Journal articles: 'Political economy and social change'

1

Olson, Wayne. "Crisis and Social Change in Mexico's Political Economy." Latin American Perspectives 12, no. 3 (July 1985): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x8501200302.

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SALMON, J. WARREN. "Dilemmas in studying social change versus individual change: considerations from political economy." Health Promotion International 4, no. 1 (1989): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/4.1.43.

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Gough, Ian. "The Political Economy of Prevention." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 2 (November 28, 2013): 307–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000434.

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Prevention in public policy is much discussed but rarely theorized. This article begins with a theoretical framework for reflecting on the political economy of prevention in advanced capitalist economies that integrates the analysis of preventive policies across the social, environmental and economic domains. The next two sections survey prevention initiatives in social policy and climate change policy, respectively. These mainly focus on the last three decades and are based mainly on UK evidence. The article then considers the relative absence of prevention in contemporary economic policy and management: today's neo-liberal economic and political order powerfully constrains preventive public policy. The final section outlines an alternative social political economy that prioritizes preventive and precautionary policy making.

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Mutz, Diana C. "The Tribal Economy: Economic Perceptions, Economic Anxiety and the Prospects for Political Accountability." Forum 19, no. 3 (November 29, 2021): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-2028.

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Abstract Whether American citizens hold presidents accountable for changes in the condition of the economy has increasingly been questioned. At the same time, the outcome of the 2016 election has been widely interpreted in economic terms. Press and pundits on both sides of the aisle have endorsed the “left behind” voter thesis suggesting that those who were economically dissatisfied or anxious voted against the incumbent party and thus elected Donald Trump. Likewise, some have argued that Trump would have won again in 2021 if not for the economic downturn caused by the COVID19 pandemic. In this study I use seven waves of nationally-representative panel data to examine change over time in individuals’ perceptions of the economy across the two most recent presidential election periods. I compare the magnitude of change from partisan rationalization of the economy to the magnitude of changes in perceptions due to the record-breaking decline in GDP during the year that COVID19 hit the US. My results provide little to no evidence that changes in perceptions due to real economic change were strong enough to overcome the effects of partisan rationalization. Given that the COVID19 recession was unusually severe, these results provide little reason for optimism that voters can hold leaders accountable for economic change.

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Paganelli, Maria Pia. "ADAM SMITH AND THE ORIGINS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY." Social Philosophy and Policy 37, no. 1 (2020): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052520000096.

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AbstractThe method of analysis Adam Smith uses is relatively similar to the method economics generally uses today, especially the subfield of experimental economics. The method of analysis that Smith uses is coherent and consistent throughout his whole work. He searches for constant variables and then sees what variables are changed by exogenous changes. In particular, Smith looks for the constancy in human nature, and analyzes how historical and material circumstances change the incentives that the constant human nature faces. This method, applied to human conduct in all its aspects, makes it easy for many economists today to see some continuity between Smith’s political economy and today’s economic science.

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Camacho, Viviana Banguero, and Reinaldo Giraldo Díaz. "Mangrove Economy: etho-politics and social change." Entramado 14, no. 1 (October 11, 2018): 104–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18041/entramado.2018v14n1.27156.

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An advance of the research project «Bio-entrepreneurship: productive configuration of agroecosystems» is presented.. The interpretative framework is based on political concepts, economy and social change, also on relations between capitalism, modernity and the nation-state. At the same time, there are observed alternative cultural practices from Afro-descendant women in their territories, their banishments and their ancestral legacy in the colombian pacific coast. It was found that meanings emerge through the stories told by them, which talk about an economy that runs on a space-time in/from the re-existence of human groups. The human groups that inhabit the ancestral territory and the ones that were banished from the mangrove and that recreate it and make it come alive in different contexts (including the urban popular).

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McKee, David L. "Schumpeter and the Political Economy of International Change." International Journal of Social Economics 16, no. 12 (December 1989): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068298910133179.

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Sekelj, Laslo. "Serbia: The change without transformation." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 68, no. 9 (1996): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv9605173s.

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Main thesis of this paper is that in Serbia and FR Yugoslavia one can notice political changes but not a real transformation of authoritarian system into liberal-democratic and of politically ruled economy into the market economy. To create this situation of political change without social transformation was significantly helped by the UN Security Council sanctions against FR Yugoslavia, which led to unchallenged power of Slobodan Milošević and his Socialist party of Serbia. As the result, we have the main feature of political processes in Serbia after the break-down of Yugoslavia: multy-party system not as neglection but as continuation of the Communist system.

