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Yang, Fan. "A Discourse on discours : Habermas, Foucault and the Political/Legal Discourses in China." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015DENS0016/document.
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Les questions d’adaptabilité de la démocratie occidentale dans le contexte chinois ont toujours été une préoccupation importante. Cette recherche vise à étudier l’adaptabilité de la démocratie délibérative dans le contexte de la chine en termes de perspective normative. Tout d’abord, on s’est concentré sur la Théorie de discussion de droit et démocratie de Habermas, parce que c’est une des théories normatives de délibération démocratique les plus discutées en Chine aujourd’hui. Compte-tenu de la normativité et de l’idéalité de la théorie de Habermas, la théorie du discours des relations de pouvoir de Foucault est introduite pour illustrer la tension entre différentes théories de discours occidentaux. Puis, afin d’enquêter sur les adaptabilités de ces deux théories du discours dans le contexte chinois et d’équilibrer la tension entre les deux, un autre concept normatif, la rationalité confucéenne, est attirée sur des sources culturelles traditionnelles chinoises. En conséquence, trois dimensions de la théorie du discours, ainsi que les relations entre eux, sont présentés. Certaines descriptions empiriques sur les faits de la Chine historique et politique sont également nécessaires d’utilisation pour expliquer, compléter ou interroger ce cadre théorique. Deux perspectives de tension sont toujours critiques dans toute la recherche : la tension entre universalité et particularité et la tension entre les théories normatives et des faits socio-politiques. Grâce à l’approche des études de texte, ainsi que des études de conception et d’études empirique comme suppléments, la recherche est menée comme suit. Le premier chapitre traite de la tension entre la théorie du discours du droit et de la démocratie de Habermas et les faits sociaux. Le chapitre 2 analyse la tension entre la théorie du discours de Habermas et la théorie du discours de Foucault et plaide en faveur de la remise en question des problèmes de tension. Le troisième chapitre tente de rechercher les ressources dans les cultures politiques traditionnelles chinoises et de proposer une autre théorie normative de discours, la théorie du discours de la rationalité confucéenne, pour équilibrer la tension entre les deux précédentes théories normatives de discours. On fait valoir que le type idéal de rationalité confucéenne (un type normatif de rationalité de valeur) peut être utilisé comme un pont de communication entre les deux théories du discours opposées. Le chapitre 4, par des descriptions empiriques sur l’espace publique et les discussions politiques/juridiques dans la société traditionnelles chinoise, explique la théorie normative proposée au chapitre 3 et tente de réexaminer et de redéfinir les notions d’« espace publique » dans le contexte de la Chine traditionnelle. Enfin, le chapitre 5 se concentre sur les descriptions des discussions politiques et juridiques dans l’espace publique des nouveaux médias de la Chine d’aujourd’hui. C’est une réponse empirique pour toutes les études normatives antérieures, et aussi une enquête sur la tension entre les théories normatives et les expériences sociales. Je soutiens que, en raison des différentes structures cognitives et les différents modes de pensée dans les différentes cultures, il devrait y avoir différents paradigmes normatifs de la démocratie du discours dans les différents contextes culturels, et que la normativité et la réalité sont les deux faces d’une même médaille. Les théories normatives du discours sont des guides pour les pratiques de la démocratie délibérative et les pratiques de la démocratie délibératives peuvent vérifier, compléter ou améliorer les théories normatives du discours. Outre la démonstration des dimensions plurielles de théories du discours, une autre intention pratique de cette thèse est de plaider pour une approche de la démocratie délibérative, qui serait à la fois chinoise et moderneThe adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas‘s Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas‘s theory, Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas‘s normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas‘s discourse theory and Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the foregoing two normative discourse theories. It is argued that an ideal type of Confucian rationality (a kind of normative value rationality) can be used as a bridge between the two opposite discourse theories. Chapter 4 further explains the normative theory that was proposed in Chapter 3, and tries to reexamine and redefine the concepts of ―Public Sphere‖ and ―Deliberative Politics in the context of traditional China through empirical descriptions on the ―Public Sphere‖ and political/legal discussions in traditional Chinese society. Finally,Chapter 5 focuses on the descriptions of the political and legal discussions in China's new media public sphere today. It is an empirical response to all the normative studies mentioned above, and at the same time an investigation on the tensions between the normative theories and the social experiences. We argue that, because of the different cognitive structures and diverse modes of thinking in specific cultures, there should be different normative paradigms of discourse democracy in corresponding cultural contexts. Normativity and reality are the two sides of the same coin. Normative discourse theories serve as the guidance for the practices of deliberative democracy, which can, in its turn, verify, supplement, improve and challenge the normative discourse theories. Apart from demonstrating of the multiple dimensions of discourse theories, another practical intent of this thesis is to promote an approach leading to discourse democracy that would combine elements of both Chinese and modern, consistent with both the fundamental predilections of Chinese civilization, and the practical needs of a modern China
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Воргач, Аліна Андріївна. "Translation-specificity of political discourse." Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2020. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/15233.
