Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political geography United States

Academic literature on the topic 'Political geography United States'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political geography United States"

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Jordan, Lisa M. "Religion and political geography in the United States." Political Geography 29, no. 7 (September 2010): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.05.001.

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Glaeser, Edward L., and Bryce A. Ward. "Myths and Realities of American Political Geography." Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.20.2.119.

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The division of America into red states and blue states misleadingly suggests that states are split into two camps, but along most dimensions, like political orientation, states are on a continuum. By historical standards, the number of swing states is not particularly low, and America's cultural divisions are not increasing. But despite the flaws of the red state/blue state framework, it does contain two profound truths. First, the heterogeneity of beliefs and attitudes across the United States is enormous and has always been so. Second, political divisions are becoming increasingly religious and cultural. The rise of religious politics is not without precedent, but rather returns us to the pre–New Deal norm. Religious political divisions are so common because religious groups provide politicians the opportunity to send targeted messages that excite their base.
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ROUCEK, JOSEPH S. "The Development of Political Geography and Geopolitics in the United States." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 204–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00383.x.

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Kinsella, Chad J. "Political Geography of the South: A Spatial Analysis of the 2008 Presidential Election." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.227-240.

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The region identified as the "South" arguably has been and continues to be the most politically interesting and analyzed region in the United States. Using election results and county maps of the eleven southern states, this study provides a spatial analysis of the counties in this region. Through the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS), this study analyzes the 2008 presidential election using counties as the unit of analysis within these states. This exploratory study will provide data as to which candidate won each county as well as a "landslide" county map that denotes counties that supported a candidate by a margin of twenty percent or more. This study will also investigate the difference in county-level voting between the 2004 and 2008 election to see how the preferences of the electorates changed. Finally, a contextual analysis, using data gathered from the United States Census Bureau will identify county population demographics that help explain voting behavior as well as the change in vote between 2004 and 2008.
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ADAMS, D. K. "A Note: Geopolitics and Political Geography in the United States Between the Wars." Australian Journal of Politics & History 6, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1960.tb00783.x.

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Bakan, J. C., and N. K. Blomley. "Spatial Categories, Legal Boundaries, and the Judicial Mapping of the Worker." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 24, no. 5 (May 1992): 629–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a240629.

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It is argued that there are important parallels and intersections between critical theoretical analysis in legal studies and in geography. Each critical tradition is sceptical about the ontological status of its disciplinary foundation—‘law’ in legal studies, and ‘space’ in geography. Furthermore, the reification of particular distinctions in legal discourse is deepened by spatial distinctions. A convergence of critical legal and geographic analyses can thus have powerful analytical consequences, and the authors attempt to demonstrate this point by investigating judicial approaches to the regulation of worker health and safety in two federal states, Canada and the United States. They conclude with a discussion of the theoretical and political significance of critical legal geography, and suggest some directions it might take in the future.
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Kim, Sukkoo, and Marc T. Law. "Political Centralization, Federalism, and Urban Development: Evidence from US and Canadian Capital Cities." Social Science History 40, no. 1 (2016): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.83.

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A growing empirical literature links political centralization with urban development. In this paper we present evidence showing how different patterns of political centralization in the United States and Canada affected urban agglomeration during the twentieth century, with a specific focus on the impact on the population of capital cities. Using data on Canadian and US cities and metropolitan areas, we find that the national capital effect on population grew over time in both countries but more so in the United States whereas the subnational (i.e., provincial or state) capital effect rose much more significantly in Canada than in the United States, controlling for other factors like geography and climate. We argue that these patterns in the national and subnational capital city effects reflect different trends in federalism in the two countries. In the United States, the Jeffersonian-Jacksonian tradition of states’ rights and localism was transformed into a more nationally centralized form of federalism during the Progressive Era, but states and localities continued to retain significant autonomy. In Canada, federalism came to favor provincial rights but not localism. We believe that that these diverging trends were driven by institutional differences that gave the various levels of governments in Canada and the United States different access to revenue sources.
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Conroy, Hilary, Robert A. Scalapino, and Han Sung-Joo. "United States-Korea Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758914.