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Noël, Alain. "Accumulation, regulation, and social change: an essay on French political economy." International Organization 41, no. 2 (1987): 303–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830002748x.

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Stryker, Robin. "Political Economy and Working Law." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 4 (October 11, 2019): 1231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.53.

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ABSTRACTLauren B. Edelman’s Working Law: Courts, Corporations, and Symbolic Civil Rights (2016) offers an empirically supported theory of legal endogeneity, explaining how managerialized ideas of compliance with employment discrimination legislation diffuse in organizational fields and shape judicial doctrine. Managerialization and legal endogeneity explain how and why equality-promoting civil rights legislation may do little to reduce workplace inequalities. This essay places Edelman’s theory within a broader terrain of opportunities and limits of law for promoting egalitarian change. Managerialization is not always detrimental to enhancing workplace race and gender equality. However, typically reinforcing logics of market capitalism and liberal legality often make it so, while blocking reforms countering judicial deference to managerialized compliance.

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Eder, Mine. "Retreating State? Political Economy of Welfare Regime Change in Turkey." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 152–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x500739.

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AbstractInformed by the debates on the transformation of welfare states in advanced industrial economies, this article evaluates the changing role of the state in welfare provision in Turkey. Turkey's welfare state has long been limited and inegalitarian. Strong family ties coupled with indirect and informal channels of welfare (ranging from agricultural subsidies to informal housing—both costly but politically expedient) have compensated for the welfare vacuum. At first glance, Turkey's welfare reform that emerged from the 2000-2001 fiscal crisis appears like a classic case of moving towards a minimalist, 'neoliberal' welfare regime—with increasingly privatized health care and private social insurance. The state retreats via the subcontracting of welfare provision to private actors, growing involvement of charity organizations, and increasing public-private cooperation in education, health, and anti-poverty schemes. Yet, there is also evidence of the expansion of state power. The newly empowered 'General Directorate of Social Assistance and Solidarity (SYDGM)' manages an ever-increasing budget for social assistance, the number of mean-tested health insurance (Green Card) holders explodes, health care expenditures rise substantially, and municipalities become important liaisons for channeling private money and donations for antipoverty purposes. The cumulative effect is an 'institutional welfare-mix' that has actually mutated so as to compensate for the absence of the earlier, politically attractive but fiscally unsustainable welfare conduits. The result has so far been the creation of immense room for political patronage, the expansion of state power, and no significant improvement of welfare governance.

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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.

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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.

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Walder, Andrew G., and Philip C. C. Huang. "The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China." Contemporary Sociology 15, no. 5 (September 1986): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071057.

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Hernandez, Sarah. "Globalizing the Caribbean: Political Economy, Social Change, and the Transnational Capitalist Class." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 50, no. 1 (January 2021): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306120976390ii.

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Ledgister, F. S. J. "Globalizing the Caribbean: Political Economy, Social Change, and the Transnational Capitalist Class." Caribbean Quarterly 66, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 597–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.2020.1840072.

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Marangos, John. "Social Change versus Transition: The Political Economy of Institutions and Transitional Economies." Forum for Social Economics 40, no. 1 (January 2011): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12143-010-9069-2.

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17

King, Victor T. "Southeast Asia: Essays in the Political Economy of Structural Change." Journal of Contemporary Asia 16, no. 4 (January 1986): 520–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472338685390251.

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18

Pincus, Jonathan. "Approaches to the political economy of agrarian change in Java." Journal of Contemporary Asia 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339080000021.

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19

Choi, Byung-Sun. "Political and Economic Democratization and Its Impact on the Government-Business Relationship in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 3 (December 31, 1988): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps03003.

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Under the authoritarian market economy system, Korea has achieved a demonstrably successful economic performance. But its inherent systemic tension and conflict, which had been suppressed under the repressive rule, has since 1987 begun to unravel. A series of political democratization moves are still coming on stream and social demands for economic democratization press for a change in economic policy in the direction of correcting economic and social imbalances. Following the change in the relative political strength among proximate policymakers, the state economic policy-making structure and process is undergoing a significant change, and the existing government business relationship, biased generally for big business, has come under siege. The potential impacts of these recent changes on the economy's performance have not yet been fully materialized. It must be heeded, however, by responsible political actors that, when the institutional values of a democratic and pluralistic society are overly valued, they inevitably exact a price in terms of the slackening efficiency and the loss of adaptability to the rapidly changing world economic conditions, as the experiences of the advanced democratic industrial countries, particularly the U.S., show.

