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760004.

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44

Faber, Jacob W. "We Built This: Consequences of New Deal Era Intervention in America’s Racial Geography." American Sociological Review 85, no. 5 (August 21, 2020): 739–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122420948464.

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The contemporary practice of homeownership in the United States was born out of government programs adopted during the New Deal. The Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC)—and later the Federal Housing Administration and GI Bill—expanded home buying opportunity, although in segregationist fashion. Through mechanisms such as redlining, these policies fueled white suburbanization and black ghettoization, while laying the foundation for the racial wealth gap. This is the first article to investigate the long-term consequences of these policies on the segregation of cities. I combine a full century of census data with archival data to show that cities HOLC appraised became more segregated than those it ignored. The gap emerged between 1930 and 1950 and remains significant: in 2010, the black-white dissimilarity, black isolation, and white-black information theory indices are 12, 16, and 8 points higher in appraised cities, respectively. Results are consistent across a range of robustness checks, including exploitation of imperfect implementation of appraisal guidelines and geographic spillover. These results contribute to current theoretical discussions about the persistence of segregation. The long-term impact of these policies is a reminder of the intentionality that shaped racial geography in the United States, and the scale of intervention that will be required to disrupt the persistence of segregation.
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45

Chan, Steve. "Taiwan in 2004: Electoral Contests and Political Stasis." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.54.

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The outcomes of Taiwan's presidential election in March and its legislative election in December indicate political stasis rather than change. The reelection of George W. Bush points further to political continuity in Taiwan's relation with the United States.
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46

Scalapino, Robert A. "The United States and Asia in 2008: A Time of Challenge." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.5.

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The Asian-Pacific scene at present is marked by turbulent economic conditions and varying degrees of political instability, yet foreign relations are relatively favorable. Two key issues in Northeast Asia——North Korean nuclearization and cross-Taiwan Straits relations——remain unresolved, but current trends are generally hopeful. In Southeast and South Asia, conditions have been marked by economic decline stemming from the domestic scene and prominent cases of political tension. Yet, the risk of a war between Asian-Pacific states is at a record low.
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47

Archer, J. Clark. "The historical atlas of political parties in the United States Congress, 1789–1989." Journal of Historical Geography 16, no. 3 (July 1990): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-7488(90)90063-h.

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48

Tate, William F. "“Geography of Opportunity”: Poverty, Place, and Educational Outcomes." Educational Researcher 37, no. 7 (October 2008): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x08326409.

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Abstract:
This article is an expanded version of the 2008 American Educational Research Association’s Presidential Address. The purpose of the article is to describe the geography of opportunity in two metropolitan regions of the United States that are engaged in significant efforts to transform their local political economies. Both metropolitan regions have invested substantive resources into the development of an area of industrial science—one in telecommunications, one in biotechnology. A central underlying question in this article is, How does geography influence opportunity? The article’s two case studies investigate this question, using different methodological approaches. The article concludes with two important lessons learned from the research.
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Akinterinwa, Bola A. "The United States and the Withholding of UN Funds: A Political Analysis." International Studies 27, no. 3 (July 1990): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881790027003002.

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Olufemi Babarinde and Stephen Wright. "Africa and the United States: Assessing AGOA." Africa Today 64, no. 2 (2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.64.2.02.

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