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1
Hordern, Joshua. "Political affections : a theological enquiry." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4486.
Abstract:
The thesis is a theological enquiry into the nature of human affections (or ‘emotions’), their role in morality and their significance for political relations. The argument builds critically on the work of cognitivist theorists of emotion, such as Martha Nussbaum, who oppose both rationalist disavowals of the reasonableness of emotion and empiricist fascination with physical sensation. Nussbaum holds that emotions’ intentional (object-directed), evaluative quality indicates a cognitive aptitude. Using the language of ‘affection’, the argument shows how this aptitude shapes individuals’ and communities’ interrelation with their diverse systems of valuation, the created, vindicated moral order and creation’s God. Drawing on phenomenological and spiritual approaches, the endurance of affection is accounted for through the connection of memory and affection while virtue is assigned a secondary place as a fragmentary and less reliable contributor to such endurance. Affections emerge as the beginnings of attracted understanding concerning the world as it appears, the world as it is and the world as it will be, recognitions of value which are open to intersubjective discussion and initiate moral reflection and deliberation. Jonathan Edwards’ account of affections is found epistemologically and ethically implausible but his doctrine of excellency is adopted to interpret the nature of affections’ endurance and eschatological participation in the moral order. With particular attention to joy, shame, anger and awe, the intersubjective, affective dimension of political life is then explored through consideration of certain institutions, practices and traditions of modern political societies, ancient Israel and the early church as represented in Luke and Acts. Affective wisdom within institutions of political representation and law are considered in light of secular and Christian political eschatologies. Findings from this discussion then guide a conversation between European ‘constitutional patriotism’ and British conservatism which explores the connection between affections and locality. An account of national identity is given which takes localised affective understanding seriously yet relativises it in light of the transnational affective understandings which stem both from the international political system and from Christian faith. Finally, the role of churches’ affections within modern political society are discussed. Resources from the Lutheran tradition are utilised to examine the political significance of churches’ joyful praise of the crucified, risen Jesus Christ.
2
Bruce, John Mason. "Emotion and evaluation in nomination politics /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487861796818215.
3
Belden, Megan. "Trumping The Norm: Political Influence Of Negative Emotion In The 2016 Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1126.
Abstract:
Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.
4
Wright-Phillips, Maja Virginia. "Identity, Agency, and Emotion: Political Activism Among Anti-War Military Veterans." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1133.
Abstract:
This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.
5
Craddock, Emma. "Emotion and gender in local anti-austerity activist cultures." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/40848/.
Abstract:
While large-scale studies of European anti-austerity movements exist, there is a need for in-depth, ‘thick description’ of anti-austerity activist cultures which explores the sustaining as well as motivating factors for political engagement. Furthermore, it is important to pay attention to differences, including gendered differences, within counterhegemonic movements to highlight the power imbalances that exist. This thesis utilises a cultural and affective approach combined with a gender lens to explore the lived and felt experiences of political participation and the gendered dimension of these. It contributes to developing a cultural and feminist approach to studying movements that takes account of emotion and gender by developing an in-depth understanding of a local anti-austerity activist culture. The research used a combination of qualitative research methods, including participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 30 anti-austerity activists in Nottingham. It reveals the central role of emotions in motivating and sustaining activism, uncovering the sustaining processes of solidarity and collective identity, and the importance of reasserting these in the face of an individualistic neoliberal capitalism. It identifies existing gendered barriers and exclusions to activism and ways of overcoming these, revealing that activism’s negative effects are gendered, with women feeling anxiety and guilt for not “doing enough” of the ‘right’ type of activism (direct action). This prioritising of direct action denigrates online activism, which is constructed as its opposition, underlined by the talking versus doing binary construction. Despite its supposedly abstract, universal character, it emerges that the ‘ideal perfect’ activist is the able-bodied male. The implications of this are explored, revealing the ‘dark side’ of activism which is hidden from public view. The thesis also identifies the construction of the ‘authentic’ activist who has the required lived experiences to be a ‘true’ activist, raising issues of representation. It therefore unravels the tensions between participants’ claim that “anyone and everyone can and should do” activism, and the constraints that prevent individuals from becoming politically active, including, problematically, how the ‘activist’ identity is constructed. The thesis highlights the importance of ‘care’ within the context of austerity, demonstrating the ‘retraditionalisation’ of gender roles and norms, with the redrawing of the public/private divide. In response, it explores how activism can be redefined as a form of degendered care, drawing on participants’ emphasis on empathy and universalist discourses. Overall, it contributes to social movement and feminist theory, as well as their overlap, by developing a cultural, affective, and feminist approach to studying social movements which takes account of gendered differences in activist experiences.
6
Holbrook, Ronald Andrew. "Emotion and campaign advertising causes of political anxiety and its effects on candidate evaluation /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1123758754.
Abstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 302 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 285-302). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
7
Blackwell, Rebecca. "Venezuela, from Charisma to Mimicry: The Rise and Fall of a Televised Political Drama." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6181.
Abstract:
In this paper, I build on the assumption that collective emotional experience plays an important role in sustaining the group identity central to nation-making processes inspired by charismatic leaders. This analysis is based on a case study of the Venezuelan government after the death of Hugo Chávez. I examine ways in which elements of the leader’s narrative are used by his successors after his death. I also argue that the current political actors of the bureaucratized Revolutionary Government of Venezuela are attempting to sustain popular support by reaffirming a national identity that resonated among the masses largely due to the charisma of a now absent leader. I wish to explore the probability or lack thereof of a sustained emotional connection of the government regime with the mass audience.
8
Tamura, Azumi. "The Politics of Disaster and Their Role in Imagining an Outside. Understanding the Rise of the Post-Fukushima Anti-Nuclear Movements." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14384.
Abstract:
Political disillusionment is widespread in contemporary Japanese society, despite people’s struggles in the recession. Our social relationships become entangled, and we can no longer clearly identify our interest in politics. The search for the outside of stagnant reality sometimes leads marginalised young people to a disastrous imaginary for social change, such as war and death. The imaginary of disaster was actualised in March 2011. The huge earthquake and tsunami caused the meltdown of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant, which triggered the largest wave of activism since the 1960s. Based on the author’s fieldwork on the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements in Tokyo, this thesis investigates how the disaster impacted people’s sense of agency and ethics, and ultimately explores the new political imaginary in postmodernity. The disaster revealed the interconnected nature of contemporary society. The thesis argues that their regret about their past indifference to politics motivated the protesters into social commitment without any totalising ideology or predetermined collective identity. They also found an ambiguity of the self, which is insufficient to know what should be done. Hence, they mobilise their bodies on to the streets, encountering others, and forcing themselves to feel and think. This is an ethical attitude, yet it simultaneously stems from the desire of each individual to make a difference to the self and society. The thesis concludes that the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements signify a new way of doing politics as endless experiments by collectively responding to an unexpected force from an outside in a creative way.
9
Hartman, Erica. "Connection through Affect: Reorganizing Modern Democracy." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1618849744598421.
10
Kiss, Csaba Zsolt. "The emotional voter : the impact of electoral campaigns and emotions on electoral behaviour in Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3afc98fa-d42a-4240-ad16-af1c2fa0f2c7.