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JOHN, JONATHAN DI. "Political Crises, Social Conflict and Economic Development: The Political Economy of the Andean Region Edited by Andres Solimano." Journal of Agrarian Change 7, no. 1 (January 2007): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-0366.2007.142_6.x.

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Kristiansen, Kristian. "Household Economy, Long-Term Change, and Social Transformation: The Bronze Age Political Economy of Northwestern Europe." Nature and Culture 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2007.020204.

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In this article I examine how long-term economic strategies in the Bronze Age of northern Europe between 2300 and 500 BCE transformed the environment and thus created and imposed new ecological constraints that finally led to a major social transformation and a "dark age" that became the start of the new long-term cycle of the Iron Age. During the last 30 years hundreds of well-excavated farmsteads and houses from south Scandinavia have made it possible to reconstruct the size and the structure of settlement and individual households through time. During the same period numerous pollen diagrams have established the history of vegetation and environmental changes. I will therefore use the size of individual households or farmsteads as a parameter of economic strength, and to this I add the role of metal as a triggering factor in the economy, especially after 1700 BCE when a full-scale bronze technology was adopted and after 500 BCE when it was replaced by iron as the dominant metal. A major theoretical concern is the relationships between micro- and macroeconomic changes and how they articulated in economic practices. Finally the nature of the "dark age" during the beginning of the Iron Age will be discussed, referring to Sing Chew's use of the concept (Chew 2006).

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Haragopal, G. "NEP 2020: A Political Economy Perspective." Social Change 50, no. 4 (December 2020): 589–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085720965514.

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The Union Cabinet, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approved the National Education Policy 2020 on 29 July 2020. The policy is based on the Draft National Education Policy 2019 which the Committee for Draft National Education Policy, chaired by Dr K. Kasturirangan, submitted to the Ministry of Human Resource Development on December 15, 2018. Earlier, Social Change carried an extensive comment on the Draft Policy and continuing its tradition of debate and discussion the journal brings you comments by domain experts on the impact of the NEP 2020.

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Saitta, Dean J. "Power, Labor, and the Dynamics of Change in Chacoan Political Economy." American Antiquity 62, no. 1 (January 1997): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282377.

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The organizational structure of the famous Chaco Phenomenon has long been debated by southwestern archaeologists. To better clarify the nature and dynamics of Chacoan organization we need to rethink the relationship between social power and the appropriation of surplus labor in middle-range societies. Drawing on the tradition of anthropological political economy, I outline a theoretical approach that allows for the relative autonomy of power and labor relations in human social life and models Chacoan political economy using a “thin definition” of communalism. Empirical patterns from the Chaco and post-Chaco eras in the northern Southwest are presented in support of a model of Chaco communalism and change dynamics. Suggestions for furthering a political economy of the Chaco Phenomenon that respects the difference or “otherness” of the past are also detailed.

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Greenhalgh], [Susan, and Philip C. C. Huang. "The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China." Population and Development Review 12, no. 3 (September 1986): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1973234.

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Sorokin, A. V. "Can political economy be non-Marxist? Relevance of applied political economy." Moscow University Economics Bulletin, no. 2 (March 5, 2022): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/01300105202221.

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Initially political economy was non-Marxist but under the influence of ideology it has become Marxist; with rejection of official ideology of Marxism, it can and should again become non-Marxist. Marxism is an ideology/ policy that proclaims the inevitable death of capitalism and its replacement with socialism. Ideology forced political economy to abandon the subject —«the wealth of nations» (Smith) which was transformed into «social relations developing in the process of production, distribution, exchange and consumption of material goods, and economic laws governing their development in socio-economic formations historically replacing each other». Marxian economics was identified with the ideology of Marxism. The three constituent parts of Marxism have lost their relevance. The materialistic foundation of Marxism rested on three discoveries (the cell, energy conservation, and Darwinism). A new social organism was believed to have been born from a cell that existed in an old organism; the birth of a new one means the death of the old one. The history of all societies was represented by the history of the struggle between the exploiting and exploited classes, the result of which was a progressive change of formations. The discoveries of the XIX century were either refuted by modern natural science (cell theory), or significantly modernized (synthetic theory of evolution). The theory of class exploitation as a deduction from the product of labor was refuted by Marx. Rejection of Marxism does not mean rejection of the materialist understanding of history, but an understanding based on modern materialism. The subject of political economy in broad sense is various modes of life reproduction (analogue of a species) and their modification (population). The history of all previous societies was the history of struggle, not classes, but of modes of production of life. The subject of the non-Marxist political economy of capitalism is the relationship of the reproduction of the life of three large classes (capitalists, hired workers, landowners). The method is an analogue of the method for constructing genomes of biological species. Non-Marxist political economy and economics have a common subject and form two components of a new academic discipline «applied political economy», in which the descriptive method of economics is complemented by an explicative one.