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Tapsell, Peter Grant. "Politics and political discourse in the British monarchies, 1681-5." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439045.
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van, Vliet Luc. "“Beyond Politics”? A Post-political Discourse Analysis of Extinction Rebellion." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27369.
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Extinction Rebellion (XR) is a social movement committed to non-violent civil disobedience to persuade governments to act on climate change. As part of this aim, it approaches climate change as a non-partisan and unifying issue. At the same time, environmental political theorists have identified climate change as a distinct site of post-politics. They problematise the widespread understanding of climate change as a catastrophic force of ‘nature’ that must be managed to protect humanity. This discursive representation de-emphasises the systemic drivers of climate change to justify addressing the issue within the existing parameters of the prevailing political order that perpetuates it. In this context, this thesis aims to analyse XR from a post-political perspective. It argues that the group’s apolitical framing of climate change reflects dominant climate discourse, which undermines the movement’s political effectiveness. Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, the thesis conducted a discourse analysis of XR’s framing of climate change, focusing on its implications for the group’s argument for political change. The analysis revealed two primary ways that XR reproduces dominant post-political climate discourse, as well as an emphasis on a moral, rather than explicitly political, justification for political action. Together, these findings illuminate how XR’s representation of climate change is post-political, limiting the group’s capacity to build a diverse social movement that embraces the conflict inherent to political demands for a better social and environmental future.
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Dunne, Michele Durocher. "Democracy in contemporary Egyptian political discourse /." Amsterdam : J. Benjamins, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392783365.
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Polymeneas, Georgios-Alexandros. "Political discourse during the European economic crisis: epistemic stance and legitimizing strategies in Greek political discourse (2010-2012)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664234.
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This study presents a multidisciplinary framework for the analysis of evidential meaning in the Greek political discourse during the period of the current European debt crisis, and moving beyond a mere content analysis it sheds light on how political elites position themselves towards the knowledge they communicate, taking also into consideration the several ideological and political aims related with the legitimization of austerity. Our main point is that the construction of evidential meaning is a form of a social act, therefore an approach is developed that enhances the discursive approaches to the Epistemic Stance with a detailed theory of context. Emphasizing the context sensitivity of the expression of evidential meaning, we spell out the various Epistemic Stance types adopted by the political actors across several institutional genres, as well as their legitimizing function, since they enhance the speakers’ evidential standing and authority during the struggle for exercising epistemic control over the audience.
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Kuhn, Christina T. "Public Political Discourse in Roman Asia Minor." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485459.
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The present thesis provides a historical analysis of public political discourse in the cities of Roman Asia Minor in the period between 30 BC until AD 250. It sheds light on the political, social and cultural contexts in which political speech was embedded (e.g. Roman rule, the power of the urban elite, the Second Sophistic, the philosophical schools) and shows how these contexts shaped and sometimes transfonned the nature, fonn, function, thematic scope and major concerns of political discourse in the imperial period. Starting from a study of the main protagonists and fora of political speech, the thesis examines the possibilities and limitations of political debate in the civic institutions, the function of political discourse as an instrument of exercising control of elite power, the issue of consensus and concord in civic politics, the aims of rhetorical training, the power of persuasion and perfonnance, and the development of an ethics of political communication with parrhesia and moral instruction as its basic features. On the evidence of the literary and epigraphic sources the present study argues that, despite the constraints of Roman rule, there was still a remarkable vitality of public political discourse in the councils, assemblies and courtrooms of the poleis due to the intense competitiveness among the urban elite and the recognition of the demos as a relevant political factor in the decision-making process. Civic politics continued to be oriented towards the concerns of the demos, and the key notions of democratic rhetoric and ideology remained a living political heritage in this period. It is against the background ofthis vibrant political culture that certain developments in the theory and practice of political discourse could increasingly gain ground: the intrusion and establishment of sophistic and perfonnative elements in political discourse, and, as a response to it, the emergence of a meta-discourse on the basic principles of political speech.