Abstract:
This thesis examines the role of emotions in mediating the effects electoral campaigns have on political behavior in Britain. I contend that electoral campaigns, aside from direct effects, can also have indirect effects, manifested through the impact of the emotions they induce. I theorize that, through manipulating the tone, framing and targeting of their messages, electoral campaigns induce specific emotions. Emotions are argued to have a direct effect on turnout (intentions) and a moderating effect on the impact partisanship, policy preference and leader evaluations have on vote choice. Extending the Theory of Affective Intelligence, I hypothesize that individuals who are enthusiastic about their preferred party, or experience anxiety or anger in relation to an out-party, are more likely to turn out, and to cast their vote based on their partisanship. Contrarily, anxiety and anger experienced towards the preferred party are expected to decrease the importance of partisanship and increase the relevance of policy preferences and leader evaluations when voting. While anger experienced towards this party is also hypothesized to also decrease turnout, anxiety is not thought to affect it. To test these propositions, I rely on a multi-methodological approach that uses both panel and experimental data. The panel data was collected in two waves prior to the 2010 British General Election. The laboratory experiment, designed to specifically test the emotion-induction capacity of campaigns, was conducted on British participants in the aftermath of the same elections. The results corroborate the theory. First, the analyses confirm that campaigns, not only can, but actually do induce emotions. Second, it is shown that emotions do influence political behavior as expected. Third, it is established that the effect of the campaign on turnout intentions is partly channeled through emotions. Finally, it is shown that campaign exposure indirectly affects vote choice by increasing the magnitude of the impact emotions have on the effect of partisanship on vote choice. Aside from the literature on campaign effects in Britain, the thesis also contributes to the emerging literature pertaining to the role of emotions in politics. Moreover, it contributes to the field of voting behaviour by extending our understanding of the psychological underpinnings of vote choice.
11
Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.
Abstract:
In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters.This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
12
MacPhail, Andrew. "A Theory of Democratic Christian Appeals." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin155948529712766.
13
Ojiambo, Melina. "Exploring political intolerance in a post-apartheid generation of South Africans : the role of intergroup threat and negative intergroup emotion." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14568.
Abstract:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-89).This study extends Gibson and Gouws ' (2003) work on threat and intolerance as well as Kuklinski, Riggle, Ottati, Schwarz and Wyer's (1991) work on the influence of emotion on people's tolerance judgements. Method: Participants were randomly assigned to two experimental groups.
14
Zraly, Maggie. "BEARING: RESILIENCE AMONG GENOCIDE-RAPE SURVIVORS IN RWANDA." online version, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=case1189191843.
15
Assaf, Elias. "Uncovering The Sub-Text: Presidents' Emotional Expressions and Major Uses of Force." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6241.
Abstract:
The global context of decision making continues to adapt in response to international threats. Political psychologists have therefore considered decision making processes regarding major uses of force a key area of interest. Although presidential personality has been widely studied as a mitigating factor in the decision making patterns leading to uses of force, traditional theories have not accounted for the emotions of individuals as they affect political actions and are used to frame public perception of the use of force. This thesis therefore measures expressed emotion and cognitive expressions in the form of expressed aggression, passivity, blame, praise, certainty, realism, and optimism as a means of predicting subsequent major uses of force. Since aggression and blame are precipitated by anger and perceived vulnerability, they are theorized to foreshadow increased uses of force (Gardner and Moore 2008). Conversely, passivity and praise are indicative of empathy and joy respectively, and are not expected to precede aggressive behavior conducted to maintain emotional regulation (Roberton, Daffer, and Bucks 2012). Additionally, the three cognitive variables of interest expand on existing literature on beliefs and decision making expounded by such authors as Walker (2010), Winter (2003) and Hermann (2003). DICTION 6.0 is used to analyze all text data of presidential news conferences, candidate debates, and State of the Union speeches given between 1945 and 2000 stored by The American Presidency Project (Hart and Carroll 2012). Howell and Pevehouse's (2005) quantitative assessment of quarterly U.S. uses of force between 1945 and 2000 is employed as a means of quantifying instances of major uses of force. Results show systematic differences among the traits expressed by presidents, with most expressions staying consistent across spontaneous speech contexts. Additionally, State of the Union speeches consistently yielded the highest scores across the expressed traits measured; supporting the theory that prepared speech is used to emotionally frame situations and setup emotional interpretations of events to present to the public. Time sensitive regression analyses indicate that expressed aggression within the context of State of the Union Addresses is the only significant predictor of major uses of force by the administration. That being said, other studies may use the comparative findings presented herein to further establish a robust model of personality that accounts for individual dispositions toward emotional expression as a means of framing the emotional interpretation of events by audiences.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
16
Boone, George E. "Emotion, community development, and the physical environment: An experimental investigation of measurements." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/10.
Abstract:
A wide range of research fields have studied how emotions and behavior are affected by the physical environment. This gestalt theorist approach of experimental research as well seeks to measure emotion (using the valence-arousal scale) and micro-scale community development interactions when weighted physical environment factors are adjusted. Community development (CD) interactions at the micro-scale have received but slight attention from scholars in the CD research field and this study aims partially to investigate developing objective measures from social observations. CD interactions from recordings along with self-reported emotion through surveys in four quasi-experimental groups (where the environments were constructed based on peer-reviewed literature to cause emotional reactions) and one control group made up the data collected for this experiment. While the results of this experiment displayed apparent convincing quantitative differences in both CD interactions and emotion when the physical environment was manipulated, the results of a one-way ANOVA indicated no statistical significance to either dependent variable. The conclusions suggest limiting the physical factors of the environment to produce more precise changes as a result of the manipulated quasi environments.
17
Dwyer, Erin. "Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10408.
Abstract:
Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery explores how the emotions and affective norms of the Antebellum South were conditioned upon and constructed through the institution of slavery. Though slavery is a subject wrought with emotion, there has been no focus in recent historical scholarship on the affective dimensions of slavery. Studies in the history of emotion have also largely ignored slavery. My intervention in these fields reveals the ways that both slaveholders and slaves wielded fear, trust, jealousy, and affection in their interactions with one another. The project also sheds light on how the emotional norms of societies are learned and policed, manipulated and enforced. I argue that the emotions of slaveholders and slaves alike were irrevocably shaped by slavery. The daily negotiations and contestations that occurred between slaveholders and slaves through and about feelings, in conjunction with larger debates about race, freedom, and emotional norms, form the backbone of what I call the emotional politics of slavery. Mastering Emotions examines how the affective norms of slavery were taught, how emotional transgressions were punished, and the long-term impacts of those emotional norms on the affective landscape of the post-Reconstruction South. To gain insight into the emotional lives and affective experiences of enslaved people of color I use a variety of primary sources such as slave narratives, letters, and court testimony. Steeped in the mode of sentimentalism, which encouraged people to reflect upon and articulate their feelings, slaveholders revealed how they felt about their slaves, and how they believed their slaves felt, in diaries, wills, and even records of slave sales and manumissions. Studying the affective terrain of the Antebellum South provides fresh insight into the politics of slavery, revealing how those in bondage used feelings to resist slavery, and how the planter class employed emotions to enforce the institution. This project also contributes to the burgeoning field of affective history by complicating understandings of how emotions are constructed in relation to power, and how power operates in affective relations.
18
Couet, Damien. "Les émotions politiques : action et passion en philosophie pratique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Nantes Université, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023NANU2036.
Abstract:
Les émotions politiques sont ici conçues comme des phénomènes appartenant à la catégorie de la passion, par opposition à celle de l'action. Elles sont en cela distinguées de tout ce qui habituellement est compris comme concourant à l'action : les attitudes, les motifs, les désirs, les croyances, les jugements ou les cognitions. Elles n'ont pas non plus d'intentionnalité, pour la même raison. Une telle conception causaliste des émotions politiques est mise en tension avec notre objectif pratique d'autonomie. Cet objectif suppose un concept de personne entendue comme agent. Il est montré que, pour tenir compte des émotions politiques, la philosophie pratique doit faire place à un sujet pratique compris aussi comme patient. Contre le naturalisme moral, une telle conception des émotions politiques et du sujet ému implique de poser l'existence de faits moraux non naturels se déroulant au sein des institutions. Ils consistent en des normes, une espèce du genre des règles. L'institutionnalisme défendu ici s'accompagne d'un réalisme politique faisant des conflits avec les institutions la cause des émotions politiques. Elles n'ont pas de valeur morale en elles-mêmes mais seulement parce qu'elles sont susceptibles d'engendrer une réflexion sur la manière d'éviter leur cause. Les institutions, plutôt que les causes physiques ou mentales, sont l'objet d'une politique des émotions. Le libéralisme peut être compris comme un cas de ce genre de politique lorsqu'il vise à empêcher les causes de peur en assurant la sécurité par le gouvernement des institutions. Les différentes tentatives de résolution de la question sociale peuvent aussi être comprises comme de telles politiquesPolitical emotions are here conceived as phenomena belonging to the category of passion, as opposed to that of action. In this way, they are distinguished from everything that is usually understood as contributing to action: attitudes, motives, desires, beliefs, judgments or cognitions. They also have no intentionality and for the same reason. Such a causalist conception of political emotions is placed in tension with our practical goal of autonomy. This aim presupposes a concept of a person understood as an agent. It is shown that, to take political emotions into account, practical philosophy must give way to a practical subject also understood as patient. Against moral naturalism, such a conception of political emotions and the practical subject implies positing the existence of non-natural moral facts taking place within institutions. They consist of norms, a species of the gender of rules. The institutionalism defended here is accompanied by a political realism making conflicts with institutions the cause of political emotions. They do not have moral value in themselves but only because they are likely to generate reflection on how to avoid their cause. Institutions, rather than physical or mental causes, are the subject of a politics of emotions. Liberalism can be understood as a case of this kind of politics when it aims to prevent the causes of fear by providing security through the government of institutions. The various attempts to resolve the social question can also be understood as such policies
19
Moats-Gallagher, Charlotte. "Arab/American Relations and Human Security, Post-9/11: A Political Narrative Inquiry." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1281108796.