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Sacks, Michael Paul. "Social Change and Problems of Young Adults and Women in Russia and Uzbekistan." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 2 (1992): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408234.

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While some groups are discovering new opportunities in the shifting political and economic structures of the former Soviet Union, others are finding that their paths towards upward social mobility have become less clear or blocked. There are also growing regional differences in benefits and losses. Although privileges in the old system often translate into advantages in the new, a contracting economy and the redrawing of political boundaries are altering the social order.

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Novak, Mikayla. "Climate Change: What Should Liberals Do?" Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 2-4 (April 1, 2019): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.325.

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Ecological sustainability issues, including the desire to ameliorate climate change impacts upon economic, social and political systems, figure prominently in twenty-first century public discourses. Despite growing community agreement over the need to avert the worst effects of climate change, a perceived lack of political progress in advancing multilateral climate-change policy is fueling dissatisfaction over the capacity of technocratic administration to deliver solutions to tackle this deep-seated and, for some, existential problem. We draw upon classical liberal insights, and utilize the contextually-aware systems approach of “entangled political economy,” to consider a constructive case for actions on climate change.

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BARANOWSKI, MARIUSZ. "FROM ‘POLITICAL ECONOMY’ TO ‘POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY’ OF THE CLIMATE CATASTROPHE: WHY THE ECONOMY NEEDS TO BE BLOWN UP TO BE BORN AGAIN?" Society Register 5, no. 3 (October 21, 2021): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2021.5.3.01.

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The conceptual approach to real social phenomena and problems, as well as factors influencing and shaping them, although theoretical in nature, has momentous practical consequences. The issue of nature, and in a narrower sense of climate, constitutes a telling and representative example of the implications of the theoretical and methodological orientation adopted to study society and its relationship with the environment and its resources. This short paper aims to highlight the consequences of the shift in research perspective from ‘political economy’ to ‘political sociology’ in the context of climate change and its challenges. The article’s main argument is to outline the implications of the change of reference point for the conceptualisation and operationalisation of theoretical frameworks related to social problems and challenges, which, nota bene, are conditioned directly and indirectly by the state of the ecosystem. And the central thesis is that a fundamental reorientation towards nature and climate change within the dominant capitalist system will only be camouflaged maintenance of the status quo (accompanied noisily by a series of technological and fiscal solutions that solve nothing).

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Wickberg, Edgar, and Philip C. C. Huang. "The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 1 (1986): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759013.

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Hung, Ho-fung. "Cultural Strategies and the Political Economy of Protest in Mid-Qing China, 1740-1839." Social Science History 33, no. 1 (2009): 75–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010919.

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In the historical study of contentious politics, political economy theories see the transformation of the dominant form of contention from reactive violence to proactive demonstration in early modern Europe as a result of large-scale political-economic processes like state formation and market expansion. Culturalist theories emphasize instead the significance of large-scale cultural reconstitutions in forging such transformation. Judging between these two theories is no easy task, as macropolitical-economic and cultural changes were concurrent in most cases. Mid-Qing China (c. 1683-1839), which experienced state centralization and commercialization in conjunction with a relatively stable neo-Confucianist hegemony, constitutes a telling case that helps resolve the debate. By analyzing a catalog of political protest events derived from archival sources, I find that Chinese protest changed from predominantly reactive violence in the seventeenth century to proactive demonstration in the mid-eighteenth century and back to reactive violence in the nineteenth century. The general direction of change can be explained by the cyclical trajectories of state formation and market development alone. At the same time, the specific claims and repertoires of protest were always delimited by the cultural idioms available in the overarching neo-Confucianist orthodoxy of the time. This study suggests an integrated perspective synthesizing both culturalist and political economy accounts to offer a fuller explanation of macrohistorical changes in contentious politics.

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Levi, Sebastian, Christian Flachsland, and Michael Jakob. "Political Economy Determinants of Carbon Pricing." Global Environmental Politics 20, no. 2 (May 2020): 128–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00549.