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Syed, Anwar H., Leo E. Rose, and Noor A. Husain. "United States-Pakistan Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758920.

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Foster, John Bellamy. "The Political Economy of the United States Left." Monthly Review 38, no. 4 (September 5, 1986): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-038-04-1986-08_5.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political geography United States"

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Blackburn, John D. (John Daniel). "United States-Mexican border zone." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291812.

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The regulation of people and products moving between the United States and Mexico, most visible along their 2,000 mile-long boundary, also depends on the complementary function of a series of border zones. Located adjacent to the boundary, they form part of each country's administrative attempts to balance national interests and the particular needs of the border area. The boundary, limit of national sovereignty, allows a certain degree of interaction; border zones, while broadening the area of contact, impose some limitations upon it. The form and function of border zones have varied over time, just as administration of the boundary has adjusted to change. Since residents of Northern new Spain met participants of American westward expansion, the two central governments have used border zones to impose restrictions on the interchange. Mexico has feared its northern neighbor's territorial ambitions and economic power. Immigration and drugs from Mexico concern the United States.
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Moore, Anna. "A Critical Geography of the United States' Diplomatic Footprint." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22294.

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The practice of diplomacy has changed dramatically in recent decades as a result of technological advancements and shifting geopolitical concerns. No longer confined to the cloaked and closed-door practices of elite state institutions, the diplomatic landscape has broadened, and been made visible, across space and scale. Amidst this rapidly changing environment, it is imperative to understand how states are adjusting their material diplomatic infrastructure and what that means for everyday diplomatic practices. While many countries have adjusted to twenty-first century diplomatic realities by adapting to a more mobile, maneuverable diplomatic corps and fewer facilities, the United States remains committed to a widespread diplomatic network, the largest in the world. This diplomatic footprint is the hallmark of universality, a sustained effort over time to acquire near total diplomatic coverage by dotting the world with embassies and consulates designed to look, work, and behave in a similar, if not, ageographic, manner. Attending to this understudied phenomenon means studying the historical and geographic conditions out of which this relatively even and uniform diplomatic apparatus materialized. It further means analyzing the contemporary pattern of U.S. diplomatic infrastructure against the shifting terrain of diplomatic norms and space. Drawing empirically on interviews with elite diplomatic practitioners, substantial archival material, and the researcher’s own experience working within the U.S. diplomatic assemblage, this study has sought to examine why the United States remains committed to universality and what embassies and consulates actually do to secure U.S. foreign policy goals. Specifically, the study—presented in this dissertation as three discrete original research articles—is framed by the following research questions: (1) What ideas and policies shaped the geographical footprint of U.S. diplomatic infrastructure over the course of the twentieth century? (2) How does the globe-girdling U.S. diplomatic assemblage reflect and influence geopolitical ideas and practices? (3) How does the grouping of diplomatic missions along regional lines reflect and influence U.S. foreign policy?
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Butterworth, Melinda K. "Climate, Ecology, and the Socio-Political Dimensions of Mosquito-Borne Disease in the Southern United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/560859.