20
González, Hidalgo Marien. "Emotional political ecologies. The role of emotions in the politics of environmental conflicts: two case studies in Chile and Mexico." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457867.
Abstract:
Esta tesis explora el papel, usualmente ignorado o subestimado, que las emociones desempeñan en los conflictos ambientales. Como varios estudios han mostrado recientemente, considerar las emociones en el análisis de los conflictos ambientales facilita la comprensión de cómo se estructura el orden socioeconómico, cómo se construyen las subjetividades políticas y cómo se producen las movilizaciones sociales. Sin embargo, todavía necesitamos comprender mejor, conceptual y empíricamente, las relaciones entre emoción, poder y conflicto ambiental. Esta tesis define inicialmente un marco teórico para la consideración de “lo emocional” en ecología política (lo que llamo Ecologías Políticas Emocionales, EPEms), revisando bibliografía en ecología política feminista, geografías emocionales, antropología social y cultural, psicología social y sobre movimientos sociales. Mi revisión señala que las EPEms necesitan emplear un marco multidimensional que capture las dimensiones psicológica, “más-que-humana”, geográfica, social y política que se entrecruzan en las subjetividades en los conflictos ambientales. Mi revisión también define los vacíos en la literatura identificados en esta tesis: la necesidad de considerar las "emociones negativas" como la rabia o el trauma presentes en los conflictos ambientales, así como explorar las posibilidades de “sanación”.
Los capítulos empíricos de esta tesis se desarrollan mediante una metodología de investigación común, adaptando estrategias habituales de investigación en ecología política - estudio de caso con énfasis en métodos etnográficos - para captar "lo emocional". En el primer caso empírico, analizo el desarrollo histórico y contemporáneo del extractivismo forestal en el sur de Chile, en territorios indígenas Mapuche. Mi análisis muestra que la industria forestal avanza asegurando el control del territorio mediante intervenciones disciplinarias, con el objetivo de gobernar subjetividades para que los sujetos colaboren en el proyecto extractivista. Sin embargo, individuos y comunidades interfieren en este proyecto: sus reivindicaciones de soberanía les permiten ejercer control sobre su propio proceso de subjetivación. En este proceso, destaco el papel de la expresión colectiva de emociones "negativas" como la rabia y el dolor, que considero recursos cruciales que ayudan a las comunidades Mapuche a mantener la resistencia. En el segundo caso empírico exploro las formas en que la práctica psicoterapéutica permite entender mejor los procesos de subjetivación indígena y campesina en conflicto, analizando talleres basados en Terapia Gestalt organizados por una ONG en el sur de Chiapas, México. La evidencia empírica sirve para discutir el papel de las intervenciones terapéuticas a la hora de facilitar la reflexividad individual-colectiva y la participación en asuntos comunitarios. Mi análisis también establece que las “intervenciones sanadoras” necesitan abordar explícitamente cuestiones estructurales de poder para ir más allá de una reflexividad des-contextualizada y des-politizada.
Mi investigación permite discutir el trabajo político de las emociones en los conflictos ambientales, destacando tres formas simultáneas y contrapuestas en que las emociones interactúan en los conflictos ambientales: gubernamentalidad emocional, opresión emocional y movilización emocional. Esta interacción muestra una ambivalencia, es decir una tensión constante entre el papel de las emociones como canales para la subversión del poder hegemónico y su papel en la reproducción del mismo. Sostengo que considerar "lo emocional" como un espacio de poder y conflicto ofrece oportunidades a los movimientos socio-ambientales para abrir espacios de re-articulación de las relaciones de poder dentro y fuera de los movimientos, así como a la investigación en ecología política, expandiendo el análisis del desarrollo de los conflictos en las esferas privadas/públicas, individuales/colectivas y considerando posiciones inestables y contradictorias en los puntos de vista de diferentes actores sociales. La investigación en el marco de las EPEms que desarrolla esta tesis puede servir de base para futuras investigaciones interesadas en revelar y transformar las sutilezas de las relaciones de poder y los desafíos que implican los conflictos ambientales.This thesis explores the usually unseen and undervalued political work that emotions do in environmental conflicts. As several feminist and affect political ecologists and geographers have begun to discuss, analysing the role of emotions on environmental conflicts can enable a better understanding of how social and economic orders develop, how political subjectivities are built and how and why social mobilisations take place. However, we still need to better understand, both conceptually and empirically, the relations between emotion, power and environmental conflict. This thesis first draws a theoretical framework for the consideration of emotion in political ecology (what I name Emotional Political Ecologies, EmPEs), reviewing work in the field of feminist political ecology, emotional geographies, social and cultural anthropology, social psychology and social movements. This critical literature review indicates that EmPEs need to employ a multi-dimensional framework that captures the psychological, more-than-human, geographical, social and political dimensions that intersect subjectivities in environmental conflicts. My review also defines the research gaps addressed in this thesis: the need to engage with “negative emotions” – such as anger or trauma – present in environmental conflicts, as well as to further explore the political ecologies of “healing”. The empirical chapters of this thesis are organised under a shared research strategy, adapting established political ecology research strategies – case study method with an emphasis on ethnographic methods – in order to grasp “the emotional”. In the first empirical case of this thesis, I analyse the historical and contemporary development of forestry extractivism in southern Chile, specifically in and around indigenous Mapuche territories. My analysis shows that commercial forestry advances by securing land control through disciplinary interventions, which aim to govern subjectivities and create subjects that can help secure capital accumulation and extractivism. Nevertheless, individuals and communities get in the way of this project as they mobilise sovereignty claims that permit them to exercise control over the process of their own subject-making. My analysis highlights the emotional dimension of the process of political subjectivation, especially via the collective expression of “negative” emotions such as anger and sorrow, which I find to be crucial resources that help Mapuche communities maintain resistance. In the second empirical chapter of this thesis, I explore the ways in which psychotherapeutic practice sheds light on indigenous and peasant subjectivation processes through analysing the Gestalt Therapy workshops organised by a local NGO in southern Chiapas, Mexico. Empirical evidence serves as the basis from which to discuss the role of psychotherapeutic practice in facilitating individual and collective reflexivity, and in fostering political fellowship and participation in community matters. My analysis also establishes that “healing interventions” need to explicitly engage with structural issues of power in order to move beyond de-contextualised, and thus depoliticised, reflexivity. My research serves to discuss the political work of emotions in environmental conflicts, highlighting three simultaneous, contradictory and creative ways in which emotions interplay in environmental conflicts: emotional environmentality, emotional oppression and emotional environmentalism. This interplay highlights a constantly unresolved tension between the role of emotions as a channel for the subversion of hegemonic power and, conversely, their role in reproducing hegemonic power dynamics. I argue that considering “the emotional” as a space of power and conflict offers opportunities for socio-environmental movements to open spaces for re-articulating power relationships inside and outside movements, as well as for political ecologists to further consider the private and public, the individual and collective spheres of environmental conflicts and the unstable standpoints of the different social actors participating in conflicts. Further exploring the field of EmPEs can inform political ecological analysis aimed at unpacking and transforming the subtle power relationships and challenges that environmental conflicts involve.