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Chan, Chi-wang, and 陳志宏. "Huang Shizhong's fictional writings and political discourse." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015387.
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FRIAS, MARCIA VIEIRA. "TELLING STORIES: SELF-PRESENTATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=11709@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROEste trabalho propõe contribuir para a compreensão da cena política brasileira contemporânea e, para tanto, articula Análise da Narrativa de viés sócio-interacional com discurso político visando oferecer uma visão do lingüista sobre o fenômeno da popularidade do presidente Lula. O corpus da análise são narrativas pessoais encaixadas em seis discursos pronunciados pelo presidente entre abril de 2006 e março de 2007. Baseada de modo flexível no modelo de narrativa laboviano e na noção de história de vida de Linde, e recorrendo ainda às noções de enquadre, conforme Bateson e Goffman, e de alinhamento, de Goffman, a análise dos dados identifica as várias identidades que o presidente Lula constrói naquelas narrativas: de migrante nordestino, de operário, de líder sindical, de pai, de presidente. Ao mostrar como essas identidades são narrativamente construídas, a análise ressalta as qualidades de caráter e nuances de sentido projetadas e indica, em relação aos variados públicos dos discursos do presidente, como esses sentidos e identidades podem promover a obtenção de alinhamentos e funcionar como pré-condição para o atingimento do objetivo básico de persuasão que define o discurso político.
This work is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the contemporary Brazilian political scene: it integrates Socio-interactional Narrative Analysis with political discourse aiming to offer a linguist`s perspective on president Lula`s continued popularity. Personal stories embedded in six speeches delivered by the president between April 2006 and March 2007 form the corpus of this analysis. Freely based on Labov`s narrative model and on Linde´s notion of life story, and also resorting to the notion of frame as per Bateson and Goffman, and to Goffman`s footing, the analysis identifies several self- presentations constructed and displayed by president Lula through those personal stories: Northeastern migrant, blue collar worker, union leader, father and president. By showing how these identities are narratively constructed, the analysis emphasizes projected character traits and singularities of meaning and indicates, in relation to the different audiences of the president´s speeches, how these meanings and identities can obtain alignments and function as a pre-condition for achieving persuasion, the basic objective of political discourse in general.
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Youssef, Heba. "Colonising nationalism : Zionist political discourse 1845-1948." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43360/.
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This thesis traces the emergence of the Zionist political movement from the mid nineteenth century until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The thesis explores the impetus behind the mainstream political movement which led to the establishment of the State, throwing light on the kaleidoscope of spiritual and political Zionisms. However, the ultimate focus is on the statist form of Zionist ideology which marginalised other forms of Zionism rendering them historical curiosities devoid of meaningful political impact. I analyse the texts of some prominent Zionist ideologues through the theoretical framework of nationalist, colonial and post-colonial theories forging the concept of colonial nationalism to interpret and analyse Zionism. I limit my work to Zionist political texts and their anchor in the surrounding milieu of European nationalism and colonialism in the 19th century. The chapters deal with different trends within the then emergent movement from spiritual Zionism and the religious justification of political Zionism through liberal and bi-national Zionisms. Each chapter engages with Zionist political thought offering textual analysis and historical contextualisation of the major forms of the movement. I argue that at its inception, Zionism was anchored in European ethno-nationalism and colonialism and a modern and highly contingent interpretation of the Hebrew biblical traditions. As such it is rendered a reactionary and regressive form of ethno-nationalist colonialism that, as an ideology in the contemporary world, it can only survive when it is premised on ideas of cultural supremacy. Thus post-Zionism with its espousal of a multiplicity of narratives and valorisation of minority rights is, rather than forging a new de-territorialized identity, a return to a model of diasporic Jewish identity where a common cultural heritage is disparate from citizenship and nationality.
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Баранова, Світлана Володимирівна, Светлана Владимировна Баранова, Svitlana Volodymyrivna Baranova, and O. S. Rozhenko. "Teaching the Translation of Political Discourse Texts." Thesis, Sumy State University, 2017. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/67239.
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High-quality translation of political discourse texts depends on the
level of the language proficiency and professional skills of an interpreter.