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Infectious organisms, such as dengue and West Nile viruses, are understood to be part of complex ecologies. The same is true for their common vectors, Aedes and Culex mosquitoes. Standing water, whether from human or naturally fed sources, provides the necessary breeding habitat for immature stages. Climatic variables such as temperature and rainfall can both directly impact the amount of water available for breeding. Temperature can alter this amount via evaporation, while precipitation can maintain or refill breeding sites. The effects of temperature also partially govern the lifecycle and development of these vectors and viruses. Human action and management can further mitigate these sites by eliminating them through dumping standing water or adding insecticide, or conversely promoting them. These factors can impact the spatial distribution of these organisms at multiple scales, such as global patterns of disease, as well as patterns of risk within urban areas. This dissertation examines the ecology of two mosquito-borne diseases, dengue fever and West Nile fever, at multiple scales and asks, 1. How do environmental changes shift distributions of mosquito-borne diseases? and 2. How do local actors and residents understand, respond to, and manage these emerging infections? Dengue fever is one of the most important and fastest spreading global vector-borne diseases. At a large spatio-temporal scale, potential and future dengue transmission is assessed under current and future (2045-65) climate change scenarios across the southern US. Understanding the differential impacts of climate on the Ae. aegypti mosquito and dengue virus is essential for projecting the shifting geographies of dengue fever. This includes considering both temperature and precipitation impacts. The results suggest that winter temperatures may be limiting dengue transmission in the southern US currently, but this may change under climate change. This is particularly true for the Gulf Coast region, which becomes more climatically suitable for dengue transmission under future analysis. To understand the variance of disease risk within urban spaces, the same dynamic mosquito model was coupled with remotely sensed imagery and parameterized for Culex quinquefasciatus mosquitoes to visualize mosquito risks across the city of Tucson. Despite an arid climate, West Nile virus is an ongoing public health concern in Arizona. The maps, visualized at multiple scales, were used to assess individual perceptions of mosquito abundance and control responsibility held by residents and health officials. The results show disparate interpretations of mosquito risk among these groups, with differing calls for responsibility and action. This further shows the ways in which maps of environmental and health hazards are not only reflective of certain landscapes, but also productive. From a public health perspective, this paper is useful for understanding shifting perceptions of disease landscapes and how they match with ecological realities. While maps and modeling techniques are useful for assessing risk over various scales, the spaces of interaction between disease vectors and humans is particularly local. These interactions, and the creation or eradication of breeding habitats, are always a simultaneous relationship between environmental factors and human action. This is particularly true for the dengue fever vector, Ae. aegypti, which lives in close proximity to humans. Grounded by fieldwork conducted in Key West, FL, the site of two years of dengue fever outbreaks in 2009 and 2010, the final component of this dissertation examines how residents in Key West understand mosquito control responsibility, and what complicates the effective control of the vector on the island. While it was found that residents are highly active in monitoring and controlling mosquitoes in and around their yards, important socio-ecological factors are identified that stand to complicate control efforts. The decisions people make about their risks and around their homes as they manage the ecological spaces of the mosquito are crucial for effective public health practice.
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Abunafeesa, Elsadig Yagoub A. "The post-1970 political geography of the Red Sea region, with special reference to United States interests." Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7876/.

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This is a pioneer and comprehensive study of the political geography of the Red Sea region. Background studies on geopolitics, physical environment, and resources are offered. The thesis is especially concerned with three basic American interests in the Red Sea. Firstly, energy interest: United States deep concern about uninterrupted flow of oil supplies from the Gulf to the former as well as to its Western allies creates an increasing American interest in the Red Sea route, particularly since the Gulf tanker war in 1982. Such interest is clearly seen in United States political, technical, and financial involvement in the Suez Canal (1975) and in the current laying of pipelines from the Gulf to the Red Sea. Disruption of those supplies to the US or its allies may result in American use of force. Secondly, shipping interest: such concern is clearly shown in United States involvement in matters relating to the Suez Canal, the Straits of Bab al Mandeb and Tiran. Freedom of navigation through the Red Sea, especially for Israeli ships, is a major American interest in this respect. United States refusal to sign the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea may involve the former into conflict with some Red Sea States, particularly when American nuclear-powered vessels sail from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean or vice versa. Thirdly, Soviet involvement in Afghanistan, the Gulf war and the resurgence of Islam are becoming increasingly worrying to the US, because such developments are feared as a destabilizing factor to the stability of the oil producing states of the Arabian peninsula, with particular reference to Saudi Arabia, the most important Red Sea state.
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Brocker-Knapp, Skyler Lillian. "The 2016 Presidential Election: Demographic Transformation and Racial Backlash." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3827.

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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate. The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.
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McManus, Patrick. "Stability and flexibility: The Rush-Bagot Agreement and the progressive modernization of Canadian-American security relations." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28366.