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CATARIN, Roberto Bianchi. "PROPAGANDA ELEITORAL NA DEMOCRACIA MIDIÁTICA: A VITÓRIA DA EMOÇÃO NA ELEIÇÃO PRESIDENCIAL DE 2014 NO BRASIL." Universidade Metodista de Sao Paulo, 2016. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/1554.
Abstract:
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This research has the purpose of political communication focusing on canvass, in the context of media democracy. On this basis, outlines to the research problem: studying how the canvass has appropriated from the media democracy context to expose your messages, the use of reason and emotion, selling dreams to the voter and other issues such as criticism of the opponent and the promises they do. The research objective is to highlight the types of prepared content to be transmitted to voters who attend the free election time, analyze the arguments, the quality and content of such placements, as well as highlight the distinctions between them, and evaluating their effectiveness, their main features, which set them apart and what resources they used to attract attention and the popular vote. The methodology was the analysis of content, since you want to understand what are the main signs and characteristics defined by the parties and the candidates at the time disclosed. Six categories have been defined for the analysis of ten videos of television free Airtime the three candidates, both the first as the second round. We conclude that the candidate Dilma Rousseff was the most advantage of all strategic artifices of political communication, electoral propaganda, appropriate of media democracy, with strong emotional appeal in the categories analyzed, resulting in a narrow victory, the most disputed today however, a positive result for the reelection campaign of President.
Essa pesquisa tem como objeto a comunicação política com foco na propaganda eleitoral, no contexto da democracia midiática. Partindo deste princípio, delineia-se o problema de pesquisa: estudar como a propaganda eleitoral tem se apropriado do contexto da democracia midiática para expor suas mensagens, o uso entre a razão e a emoção, a venda de sonhos ao eleitor entre outros assuntos como as críticas ao adversário e as promessas que realizam. O objetivo da pesquisa é destacar os tipos de conteúdos elaborados para serem transmitidos aos eleitores que assistem ao horário eleitoral gratuito, analisar os argumentos, a qualidade e o teor de tais veiculações, assim como destacar as distinções entre eles, avaliando assim sua efetividade, suas principais características, o que os diferenciava e quais os recursos que usavam para atrair a atenção e o voto dos eleitores. A metodologia adotada foi a análise de conteúdo, uma vez que se deseja compreender quais são os principais sinais e características definidos pelos partidos e pelos candidatos no momento de serem divulgados. Foram definidas seis categorias para a análise de dez vídeos do horário eleitoral gratuito na televisão dos três principais candidatos, tanto do primeiro, quanto do segundo turno. Conclui-se que a candidata Dilma Rousseff foi a que mais aproveitou de todos os artifícios estratégicos da comunicação política, da propaganda eleitoral, apropriada da democracia midiática, com forte apelo emotivo nas categorias analisadas, resultando em uma vitória apertada, a mais disputada até hoje, porém, de resultado positivo para a campanha de reeleição da presidente
22
Jeandemange, Thibault. "Quand la musique a une signification politique : étude sur le langage musical au service de la conquête et de la conservation du pouvoir." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2088.
Abstract:
Cette thèse montre que la musique participe activement à la production des identités et des valeurs dans la communication politique pour la conquête et la conservation du pouvoir. La musique, de par sa capacité à fédérer des émotions par des rituels, fait partie des outils symboliques privilégiés dans les stratégies de production et de légitimation de l’imaginaire, afin de produire et structurer les émotions (comme le sentiment d’appartenance, la sensation de « bien-être », l’identité sociale et politique, etc.). Or, aucune théorie en science politique n’a, à ce jour, vraiment expliqué en quoi la musique est constitutive d’idées et de valeurs politiques.Riche d’un corpus empirique original pour la science politique, composé de partitions musicales et d’une centaine d’archives audiovisuelles (clips et hymnes de campagne), cette thèse propose de faire une histoire des esthétiques musicales du pouvoir et de comprendre l’articulation entre les caractéristiques musicales intrinsèques (tonalité, rythme, timbre, hauteur, volume, etc.) et les finalités politiques du pouvoir. L’étude des invariants de la musique du pouvoir amène à questionner d’une part, l’héritage historique et les fondamentaux de la musique du pouvoir et, d’autre part, les stratégiesmusicales prises dans la communication politique contemporaines en régime pluralisteThis thesis shows that music actively contributes to the production of identities and values in political communication for the conquest and preservation of power. Music, through its ability to federate emotions using rituals, is an important symbolic tool in strategies of production and legitimization of an imaginary, to produce and structure emotions (such as the feeling of belonging, the feeling of « wellbeing », social and political identity, etc.). Yet, to this day, no theory in political science has really explained how music is constituent of ideas and political values.Filled with an empirical corpus that is original for political science, which consists of musical scores and hundreds of audio-visual archives (videoclips and campaign songs), this thesis offers to tell a story of power’s musical aesthetics, and to understand the link between intrinsic musical characteristics (tonality, rhythm, timbre, pitch, volume, etc) and the political goals of power. The study of the constants in music for/from power leads us to question firstly its foundations and historical legacy, and secondly the musical strategies used in political communication of the contemporary pluralist system
23
Wilson, Ryan. "The Myth of Political Reason - The Moral and Emotional Foundations of Political Cognition and US Politics." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6802/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2019_02.pdf.
Abstract:
The current ascendancy of right-wing populists across western democracies is a concerning trend,
and so far, the left has not managed to mount an effective counterstrategy to arrest its momentum.
Much of the rhetoric of these right-wing populists has focused on evoking fear and suspicion,
verging on hatred, of outsiders and fellow countrymen and women with opposing political
ideologies, to great effect. The importance of understanding why certain rhetoric is effective cannot
be understated, and the works of George Lakoff, Jonathan Haidt, and Drew Westen that illuminate
the moral and emotional factors behind how individuals interpret and respond to inputs of a political
nature are reviewed and synthesised. Individuals' underlying moral mental structures and the
emotional responses that they can trigger must be understood in order to generate political
messaging that resonates strongly with its target audience and consequently increases the likelihood
of their actuation to vote. The recent phenomenon of individualisation, stemming from the current
era of reflexive modernity is analysed within the context of divergent conservative and liberal moral
matrices, and is found to be disproportionately ailing the liberal side of politics. In delineating the
key elements of liberal and conservative morality, the existence of liberal moral tenets that are
discordant with longstanding liberal communitarian ideals were revealed. In contrast, conservative
morality appears to exhibit an inherent coherence that may contribute to conservatism's resilience
in the face of reflexive modernity and disparate policy priorities of its constituents. The importance
of understanding the moral and emotional foundations of political cognition is emphasised not only
for its potential to bolster the efficacy of left-wing political parties, but also to provide an avenue
by which the increasing hostility across the political spectrum can be subdued.Series: SRE - Discussion Papers
24
Liston-Beck, Annalycia R. "Mobilizing Motherhood: The Symbolic Politics of Motherhood in Transcultural Perspective." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524742980880805.
25
Le, Quang Gregoire. "Construire, représenter combattre la peur : la société italienne et l'Etat face à la violence politique des "années de plomb", 1969-1981." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080148.