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Carbon pricing is widely considered a key policy instrument for achieving substantial climate change mitigation. However, implementation remains patchy and price levels vary significantly across countries and regions. In this article, we analyze the structural social, political, and economic conditions under which carbon prices have been implemented so far. We estimate a Tobit regression model to investigate variations in explicit carbon prices over 262 national and subnational jurisdictions. Our results highlight well-governed institutions and public attitudes as the most important conditions for carbon pricing and characterize fossil fuel consumption as a barrier to the implementation of carbon prices. The results suggest that governance and public attitude need to be integrated into political economy analysis. Policy makers should take regulatory capacities and public attitudes seriously when designing carbon pricing policies.

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Yamamura, Kozo. "The Japanese Political Economy after the "Bubble": Plus Ca Change?" Journal of Japanese Studies 23, no. 2 (1997): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/133159.

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Paiva, Paulo. "Lula’s Political Economy: Changes and Challenges." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 606, no. 1 (July 2006): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716206288952.

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Karavaeva, I. V. "Systemic Crisis 2022: Theoretical Aspect." Federalism 27, no. 2 (July 6, 2022): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2022-2-46-61.

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The article examines the process of formation and manifestation of signs of a systemic crisis in the modern economy. The article substantiates why the contradiction between the economic and social interests of economic entities at all levels that arose in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic played the role of a catalyst in the formation and development of the modern systemic crisis of a market economy. It is shown that today the problems of global, national and regional economic security in their organic and systemic relationship with social /economic/ political/ bacteriological security are in the same row. The author of the article carried out a theoretical analysis of trends and risks in the development of the economy of Russia and other leading countries of the world community in a crisis situation in 2022. The author of the article carried out a theoretical analysis of trends and risks in the development of the economy of Russia and other leading countries of the world community in a crisis situation in 2022. The article emphasizes the importance of strengthening sanctions pressure on the Russian economy in transforming the social factor of national security into a socio-political one and in accelerating the development of a systemic crisis in the modern economy. The article shows what fundamental changes have occurred at the national and interstate levels during the period of application of socio-political sanctions in the model of global economic relations. The author explains on the basis of what objective reasons traditional principles of economic relations are being destroyed and new principles of economic relations between states and economic counterparties are being formed in the conditions of the changed socio-political situation in the world. The article examines the phenomenon of geo-economic fragmentation and its relationship with the change in the centers of development and influence in the global economy. The author predicted the main characteristics of the functioning of the new system of economic relations in the post-crisis model of economic development and Russia’s place in it.

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Syed, Iffath Unissa. "Feminist Political Economy of Health: Current Perspectives and Future Directions." Healthcare 9, no. 2 (February 22, 2021): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare9020233.

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Feminist political economy of health is a term that has emerged as a result of research that has combined and connected a feminist political economy lens with a focus on health disparities of women. This paper provides an overview of the literature from the work of feminist medical sociologists and feminist health scholars that have shaped the concept of feminist political economy of health. The analysis indicates that while women have experienced health inequities inside the healthcare system, there are also significant health disparities that are experienced outside the healthcare system due to women’s social, economic, political, and cultural conditions. Given that there are dual crises with respect to the COVID-19 pandemic as well as social movements pushing for change, further work that uses intersectional approaches is advocated.

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ENNS, PETER K., and PAUL M. KELLSTEDT. "Policy Mood and Political Sophistication: Why Everybody Moves Mood." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 3 (May 13, 2008): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000227.

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This article presents evidence that both micro (individual level) and macro (aggregate level) theories of public opinion overstate the importance of political sophistication for opinion change. It is argued that even the least politically sophisticated segment of society receives messages about the economy and uses this information to update attitudes about political issues. To test this hypothesis, the authors have used General Social Survey data to construct a 31-item measure of policy mood, disaggregated by political sophistication, that spans from 1972 to 2004. They found that all the subgroups generally changed opinion at the same time, in the same direction, and to about the same extent. Furthermore, they show that groups at different sophistication levels change opinions for predominantly the same reasons.

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Desai, Nitin. "Energy, climate and structural change." Contributions to Indian Sociology 55, no. 3 (October 2021): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00699667211030394.

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The study of human history suggests that the sources of the energy used to sustain production and consumption are the defining determinants of the productive structure, and by implication of the social structure. This article assesses the economic and sociopolitical changes that one can expect because of the major changes in energy sources required to tackle the threat of global warming. It spells out what we know at present about the risks of climate change arising from global warming, how they are being addressed at present and how the measures that are contemplated at present to cope with the threat of climate change will transform the global energy economy and why this makes possible a substantially more decentralised economy. But it also qualifies this vision and deals with the hurdles that will be faced in the structural transition.