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This dissertation examines the historical progression of the Rush-Bagot Agreement through the fundamental change versus transitory modernization debate that has emerged in North America as a result of the reorganization of continental security and defence since 2001. The Agreement, which was signed by Britain and the United States in 1817 and subsequently embraced by Canada upon its independence, has acted as a stable measure of the security and defence relationship on the continent throughout its entire history. It has persisted through nearly two centuries of industrialization, expansionism, war, and modernization, and remains relevant in governing security and defence relations on the Great Lakes. By tracing the development of this Agreement and relations on the Lakes through previous periods of continental and international discord, this paper suggests that the changes to continental security and defence since 2001 represent little more than the refurbishing of relations to address a new threat, and thus are consistent with past defence modernizations during periods of continental vulnerability.
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Llera, Pacheco Francisco Javier. "The geography of interests: Urban regime theory and the construction of a bi-national urban regime in the United States/Mexico border region (1980-1999)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289102.

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This dissertation uses the urban regime theory to study the influence of bi-national public-private coalitions over the land development patterns of the US/Mexico border cities. In the El Paso del Norte region, the development of the bi-national land market has been contingent on the presence of land investors with local roots and on the concentration of urban land in a few investors. In this region, local groups become dominant and influential by accumulating land properties. On the Mexican Paso del Norte, there are two types of partisan public-private coalitions influencing the process of land development. On the US Paso del Norte, the limited vacant land to promote large urban projects in Texas has consolidated the emergence of a dominant public-private coalition in Sundland Park, New Mexico. Evidences in this dissertation show that bi-national cooperation is not attainable by the majority of local public and private actors. However, the San Geronimo - Santa Teresa case study shows that public-private cooperation among the most powerful local landholders has transcended national political boundaries to promote industrial development. Bi-national urban regimes exhibit the informal integration of various scales of governments and local urban regimes to produce simultaneous outcomes from policies implemented in two different and contiguous land markets. In the El Paso del Norte region, the economic and political inter-dependency of the Mexican and American urban contexts has created the conditions to move urban regime theory into a more global scope in explaining the processes of transboundary public-private cooperation and policy elaboration.
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Greene, Tyler Gray. "Accessible Isolation: Highway Building and the Geography of Industrialization in North Carolina, 1934-1984." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/431217.

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History
Ph.D.
Between the 1930s and mid-1980s, North Carolina became one of the most industrialized states in the country, with more factory workers, as a percentage of the total workforce, than any other state. And yet, North Carolina generally retained its rural complexion, with small factories dispersed throughout the countryside, instead of concentrated in large industrial cities. This dissertation asks two essential questions: first, how did this rural-industrial geography come to be, and second, what does the creation of this geography reveal about the state of the American political economy in the post-World War II era? I argue that rural industrialization was a central goal of North Carolina’s postwar political leaders and economic development officials. These industry hunters, as I call them, wanted to raise their state’s per capita income by recruiting manufacturers to develop or relocate operations in North Carolina. At the same time, they worried about developing large industrial cities or mill villages, associating them with class conflict, congestion, and a host of other ill-effects. In the hopes of attracting industry to its countryside, the state invested heavily in its secondary roads and highways, increasing the accessibility of rural communities. In their pursuit of rural industrialization, however, North Carolina also constructed a political economy that anticipated the collapse of the New Deal state. While historians typically see New Deal liberalism as the prevailing form of statecraft in the postwar United States, North Carolina achieved economic growth through a model that state officials termed “accessible isolation.” What accessible isolation meant was that North Carolina would provide industries with enough of a state apparatus to make operating a factory in a rural area possible, while maintaining policies of low taxes, limited regulations, and anti-unionism, to make those sites desirable. Essentially, industry hunters offered industrial prospects access to a supply of cheap rural labor, but isolation from the high wages, labor unions, government regulations, and progressive tax code that defined New Deal liberalism. Accessible isolation was attractive to businesses in postwar America because it offered a “business-friendly” alternative to the New Deal, and factories began sprouting throughout rural North Carolina. But the success of accessible isolation was built on a shaky foundation. Indeed, most of the employers persuaded by its promises were those in low-wage, labor-intensive industries, making North Carolina’s rural communities especially vulnerable to transformations in the global economy by the late twentieth century.
Temple University--Theses
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Velásquez-Forte, Flavia. "Understanding decentralisation : the case of Chile." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5277/.