Abstract:
La décennie des années 1970 est caractérisée en Italie par un « cycle de protestation » et des mobilisations politiques et sociales de grande ampleur, qui s'accompagne – sans s'y limiter – d'une vague de violences politiques de natures très diverses, des attentats à la bombe mis au point par l'extrême-droite aux attentats ciblés de la lutte armée d'inspiration marxiste-léniniste, en passant par les débordements occasionnés par des manifestations ou des agressions. Ces violences s'inscrivent dans des stratégies d’intimidation qu'il s'agit de replacer précisément dans des cultures politiques qui se donnent comme objectif d'utiliser, parfois explicitement, la peur comme outil d'intervention politique, occasion de replacer les différents « terrorismes » dans la perspective de trajectoires de radicalisation. Quels sont les résultats socio-politiques de ces manœuvres visant à généraliser la guerre psychologique ? Au fil de la décennie et en comparant, sans les confondre, les différentes formes de « terrorisme » et leurs effets, se dessine une géographie et une chronologie de l'imprégnation de la peur : au-delà de l'effet de terreur qui dure peu, la violence « terroriste » installe un climat de peur durable, un sentiment de menace qui devient, à partir de 1978, un fait incontournable et que nombre de sources contemporaines permettent de saisir. Se pose alors la question de la représentation de la peur dans l'espace public et politique, son instrumentalisation éventuelle dans des stratégies propres au gouvernement ou à l'opposition, et l'absolue nécessité de rassurer, y compris au prix d'une mise en tension des mesures de sécurité avec les valeurs de l'État de droitThe 1970s in Italy are characterized by a new “cycle of protests” and a dramatic rise in social and political mobilization. These movements were accompanied by – although not limited to – a wave of political violence of various types, from right-wing bombings to targeted attacks by armed underground Marxist-Leninist organizations, and a great number of outbursts of collective violence during demonstrations and street fights. Not all of this violent activity falls under the heading of “terrorism”, rather it should be considered within the broader context of a political climate where intimidation tactics were on the increase and fear was, sometimes explicitly, used as a political tool. The political culture facilitated the use of violence in a process of radicalisation. What are the socio-political results of such a strategy of intimidation and psychological warfare? Analysis of the different strategies and their effects reveals a propagation of fear through the decade, resulting in a sustained climate of terror and the sense of a pressing threat, particularly from 1978 onwards. This raises the question of the effects of repetitive terrorist attacks, and the representation of fear in the public and political sphere: at the same time a destabilizing factor and a tool for legitimising political activities
26
Lisko, Chelsie Lee. "Politics, Policy, and Some Emotion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1291238299.
27
Petrescu, Dragos C. "Moral emotions as antecedents of political attitudes." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:167842bb-0fc6-4bd3-a9f1-11e9ce162a27.
Abstract:
The main objective of this thesis was to investigate the proposition that moral emotions act as antecedents of political attitudes. My approach (Chapter 1) stems from moral foundations theory, which proposes that liberals and conservatives have different moral values (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009). Chapter 2 presents Study 1, an experimental test of the hypothesis that induced disgust leads participants to adopt more left-wing economic attitudes in comparison to a control condition (sadness). Results supported this hypothesis. Chapter 3 reviews emotion-regulation theories, and presents Study 2, which investigated whether emotion-regulation strategies, disgust sensitivity (DS-R), and private body consciousness (PBC) moderate the effects found in Study 1. As predicted, disgust led to more left-wing economic attitudes, but this was only the case for high-PBC and high-DS-R participants. Chapter 4 presents Study 3, which replicated Study 2, and showed dissociations between the effects of disgust on economic and social attitudes. Chapter 5 presents a cross-sectional investigation (Study 4) that tested for associations between the predisposition to experience disgust and both social and economic attitudes. As predicted, core disgust and pathogen disgust were associated with left-wing economic attitudes and these effects applied only to British participants, and not non-British participants. Chapter 6 presents Study 5 – an experiment investigating the relationship between disgust and prejudiced attitudes towards outgroups. Induced disgust led to more prejudiced attitudes towards a novel group than both sadness and neutral emotion. Chapter 7 is focused on two self-conscious moral emotions: guilt and shame. Study 6, presented in this chapter, found a positive association between guilt proneness and left-wing economic attitudes, and a relationship between shame proneness and social-conservative attitudes. Study 7 failed to reveal causal relationships between incidental guilt and shame and political attitudes. Chapter 8 presents the general discussion addressing limitations, implications, and future research directions.
28
Le, Quang Gregoire. "Construire, représenter combattre la peur : la société italienne et l'Etat face à la violence politique des "années de plomb", 1969-1981." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080148.
Abstract:
La décennie des années 1970 est caractérisée en Italie par un « cycle de protestation » et des mobilisations politiques et sociales de grande ampleur, qui s'accompagne – sans s'y limiter – d'une vague de violences politiques de natures très diverses, des attentats à la bombe mis au point par l'extrême-droite aux attentats ciblés de la lutte armée d'inspiration marxiste-léniniste, en passant par les débordements occasionnés par des manifestations ou des agressions. Ces violences s'inscrivent dans des stratégies d’intimidation qu'il s'agit de replacer précisément dans des cultures politiques qui se donnent comme objectif d'utiliser, parfois explicitement, la peur comme outil d'intervention politique, occasion de replacer les différents « terrorismes » dans la perspective de trajectoires de radicalisation. Quels sont les résultats socio-politiques de ces manœuvres visant à généraliser la guerre psychologique ? Au fil de la décennie et en comparant, sans les confondre, les différentes formes de « terrorisme » et leurs effets, se dessine une géographie et une chronologie de l'imprégnation de la peur : au-delà de l'effet de terreur qui dure peu, la violence « terroriste » installe un climat de peur durable, un sentiment de menace qui devient, à partir de 1978, un fait incontournable et que nombre de sources contemporaines permettent de saisir. Se pose alors la question de la représentation de la peur dans l'espace public et politique, son instrumentalisation éventuelle dans des stratégies propres au gouvernement ou à l'opposition, et l'absolue nécessité de rassurer, y compris au prix d'une mise en tension des mesures de sécurité avec les valeurs de l'État de droitThe 1970s in Italy are characterized by a new “cycle of protests” and a dramatic rise in social and political mobilization. These movements were accompanied by – although not limited to – a wave of political violence of various types, from right-wing bombings to targeted attacks by armed underground Marxist-Leninist organizations, and a great number of outbursts of collective violence during demonstrations and street fights. Not all of this violent activity falls under the heading of “terrorism”, rather it should be considered within the broader context of a political climate where intimidation tactics were on the increase and fear was, sometimes explicitly, used as a political tool. The political culture facilitated the use of violence in a process of radicalisation. What are the socio-political results of such a strategy of intimidation and psychological warfare? Analysis of the different strategies and their effects reveals a propagation of fear through the decade, resulting in a sustained climate of terror and the sense of a pressing threat, particularly from 1978 onwards. This raises the question of the effects of repetitive terrorist attacks, and the representation of fear in the public and political sphere: at the same time a destabilizing factor and a tool for legitimising political activities
29
Lyon, Tess Emily. "Fear and Political Rhetoric." Thesis, Department of Philosophy, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16133.
Abstract:
In 2016, the resurgence of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party to the Senate has dominated Australian political discourse. Specifically, her statements about Islam and Muslims have sparked discussion about the role of political speech in our democracy. In this thesis, I seek to address the question at the heart of this tension: should politicians’ fear-mongering rhetoric be defended, or does it inflict serious trauma on our societies? I do so by focusing on the nature of fear as a political emotion; its structure, its effects on individuals and democratic society, and its costs. Fear, I argue, is at the heart of our problem with fear-mongering rhetoric. In the first section of this thesis, I contextualise this thesis as a contribution to the recent turn to ethics within liberalism, and as an extension on Martha Nussbaum’s extensive philosophical treatment of political emotions in liberal democracy. In the second section, I set up the cognitive account of political fear that I will use throughout this thesis. I demonstrate its role in perpetuating a range of phenomena incompatible with a pluralist society, including significant epistemic harms. In the third section, I turn to the effects specific to fear-mongering political rhetoric, and in the fourth, I weigh up the effects of fear against our commitment to freedom of speech. My unique contribution to this field is to point out that fear as an emotion is at the root of why fear-mongering speech is objectionable in a liberal democracy. If we do not acknowledge the emotional root and carrying force of this kind of speech, we fail to see what is at stake in debate over fear-mongering political rhetoric: it critically compromises citizens’ capacity to engage in political discourse. I make the following disclaimer at the outset: for much of this thesis, Senator Hanson serves as a token for politicians and political candidates who say discriminatory, fear-mongering things about Islam and Muslims. She is not alone, but she is the most visible. It is for this reason that I tend to use her as a signpost for the broader array of fear-mongering political rhetoric to take place in Australian political discourse of the last few years.