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Kim, Jeong Hwan. "Politics, Economy and Social Culture in Romania during the Transition." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.2.101.

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After the 1989 revolution, new politicians in the transition period who had to adapt to unfamiliar political atmosphere shared three visions for the future of the country. The first was the restoration of pre-communist history and politics, the second was the declaration of liberalism, and the last was the realization of a social project and political design for this purpose. However, the political situation in the 1990s was grim due to the deterioration of the National Salvation Front (Frontul Salvării Naţionale) and the unrest in the university square, and the new world was slowly approaching because of the old communists. On one hand, Romania in transition had the dual goal of creating representative democracy systems and practices, and establishing a free market economy system on the other hand. This double transformation was premised on the introduction and settlement of neoliberal ideology according to policy decisions between ‘representative democracy’ and ‘market economy’, and social consensus on democratization and transition to a market economy. A successful transition was a task given to president Ion Iliescu, who had to lead at a major turning point in 1990~1996, but the historical reality was far more complex and difficult than could have been anticipated and programmed. From president Emil Constantinescu, who made the first democratic transfer of power in 1996, to Prime Minister Adrian Năstase in 2002, the political declarations and experiments of ‘the end of the transition’ and ‘the beginning of a new era’ were repeated over and over again. Society in the transition had to abandon the paternalistic and authoritarian mindset left behind by the communist ideology and dictatorship of the past. The most important change is the transition from a monolithic system such as a dictatorship to a plural system. Free access to mass media, the opening of the free movement right, and the promise of restoration to Europe have led to a radical acceleration of social change. In that sense, EU accession in 2007 can be regarded as the end of the transition to the post-communist regime. Romania was officially linked with Europe again politically and economically, as it had been before socialism. This long historical process suggests how the experience of communism affected Romanians’ worldview and how real their integration into Europe was.

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Bonifati, Giuliana. "PECREATIVITY | PEOPLE ECONOMY CITY: THE CASE OF LONDON AS A PROACTIVE INVESTIGATION TOOL." Creativity Studies 11, no. 1 (September 26, 2018): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2018.5505.

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The current historical context is characterised by a significant change in the economic and social fields that have led to the development of the economy of creativity and knowledge. This condition has laid the basis for the rise of a new social class. This radical change in the productive paradigm has started a series of modifications to urban spaces, setting in place a rooted change in the fabric of the city.The objective of this paper is to understand and interpret the nature of the changes under way and to investigate how what occurred in economic and social fields influenced the processes of urban regeneration. Starting from a theoretical background it will examine the concept of creativity applied to economics and social sciences. Secondly, by identifying the urban environment of London as a case study, it will analyze single cases that will show the root of these practices within urban spaces. The purpose of it will be verified by the possibility of building urban transformation strategies that use creativity as the tool of change.

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Toraldo, Sara. "Venezuela on the Edge of Bankruptcy: Prospects for Political Change." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 6 (September 24, 2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i6.4538.

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Venezuela, a South American petro-giant and the home of the Bolivarian socialist experiment, is in the grip of a grave crisis and an unprecedented political and institutional conflict, which has led to profound economic and social paralysis and a food and health emergency. As of 2019, Venezuela has the highest rate of inflation in the world and is struggling with an economic and social crisis characterised by violence and extreme poverty. In a paradoxical political situation, despite the crisis, the incumbent president Nicolas Maduro refuses to relinquish power while a new figure, Juan Guaidò, virtually unknown a year ago, having proclaimed himself president in January 2019, has been recognised politically by 54 nations, and is seeking a way out of the country’s ills. In the first quarter of 2019 alone in Venezuela, 96% of companies had to drastically reduce their staffing levels and commercial activities, while the average salary of a worker now corresponds to about four euros a month. In addition, in the last twenty years, i.e. since the arrival in power of the previous president, Hugo Chavez, four fifths of Venezuelan companies have closed down or ceased operating after being nationalised. Lastly, 84% of those who once had employment have now lost it. What the solutions to this situation may consist of is hard to say. This brief paper will look at the series of social and cultural obstacles that hamper any form political change. Cultural and social changes that can help resolve the current political and institutional conflict as soon as possible are required. The country has the largest oil reserves in the world, put at 296.5 billion barrels, and the fourth largest natural gas reserves in the world. In addition, it has the third largest reserves of fresh water on the planet and even possesses huge mineral resources, including gold and diamonds. Despite the variety of resources available, the Venezuelan economy is weighed down by the socialist policies of the government which has neither opened up to more liberal economic policies nor diversified economic investment, thus consolidating the country’s complete dependence on petroleum exports, which now account for 96% of the income from exports and 50% of state revenues.