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This research is about administrative and political decentralisation processes, especially the efforts made by the Chilean state towards regional decentralisation. Thus the analysis is focused on two reforms: the creation of the Division of Planning and Development within the regional government and the direct election of regional councillors, which aims to reorganise the regional governments. Qualitative research and instrumental case study approach were used in order to develop this research. The research addresses three main topics: the understanding of decentralisation that key actors have, so that the agency according to that understanding; the scopes of the two reforms so far; and the relationship between the central state and the regions. Thus, the main findings are that Chilean decentralisation has been implemented with excessive caution and gradualism and that informal relations between key actors are essential in the creation of collaborative spaces. The research also discusses whether decentralisation is a process or a sequence of isolated events in Chile. Finally, the tension between administrative and political decentralisation is analysed in order to have a better understanding of both processes.
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Xierali, Imam M. "Modeling Politics Among Nations as Spatial Interaction: Explaining the Diplomatic Relations of the United States 1980-2000 with Spatial Regression." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc//view?acc_num=ucin1163385033.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Cincinnati, 2006.
Advisor: Dr. Lin Liu. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Jan. 26, 2010). Keywords: lomatic relations; international relations; spatial effect; spatial interaction; the United States. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
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Books on the topic "Political geography United States"

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1952-, Shelley Fred M., ed. Political geography of the United States. New York: Guilford Press, 1996.

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John, Heppen, and Otterstrom Samuel, eds. Geography, history, and the American political economy. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2009.

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Biggers, Jeff. The United States of Appalachia. New York: Counterpoint Press, 2009.

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B, Clay Karen, ed. The evolution of a nation: How geography and law shaped the American states. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2012.

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Why geography matters: More than ever. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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Earle, Carville. The American way: A geographical history of crisis and recovery. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publ., 2002.

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The American way: A geographical history of crisis and recovery. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003.

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Place and politics: The geographical mediation of state and society. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987.

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1946-, Connell John, ed. The last colonies. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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America's new swing region: Changing politics and demographics in the Mountain West. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political geography United States"

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Darmofal, David, and Ryan Strickler. "Modeling the Political Geography of Presidential Voting." In Demography, Politics, and Partisan Polarization in the United States, 1828–2016, 101–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04001-7_4.

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Darmofal, David, and Ryan Strickler. "Beyond “Red State, Blue State”: The Political Geography of Presidential Competition, 1828–2016." In Demography, Politics, and Partisan Polarization in the United States, 1828–2016, 15–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04001-7_2.

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Fairclough, Adam. "Race, Politics, and Geography in the Development of Public Schools in the Southern United States." In Ethnic and Cultural Dimensions of Knowledge, 55–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21900-4_3.

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Flint, Colin, and Peter J. Taylor. "Territorial states." In Political Geography, 129–73. Seventh edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315164380-5.

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Bailey, Robert G. "Ecoregions of the United States." In Ecosystem Geography, 83–104. New York, NY: Springer New York, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4612-2358-0_7.

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Bailey, Robert G. "Ecoregions of the United States." In Ecosystem Geography, 93–114. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-89516-1_7.

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Hritonenko, Natali, and Yuri Yatsenko. "Geography of the United States." In USA Through the Lens of Mathematics, 39–70. Boca Raton: A K Peters/CRC Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003229889-2.

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Göttke, Florian. "Burning United States Presidents." In The Political Portrait, 328–36. New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351187152-17.

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Khawar, Mariam. "Did Geography Influence the United States?" In The Geography of Underdevelopment, 35–59. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55348-5_4.

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Chey, Hyoung-kyu. "The United States." In The International Political Economy of the Renminbi, 99–118. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003211532-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political geography United States"

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Wu, Fanqing. "Media, Political Movement, and Ideology: Queer Theory in The United States." In 7th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210519.085.

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Solem, Michael. "Student- and School-Level Predictors of Geography Achievement in the United States, 1994–2018." In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1881992.

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Ramirez Rodriguez, Pablo. "HISPANIC DIALECT GEOGRAPHY IN THE UNITED STATES: LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY OF CURRENT SPANISH." In 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.0289.

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Kochurov, Nikolay Viktorovich. "RUSSIA IN THE PARADIGM OF CURRENT POLITICAL DISCOURSE IN THE UNITED STATES." In Collection of articles 7th International Scientific Conference. ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-36-4-2021-231-238.