30
Weissglass, Keith. "Image manipulation in political advertisements how color and music influence viewer attitudes and emotions /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1120.
31
Sweetman, Joseph. "Political action and social change : moral emotions, automaticity and imagination." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2011. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/24192/.
Abstract:
This thesis develops three independent lines of investigation on the social psychology of political action and social change. Rather than developing a grand theory, I focus on adapting current perspectives in the social psychology of emotion, automaticity, goals and mental simulation to the study of political action and social change. The approach taken is eclectic both theoretically and methodologically. In Chapter 1, I review the social psychology of political action and social change. In doing so, I conceptualise political action and social change and explore current explanations of these phenomena. I also introduce moral emotions, automaticity and imagination in order to mark the way for the subsequent chapters. In Chapter 2, I examine the role of the moral emotions in political action and social change. Specifically, I explore the antecedents and consequences of anger, sympathy, and admiration. Drawing on theories of intergroup relations and emotion, I show that legitimate status, competence, and warmth all elicit admiration. Notably, admiration towards the authorities and centres of group power inhibits political action aimed at challenging the social order. However, when the target of admiration is a subversive hero or “martyr”, admiration uniquely predict willingness to challenge the status quo. In Chapter 3 I investigate the role of automaticity in political action. More specifically, I develop a dual process account of political action. I demonstrate that controlled (vs. automatic) processes lead to an increase in political action tendencies in members of a disadvantaged group. Notably, automatic protest attitudes influence political action through anger. That is, the more positive one’s automatic protest attitudes are the more anger they feel in relation to group grievances. Notably, automatic attitudes are more likely to predict political action when one is low in the motivation and ability to deliberate on political issues. In Chapter 4 I examine the role of imagination in political action and social change. I demonstrate that being able to imagine a particular social change goal (e.g., revolution or reform) uniquely predict political action tendencies aimed at that goal. Notably, imagination also qualifies the influence of efficacy and anger on politic action tendencies. Put simply, anger only predicts political action for collective mobility when group members can imagine this social change goal. In addition, efficacy only predicts action aimed at revolution when one can imagine an alternative social system (e.g., economy). In Chapter 5 I draw some conclusions, and discuss the limitations and issues that arise from the work presented here. Finally, I propose some avenues for future research. In iii addition, I put forward a typology of social change in the hope that it will engender future work on the social psychology of political action and social change.
32
DeBell, Paul Armstrong. "Turning Outrage into Disgust: The Emotional Basis of Democratic Backsliding in Hungary." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468244803.
33
Dolan, Thomas Michael Jr. "Declaring Victory and Admitting Defeat." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1245285414.
34
Lee, Jongho. "Following one's heart : emotions and voting /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
35
Payson, Alida. "Feeling together : emotion, heritage, conviviality and politics in a changing city." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/108561/.
Abstract:
This thesis explores how feelings affect the politics of living together in a de-industrialized, post-colonial city. Over the past few decades, Cardiff, a former coal port marked by generations of migration, has stuttered through redevelopment, entrenching inequalities and moulting unevenly into a future as a cosmopolitan capital. In places like Cardiff marked by troubled pasts, a recent body of research has turned to how moods – melancholia, hurt, anxiety, and nostalgia – stick around in the present and move people in ways that are not well understood. I argue that to explore these questions, and to understand the chimeric ways power moves in the present, requires a turn away from discourse and particularly from the vexed ethics of ‘voice’, to emotions, affects, and how bodies move and are moved. This thesis therefore addresses a resurgent interest in politics, conviviality and emotion. It does so through a study of four community-based cultural heritage projects and archives. It follows three groups of girls and women ages 11-82 who took part in arts and heritage projects about women’s history around Cardiff’s former docklands, along with a collection of popular documentary photographs of life in the area, shot in the 1950s and 1980s, and recently recovered. In this thesis, taking all four sites as performative, I trace emotion in feeling words, materials, and patterns, from textiles to photographs to oral histories, in order to understand how feelings about the past and the imaginary of community – the conceptual possibilities that emerge for living together – might move in them. In particular, I chart four themes: 1) how to labour at the care, mixing and shared ‘sweet’ feelings necessary to stick collectivities together; 2) how to turn fury into fight, putting to use ‘ugly feelings’ (Ngai 2007) dredged up by violence past and present; 3) how to relish and set alight feelings of melancholy and loss; and 4) how to model or recoil from a certain kind of ‘becoming young woman’ (McRobbie 2007), and ‘becoming’ future. In a rapidly transfiguring present, the thesis argues that it is by tuning into emotion – emotional labour to move others, affective labour on the self, and collective work on mood – that we might better understand the politics of living together.
36
Weeks, Brian Edward. "Feeling is Believing? How emotions influence the effectiveness of political fact-checking messages." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1400581789.
37
Küntzler, Theresa [Verfasser]. "Emotions : Facial Expressions as a Measurement & Effects on Political Attitude / Theresa Küntzler." Konstanz : KOPS Universität Konstanz, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1237618916/34.
38
Mason, Eric D. "Moving Thumos : emotion, image, and the enthymeme." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001921.
39
Woodward, Keith Adam. "Affect, Politics, Ontology." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195189.
Abstract:
The relationship between politics and ontology has long been a troubled one for geography. More recently, the emergence of affect theory has complicated things even further by introducing a new set of frequently vague concepts into the already cluttered theoretical field of critical geography. This dissertation collects six articles that endeavor to develop the groundwork for establishing a continuum between affect, politics, and ontology. Specifically, it argues that not only is affect a politically rich area for approaching ontology, but, further, it is particularly well suited for addressing difference and radical politics. It proceeds by developing a series of concepts that animate a politically driven ontology of difference, namely: A) becoming and bordering in the context of border studies; B) a flat ontology as a fix for the debilitating transcendence of scale theory; C) an animation of a Nollywood as a 'site' based upon the flat ontological critique of scale; D) a politics of confusion that isolates the workings of affect in relation to the State and in direct action; E) a psycho-pragmatism that checks studies of affect and nonrepresentational theory against the analytic determinism that attends their developing methodologies; and F) the notions of fidelity and affinity as they get articulated through to the State and political subjectivity.
40
Forichon, Sylvain. "Les spectateurs du cirque à Rome (du Ier siècle a.C. au VIe siècle p.C.) : passion, émotions et politique." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30004.