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Lipschutz, Ronnie D. "Environmental History, Political Economy and Change: Frameworks and Tools for Research and Analysis." Global Environmental Politics 1, no. 3 (August 1, 2001): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638001316881412.

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This article addresses questions of method, focus and research strategy in environmental history and political economy for policy analysis and policy-making. While most environmental history is seen as having to do with landscapes past and how they got that way, environmental history can also have practical contemporary applications. By coming to understand the sources and origins of environmental degradation, and the patterns of social organization that led to them, we may be better positioned to foster environmental protection and conservation in ways that may resolve and/or support local efforts around the world. Such studies can help to address conflicts that arise over conservation policies, especially when these studies illuminate the origins and historical trajectories of places, and provide insights into ways of working with, rather than against, local cultures, knowledges, and social arrangements.

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Bazzicalupo, Laura. "Economy as Logic of Government." Paragraph 39, no. 1 (March 2016): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2016.0182.

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This article reflects on the radical change in the meaning and role of the economy in relation to processes of subjectivation, and to the social and political bond. The genealogy of the theological-economic paradigm, accompanying the development of the theological-political, highlights how the meaning of economy cannot be exhausted in economy strictly defined, but rather fulfils the role of the logic of government. On this path, the turn towards the bio-economic production of lives is marked by a marginalizing perspective that replaces the centrality of needs with desire (a mark of subjectivity), only so as then to rule desire through rational choice.

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Caban, Pedro A. "Industrial Transformation and Labour Relations in Puerto Rico: From ‘Operation Bootstrap’ to the 1970s." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1989): 559–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0001854x.

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During the 1950s and 1960s Puerto Rico's industrial transformation was accompanied by social stability and relatively peaceful labour relations, which were essential for a development programme dependent upon foreign investments. The state took a central role in this process, as it guided economic activity and mobilised vital human and material resources. However, by the late 1960s profound changes in the island's political economy threatened this state-guided development programme. This essay traces the history of Puerto Rican economic change and the relationship between industrial transformation and the state's capacity to manage the operation of the economy, particularly industrial relations up to the late 1970s. Four features of this process will be examined: (1) labour relations during the early phase of industrialisation; (2) the changes in the economy resulting from the expansion of capital-intensive industrial sectors; (3) the impact of these changes on the state's capacity to manage the political economy, particularly its fiscal policy; and (4) how these changes altered the nature of state-labour relations.

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Stubbs, Paul. "Towards a political economy of welfare in Croatia." Ekonomski anali 64, no. 223 (2019): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1923105s.

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A political economy of social welfare in Croatia explores drivers of, and impediments to, change, addressing the impact of processes of neo-liberalisation, the complexities of regulatory and institutional landscapes and the interactions of nation, familialism, and class. Instead of a stable welfare regime, Croatia?s welfare system is marked by hybridity in the context of a political economy that continues to be crisis- prone. This paper focuses on the social welfare implications of the mix of ?crony?, ?authoritarian? and ?predatory? capitalism present in Croatia since independence. Other than the role of international actors including the World Bank and the European Union, and notwithstanding the lack of political will for reform, we suggest that two broad forces are dominant in shaping social welfare in Croatia. The first is war veterans? associations and their supporters, keen to maintain and even extend their significant benefits in return for continued support for the HDZ party (Croatian Democratic Union), a quasi-institutionalised form of ?social clientelism?. The second is an empowered radical right, promulgating a conservative Catholic agenda of a return to ?traditional? - that is, heteronormative - family values, reinforcing an aggressive Croatian nationalism and advocating ?demographic renewal?. This article has been corrected. Link to the correction <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/EKA2024131E">10.2298/EKA2024131E</a>

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Backovic, Vera. "European cities in post socialist transformation." Sociologija 47, no. 1 (2005): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0501027b.

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The aim of the paper is to analyze changes of the city in the process of post socialist transformation. The changes in the political system and economy led to establishment of local authorities and urban economy, witch became main factors of urban development. Much attention is played to commercial property (office space and retail) because their fast development is the most visible change in the post socialist city.

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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.

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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.