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Solem, Michael. "Student- and School-Level Predictors of Geography Achievement in the United States, 1994–2018." In AERA 2022. USA: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/ip.22.1881992.

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Demirci, Saadat. "The Effect of Geographical Factors on State Policies and Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00771.

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This study emphasizes environmental, especially spatial and geographical factors and determining and conditioning effects of economical and political behaviors of states. Natural values, location and geography determine policies and economic welfare of states. Various geographic characteristics and climates determine potential power of states. States, that have natural wealth and using will of this wealth, create economical and then political power. The main goal of this study is to analyze the concept of location and relation between power and its components.
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7

Archibald, Mark. "Analysis of Light Alternative-Powered Vehicle Use and Potential in the United States." In ASME 2011 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2011-64714.

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Potential benefits of light alternative-powered vehicles are analyzed along with technical, social, and political factors affecting their widespread adoption in the United States. Light alternative-powered vehicles (LAV) include human-powered vehicles such as bicycles and velomobiles, electric bicycles, light electric vehicles, hybrid human-electric, and similar vehicles. Currently bicycles comprise the vast majority of this class of vehicle. Widespread adoption of light alternative-powered vehicles can result in reduced transportation energy consumption, reduced greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution, reduced urban noise, and reduced user costs. Annually, the average US driver could reduce gasoline consumption by 2000 liters, greenhouse gas emissions by 4 metric tonnes, and realize an annual savings of $5,000. In the United States the use of light alternative vehicles is quite low, due primarily to a combination of social, economic, and political factors, including transportation regulations. While dramatic increases in the use LAVs is not likely without changes in these factors, technological factors may significantly affect perception and use. Significant technical factors include improved batteries and control systems, reduced manufacturing cost, improved usability, and improved infrastructure. Scale is an important factor. Most of the technical factors are solvable with current or emerging technologies, but the demand for LAVs the United States does not justify the investment required. Light alternative-powered vehicles have the potential be a significant part of energy and GHG policy in the United States, but are limited more by political factors than by technology.
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Li, Zhi. "On the Characteristics of Resentment in Political Mobilization of Competitive Election in the United States." In 2018 4th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-18.2018.65.

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9

Ali, Omran. "International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp232-245.

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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Rubin, Andee. "Using Data for Good: A Matter of Geography." In Bridging the Gap: Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t2i2.

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The purpose of this research is to learn how youth aged 11–14 understand highly aggregated data about social and economic conditions, especially related to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. We designed an after-school program that introduces students to data broadly in the context of “using data for social good.” Using CODAP, an educational data visualization tool, students explore data about countries’ health and education indicators. We observe that youth are highly engaged with these data yet sometimes struggle to make sense of the aggregate values that hide variability within countries. Using examples from student projects, this paper reports preliminary findings about how youth analyze data aggregated by governmental entities such as countries, states, or cities.
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Reports on the topic "Political geography United States"

1

Autor, David, David Dorn, and Gordon Hanson. The Geography of Trade and Technology Shocks in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18940.

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Crean, Peter. Political Participation and the United States Army Officer Corps. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada563669.

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Johnson, C., and D. Hettinger. Geography of Existing and Potential Alternative Fuel Markets in the United States. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), November 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1164094.

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Brown, Nathan J. Political Reform, the United States and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada435045.

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Mayda, Anna Maria, Giovanni Peri, and Walter Steingress. The Political Impact of Immigration: Evidence from the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24510.

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Alesina, Alberto, John Londregan, and Howard Rosenthal. A Model of the Political Economy of the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w3611.

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Kleven, Henrik. The Geography of Child Penalties and Gender Norms: Evidence from the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w30176.

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Petrova, Maria, Ricardo Perez-Truglia, Andrei Simonov, and Pinar Yildirim. Are Political and Charitable Giving Substitutes? Evidence from the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w26616.

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Alesina, Alberto, and Jeffrey Sachs. Political Parties and the Business Cycle in the United States, 1948-1984. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w1940.

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Besley, Timothy, Torsten Persson, and Daniel Sturm. Political Competition and Economic Performance: Theory and Evidence from the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11484.

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