Abstract:
La passion des Romains pour les jeux du cirque, et surtout pour les courses de chars, apparaît comme un topos dans la littérature ancienne. Si les auteurs anciens ont maintes fois évoqué l’état d’excitation du public, les jugements moraux et les stéréotypes l’emportent sur toute tentative d’analyse et très peu d’amateurs de courses ont laissé de témoignage, comme la première partie de cette thèse le met en évidence. Il nous a donc fallu dépasser ces préjugés afin d’expliquer les raisons d’un tel engouement. La confrontation des données issues des sources textuelles aux résultats de travaux récents en psychologie des émotions et en sociologie du sport nous a permis de démontrer, dans la seconde partie, le lien entre la passion des jeux et les émotions provoquées par ces spectacles. En effet, cette passion se nourrissait largement des émotions intenses éprouvées par les spectateurs, elles-mêmes conséquence d’un phénomène d’hyperstimulation sensorielle auquel ils étaient soumis depuis leur arrivée aux abords du bâtiment jusqu’à la fin des jeux. Cet engouement pour les ludi circenses avait donc des causes intrinsèques aux spectacles. Face à ce constat et à l’intérêt croissant du pouvoir pour les circenses dès la fin de la République, la troisième partie de cette thèse examine la question de l’instrumentalisation de ces jeux à des fins politiques. Si des chefs d’armées, comme Pompée ou Jules César, comprirent tout le bénéfice qu’ils pouvaient en retirer en terme de popularité et si, à partir d’Auguste, les circenses font partie intégrante de la politique impériale, il serait néanmoins erroné de percevoir les spectateurs du cirque comme une foule manipulée par le pouvoir. Ils jouissaient en ce lieu d’une autorité considérable, non seulement sur le déroulement des jeux, mais aussi à l’égard de l’empereur, à tel point que le rapport de force avec ce dernier pouvait même éventuellement s’inverser. Le cirque a été en effet parfois le cadre de manifestations d’hostilité de la foule à l’encontre de l’empereur ou de ses proches et dans la plupart des cas les manifestants ont obtenu gain de cause. La clémence du prince semble donc avoir été l’usage en ce lieu. Cependant, il convient de ne pas réduire les acteurs de ces mouvements de protestation à la plèbe. Ces manifestations étaient vraisemblablement souvent orchestrées et soigneusement préparées à l’avance, or il nous est apparu que seuls des membres de l’ordre sénatorial ou équestre avaient les moyens humains et logistiques d’y parvenirPassion for Roman circus games, and especially for chariot races, appears as a topos in ancient literature. Even if ancient authors frequently evoke the excitement of the audience, this excitement often attracts moral condemnations and stereotypes rather than critical analysis and there are very few testimonies coming from chariot races enthusiasts, as it may be noted in the first part of the thesis. This study aims to overcome these prejudices in order to explain the reasons for such an enthusiasm. In the second part, after confronting data coming from textual sources with what recent works in psychology of emotion and sociology of sport can teach us, we demonstrate the link between passion for the games and the emotions provoked by those spectacles. This passion, indeed, was mainly entertained by the intensity of the emotions, resulting themselves from the sensory overload which the spectators experienced, from the moment they were reaching the circus to the end of the games. This passion may be due to factors intrinsic to the show. Considering this aspect as well as the growing interest of the power for circenses at the end of the Republic, the third part examines the exploitation of the games for political purposes. Even if army leaders, such as Pompey and Caesar, well understood all the benefits they could derive in terms of popularity, and even if the circenses started to be, from Augustus on, an integral part of imperial policy, it would be a mistake to see the spectators simply as a crowd manipulated by political power. It appears that the spectators enjoyed considerable authority over this place, not only in relation to the conduct of the games, but also even in relation to the emperor, insomuch as the power struggle between the emperor and his subjects could sometimes be reversed. On several occasions, indeed, the circus was the scene of the crowd’s hostility against the emperor or his relatives, and in many such cases, the demonstrators were successful. It seems that it was customary for the emperor to show clemency within the circus. However, it is important not to generalise about the participants of protests and not to consider them simply as a plebeian mob. Such protests were in all likelihood often carefully orchestrated and planned in advance; it seems clear that only members of the senatorial or equestrian orders had the human resources and logistical capacity to achieve that
41
Markwica, Robin. "The passions of power politics : how emotions influence coercive diplomacy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f0c5b87d-f11c-4c61-bd8a-35feb7b56078.
Abstract:
In coercive diplomacy, actors employ the threat of force to get targets to change their behavior. The goal is to achieve the opponent's compliance without waging war. In practice, however, the strategy often falls short-even when coercers enjoy substantial military superiority. This finding inspires the central question of this thesis: What prompts leaders to reject coercive threats from stronger adversaries, and under what conditions do they yield? I argue that target leaders' affective reactions can help to explain why coercive diplomacy succeeds in some cases but not in others. Combining insights from psychology and social constructivism, this thesis presents a theory of emotional choice to analyze how affect enters into target leaders' decision-making. Specifically, it makes the case that preferences are not only socially but also emotionally constructed. The core of the theoretical framework outlines how five key emotions-fear, anger, hope, pride, and humiliation-help to constitute target leaders' preferences. This represents the first attempt to explore how a spectrum of emotions influences leaders' foreign policy decision-making. To test the analytic utility of emotional choice theory, the thesis examines nine major decisions by Nikita Khrushchev during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962 and ten main decisions by Saddam Hussein in the course of the Gulf conflict in 1990-91. The analysis yields mixed results: In the case of about a third of all decisions, the five key emotions exerted only minor effects or no impact at all. Another third of the decisions were influenced by one or more of these emotions to a degree similar to the impact of other factors. In the case of the final third of decisions, however, some of these emotions became the primary forces shaping the construction of preferences. Overall, emotional choice theory has thus advanced our understanding of the target leaders' decision-making in the missile crisis and the Gulf conflict, offering a more comprehensive explanation of why coercive diplomacy succeeded in one case but not in the other.
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El, Vilaly Audra Elisabeth, and Vilaly Audra Elisabeth El. "Reassembling the Subject: The Politics of Memory, Emotion, and Representation in Abolitionist Mauritania." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625676.
Abstract:
This study explores an emancipatory politics of being human by asking what is at stake for a world predicated on the human being as subject. I commence with a critique of modernity and its tenet of human exceptionalism as the logical basis for our separation from social, ecological, and material others. Inextricable from these others, humans, I argue, are assemblages that merit representation as such. I demonstrate this by recruiting two human faculties conventionally considered evidence for both our human exceptionalism, or separation from perceived others, and its correlate of subjectivity: memory and emotion. I then demonstrate how even emotion and memory, as supposed wellsprings of subjectivity, in effect undermine the very premise of it in light of their assemblaged nature. I situate this study in Mauritania, where I investigate the politics and spatialities of slavery and abolition. There, I demonstrate how memories, emotions, and the humans that experience them are both consituents and products of human-environment assemblages. I then reveal both the discursive and material repercussions of remembering, feeling, and representing the world as subjects separate from this world. Finally, I suggest alternative avenues for geographic research in pursuit of a politics of being human beyond the human being as subject.
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Velasquez, Juan. "A Feminist Sustainable Development : In Between Politics of Emotion, Intersectionality and Feminist Alliances." Stockholms universitet, Centrum för forskning om internationell migration och etniska relationer (CEIFO), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-15150.
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Spivak, L'Hoste Ana Silvia. "Tradição, comunidade, emoção e politica : uma etnografia do cinquentenario do Instituto Balseiro." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280359.
Abstract:
Orientador: Guilhermo Raul RubenTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T01:45:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SpivakL'Hoste_AnaSilvia_D.pdf: 5257141 bytes, checksum: a0daac54b23f53acefcec30091f3f69d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: O primeiro dia de agosto do ano 2005 foi o aniversário número 50 da primeira aula ditada no Instituto Balseiro, um centro de formação em física e engenharias localizado na cidade de Bariloche, Argentina. Esse aniversário motivou a organização de uma jornada de comemoração desenvolvida em dois momentos: um ato público e um almoço. Esses momentos mudaram nas práticas que os configuraram. Porém, coincidiram em colocar como eixo do festejo duas narrativas - matrizes organizadoras da experiência ¿ em particular: a tradição ou versão legítima do passado e a narrativa de comunidade como modelo da pertença. Ambas as narrativas, constituídas também pelo emocional, atualizaram no seio do evento uma arena de disputa a respeito da relevância de se produzir ciência e tecnologia no país. Esta tese de doutorado se estrutura a partir de uma aproximação etnográfica à comemoração e a seus objetos de festejo. Uma aproximação etnográfica orientada pelas potencialidades analíticas do evento definido como performance. Isto é, do evento como ato que habilita formas de representação e dramatização que mostram leituras sobre o mundo e produz, por sua vez, efeitos nele
Abstract: August 1st, 2005 was the 50th anniversary of the first physics class of Instituto Balseiro, a training center in physics and engineering located in Bariloche city, Argentina. This anniversary motivated the organization of a whole-day of commemoration developed in two ¿moments¿: a public act and a lunch. These moments were different in relation to the practices that molded them, but similar in placing as the core of the celebration two punctual narratives that played an important role in organizing the experience: the tradition or legitimate version of the past, and the community narrative as a model of belonging. Both narratives, also crossed by emotional issues, update, in the context of the ceremony, a disputing arena about the importance of producing science and technology in the country. This doctoral thesis is structured from an ethnographic approach to the celebration and its objects of festivity. An ethnographic approach guided by the theoretical potentialities of the celebration qua performance. This is to say, qua act that enables forms of representation and staging that show interpretations about the world and that produces, at the same time, effects on it
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Snowden, Suzanne. "Marginalised belonging: Unaccompanied, undocumented Hazara youth navigating political and emotional belonging in Sweden." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21956.