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Graz, Jean-Christophe, Oliver Kessler, and Rahel Kunz. "International Political Economy (IPE) meets International Political Sociology (IPS)." International Relations 33, no. 4 (December 2019): 586–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819885161.

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This forum opens a debate that is long overdue: for far too long, the fields of international political sociology (IPS) and international political economy (IPE) have been standing apart. Discussions take place in different conference sections, in different networks that publish in different journals. Yet, this divide is surprising given that the two fields share similar trajectories, theoretical concerns, problématiques, and conceptual challenges. This forum starts exploring this shared terrain: we believe that there is no a priori reason to separate the sociocultural, the political and the economic when we aim at making sense of the world in any meaningful way. We propose that bridging the IPE-IPS divide has tremendous potential for the development of a socio-political economy analysis that, we believe, has two benefits. First, it allows for the opening of new empirical terrains or deepening and widening existing ones. Second, bringing IPE/S back together creates reflexive spaces for more holistic, embodied and contextualised conceptual innovation. The contributors to this forum show each in their own way such empirical and conceptual added value of moving beyond the IPE and IPS divide in order to develop what we call here a socio-political economy of the globe. They focus on various issues, such as the transformation of capitalism from an oil- to a data-dependent accumulation regime with the rising of the so-called ‘digital age’ (Chenou); the profound social, economic and political transformation triggered by urbanisation in the development world (Elias, Rethel and Tilley); emerging global risks and the neglected role of the insurance industry (Lobo-Guerrero); regional development-security nexuses (Lopez Lucia); and business power in climate change diplomacy (Moussu).

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Roy, Animesh. "Political Economy of Dispossession and Economic Change: A Case of Rajarhat in West Bengal, India." International Journal of Community and Social Development 4, no. 1 (February 9, 2022): 10–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/25166026221076630.

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Land dispossession under the neoliberal capitalist development has become a focal point of debate across Indian states, particularly in West Bengal. Based on household surveys conducted in Rajarhat in West Bengal (India) in 2009 and 2016, this article illuminates how a large-scale dispossession of farmers from land for a neoliberal planned urban centre adjoining Kolkata Metropolis leads to a process of economic change and rural transformation, giving birth to diverse non-farm livelihood activities for the dispossessed households. While access to these new livelihood opportunities in the burgeoning urban economy turns out to be unequal, the dispossessed households broadly undergo upward economic mobility. It also argues that the benefits of speculative land value arising from neoliberalisation of spaces in the post-acquisition stage actuate the partially dispossessed households to sell off their remaining land and produce a basis for social differentiations and asset inequalities within the dispossessed households. To prevent these and similar outcomes, it calls for apt policies.

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Harvey, Mark. "The Food-Energy-Climate Change Trilemma: Toward a Socio-Economic Analysis." Theory, Culture & Society 31, no. 5 (June 27, 2014): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276414537317.

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The food-energy-climate change trilemma refers to the stark alternatives presented by the need to feed a world population growing to nine billion, the attendant risks of land conversion and use for global climate change, and the way these are interconnected with the energy crisis arising from the depletion of oil. Theorizing the interactions between political economies and their related natural environments, in terms of both finitudes of resources and generation of greenhouse gases, presents a major challenge to social sciences. Approaches from classical political economy, transition theory, economic geography, and political ecology, are reviewed before elaborating the neo-Polanyian approach adopted here. The case of Brazil, analysed with an `instituted economic process’ framework, demonstrates how the trilemma is a spatial and historical socio-economic phenomenon, varying significantly in its dynamics in different environmental and resource contexts. The paper concludes by highlighting challenges to developing a social scientific theory in this field.

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Басовский, Леонид, Leonid Basovskiy, Елена Басовская, and Elena Basovskaya. "The Problem of Factors of Economic Growth in Modern Russia." Scientific Research and Development. Economics 6, no. 5 (November 19, 2018): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5bcf13598a5fb9.84952458.

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In the Russian economy after the crisis of 2008–2009 systemic changes have been occurred. In the period before this crisis, Russia experienced economic growth, which was faster than the growth rate of the world economy, then after the crisis, economic growth rates do not exceed the growth rates of the world economy. The use of econometric models of economic growth made it possible to establish the following. Changes in traditional growth factors — labor and capital — account for only 11% of the economic growth before the crisis, and only 3% after the crisis of 2018–2009. Obviously, the change in the rates of economic growth in modern Russia is due to other economic factors, factors related to human capital, innovations, institutional, political, social factors.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political economy and social change'

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