Abstract:
This paper investigates the current situation of the youth that applied for asylum in Sweden in 2015 as Unaccompanied Asylum Seeking Children (UASC). Specifically the former UASC youth from the Hazara ethnic group who were denied asylum yet are still living as undocumented in the municipality of Malmö, Sweden in 2018, now aged between 18 to 21 years old. This case study employs a hermeneutic-constructivist approach utilising semi-structured interviews with 10 of these Hazara unaccompanied, undocumented asylum seeking (UUAS) youth to examine their experiences and perspectives in terms of political and emotional belonging to communities and places in which they experience some form of marginalisation. Theories surrounding the concepts of belonging which consists of both emotional and political elements will be used, along with ‘othering’, to frame the youth’s experiences. The results of this study demonstrate how political belonging affects emotional belonging in various ways depending on context. The study also highlights how the impact of elements within both forms of belonging are assessed by individuals, and how these considerations are instrumental to a migrants decision to remain in, or leave, a location. This study also calls for further research in this field on these concepts of belonging affect marginalised groups.
46
van, der Weele Reinier. "When Facts don't Work : Emotional sentiment in the Dutch Anti-Vaxx movement." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403368.
Abstract:
Although vaccination has been regarded with scepticism and hesitancy since the first vaccines were introduced, the development of the internet into an interactive platform on which people can create their own information in combination with other societal factors have made the anti-vaxx movement both more vocal and effective. Possible causes have been explored as research in recent years has put more focus on psychological factors underlying vaccine hesitancy as the traditional method of simply providing more information seemed insufficient. This study tried to add to this existing research by exploring a new type of data, taking the interactive nature of the Web 2.0 into consideration and by bringing in research on conservative movements that show similarities with the anti-vaxx movement. By using quantitative content analysis it explored if patterns that were previously identified were also present within the closed-off Facebook group of the anti-vaxx movement in the Netherlands and studied if negative emotions should be taken into consideration as emotional driver, identifying anger as an emotion of particular interest. The results of the study showed that similar patterns and motivations were present within the closed-off Facebook group, but that people within in this group used less emotional content, engaging in more scientific debates instead. Furthermore, an analysis of underlying emotional sentiment showed that a negative sentiment was more often expressed than a positive one. Seed word analysis showed no indication of either fear or anger being the main emotional driver, but the negative sentiment and research on other movements indicated that further research should not only look into fear as underlying emotion but also take other emotions into consideration.
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Musallam, Fuad. "Failure and the politically possible : space, time and emotion among independent activists in Beirut, Lebanon." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3457/.
Abstract:
This thesis is concerned with how political activists in Lebanon maintain political engagement when at every moment it appears easier for them to give up. Within such an ethnographic context of ‘failure’, it grapples with how a political subjectivity predicated upon the desire for radically transformative action is produced and maintained. It contends that political subjectivity comes about through political engagement, not prior to it, and contours the experiential basis of political activism in its wake. To account for how activist political subjectivity is maintained, this thesis looks to the key roles played by politicised emotions and diffuse solidary feeling states in making the political and social worlds activists inhabit sensible. It attends, too, to the significance of intense moments of protest in producing and maintaining an activist political subjectivity: in the experience of protest, in its continued circulation after the fact in narrative form, and in the effects it has on the temporality of future action. As such, the thesis makes use of an event-centred methodology to better account for the transformative potential of action. The distinctive theoretical contributions of this thesis are fourfold: 1) to show how the passionate and experiential dimensions of activism are fundamental rather than epiphenomenal aspects of the political, contributing to the broader interdisciplinary study of mobilisation, activism, and radical politics; 2) to argue ethnographically that affect is not and can never be pre-social – and is as such an anthropological object of analysis – thereby adding to more recent anthropological scholarship on affect; 3) to show how overlapping temporal circuits and senses of self-in-time make activists ‘affectable’ in particular ways at particular moments, contributing to the growing anthropological literatures on historicity and temporality; and 4) to demonstrate the importance of an event-centred methodology for anthropological engagements with transformative action.
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Skorick, J. Mark. "Pathos and policy: the power of emotions in shaping perceptions of international relations." Texas A&M University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4209.
Abstract:
Current approaches to foreign policy decision making and international conflict
have ignored the role of emotions as variables influencing foreign policy choices.
However, a growing area of political research suggests that emotions are of critical
importance to many aspects of political life. Predominant foreign policy decision making
models currently attend to either rational calculations or âÂÂcoldâ cognitive processes and
heuristics. These models provide little theoretical space for propositions about how
enduring and intense emotions such as hatred and fear influence perceptions and
interpretations of interstate conflict. In this paper we propose a model which addresses
this deficiency in foreign policy decision making research. A theory of emotions is
introduced and integrated into the existing research on foreign policy decision making.
Hypotheses pertaining to the influence of negative emotions on information processing
and choice in international relations are derived from the model and tested in a multimethod
setting. Findings are reported and discussed within the framework of existing
empirical research on process-oriented models of foreign policy decision making.
49
Maier, Barcroft Kerstin. "Diversity management and the political economy of policing." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21788.
Abstract:
Diversity management and diversity training have been part of the standard management repertoire for several decades, and have recently received fresh impetus in the UK through the Equality Act 2010. The Police Services in England and Wales and in Scotland have further reasons to ensure the fair treatment of their own workforces and equality in their dealings with the public since the Macpherson Inquiry and the subsequent revelations relating to the Stephen Lawrence case. For the Police Service, diversity is particularly crucial as it forms a key element of public legitimacy and therefore impacts upon the very principle of ‘policing by consent’, the foundation of British policing (Jackson et al. 2012). However, diversity policies and diversity training tend to be viewed narrowly and used as a decontextualised medium to reduce racism (and other ‘isms’), seen as fulfilling their purpose regardless of the political and occupational context. This thesis, in contrast, suggests that there is a need to examine diversity management and diversity training, not only within an organisational context, but also within the broader political economy into which it is introduced and in which it is implemented. Tracing the various aspects that make up the political economy of policing, the thesis outlines social, economic, legal and political influences, as well as the occupational culture of the police and its emotional ecology. Given the longitudinal design of the research, and the profound changes that have occurred to the political economy of policing over a relatively short time, the thesis is able to examine the impact of these changes on diversity practices within the Police Service of Scotland. Longitudinal data collected at two points in time, 2008/9 and 2013 – straddling not only the introduction of the Equality Act 2010, but also the creation of a single Police Service in Scotland, amongst other changes – suggests that significant changes have occurred to diversity training and diversity professionals, as well as to the ways in which diversity is managed. Using the notion of emotional spaces, diversity training in particular reveals complex interactions in the context of the changes, exposing the tensions police officers and police staff are currently experiencing. Drawing on the analytical framework of emotional ecology, it is argued that in addition to other changes to the political economy of policing, diversity training courses reflect demands for the police to be more open, sensitive and collaborative, by challenging and ‘opening up’ the emotional ecology of the police during training. Interviews and longitudinal observational data suggest that this process has intensified greatly since the creation of Police Scotland, thereby placing competing demands on officers to consolidate the new with the conventional emotional ecology of the police.
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Hirsiaho, Anu. "Shadow dynasties : politics of memory and emotions in Pakistani women's life-writing /." Tampere : University of Tampere, 2005. http://acta.uta.fi/pdf/951-44-6265-3.pdf.