An important component for a successful translation is the availability of
the background knowledge and the related political terminology in the
mind of the interpreter. Therefore, without decreasing the role of the first
two components in the professional training of an interpreter, we will
focus on the issue of broadening the background and terminological
knowledge in the political sphere [1, 155].
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Foung, Kin Wai Dennis. "A critical discourse analysis of political speeches." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/979.
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.
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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining.
According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations.
In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government.
Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance.
When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Jansson, Daniel. "Peasant Political Thought : Politics, Discourse, and Identity in the Age of Liberty." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225745.
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Burris, Jessica Margaret. "Finding Feminism in American Political Discourse : A Discourse Analysis of Post-Feminist Language." UNF Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/395.
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The term “feminist” is a widely used label that is often embraced by women who do not advocate feminism. The wide use of the feminist label in contrast to the declining presence of feminist activism indicates a problem with the development of a third wave of feminism in the United States. In this study, I evaluated trends in feminism in the United States through an analysis of public political discourse. A semantic discourse analysis of political discourse from 1870 to 2011 evaluated a shift in the use of inclusive and exclusive pronoun usage by female political speakers. Speeches compiled for this study were obtained from internet sources such as NPR, C-Span and CNN, and evaluated the oratory of Victoria Woodhull, Geraldine Ferraro, Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin and Michelle Bachmann. The results of this study indicated that there was not a strong shift in the use of inclusive and exclusive pronouns overtime, but there was a large growth in both population and diversity of the targeted audience, and this growth was often not accommodated for in the discourse of contemporary female political candidates. The slow shift in inclusive discourse indicated a post-feminist line of thought that questioned the validity of an argument for a third wave of feminist activism in the United States. Political discourse cannot define a cause for post-feminism, but can indicate a downward trend in the influence of feminism as a contemporary cultural movement.
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Feros, Kate. "Counter-discourse in Australian political literature : the picaresque /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17430.pdf.
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Albadarin, Emile. "The Palestinian political discourse between exile and occupation." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14762.
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This dissertation is an attempt to explain the general principles behind the Palestinian political discourse that followed An-Nakba in 1948. This analysis will be carried out in three parts: the First Part starts with an introduction that lays out the questions, objectives and structure of this research before delving into the theoretical and analytical frameworks that guide the last two chronological parts of the dissertation. The Second Part focuses on the Palestinian political discourse between 1948 and the late 1980s. The Third Part examines the period that followed from the 1990s onward. While trying to distill discursive orienting-principles, the analysis will display how the discursive transformations evolved and it asks about their performative corollaries in everyday life, whether at the ideational or the spatial level. In addressing this question, this dissertation made two interdependent original contributions: the main contribution uncovers the main rules of formations and logics of the Palestinian representative discourse. That explains also the internal transformation and evolution of this discourse, and how these logics directed policymaking. In general, I attempted to summarize the Palestinian discursive rules of formation into eleven overlapping rules: (1) an-Nakba and the order of discontinuity, (2) an-Nakba and the pursuit of a solution, (3) provisional horizon, socialization and referentiality, (4) motion, (5) logic of division, (6) statehood, (7) realist-liberalist peace, (8) mathematico-judicial schema, (9) market logic, (10) security as peace, and (11) replacement. The second contribution is a byproduct of exploring the philosophical debates that I touched upon in order to build a methodological framework that helps us understand the connection between change and discourse.
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Qaiwer, Shatha Naiyf. "A study of identity construction in political discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/36158/.
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This thesis interrogates the construction of identity and self-presentation strategies in the discourse of the current President of the United States of America, Barack Hussein Obama. The study seeks to answer questions about how the President constructs the various identities evident in his discourse, what kinds of resources are drawn upon, and how the resulting identities contribute to gain the support of the audience and the progression of political discourse in general. The present study sheds light on the construction of the personal, relational and collective identities utilising a pluralistic mixed-method approach. It draws upon the tools provided by corpus linguistics alongside a more fine-grained, narrative-based critical discourse analysis. The qualitative analysis offers a methodological synergy based on the insights of research conducted in critical discourse analysis, sociolinguistics and narrative analysis. The study investigates not only the way identities are constructed and defended, but also their significance in shaping the professional image of the President as a caring and self-made leader. Moreover, the study examines the construction of attitudinal identity in Obama’s discourse, whether in reflecting upon his own attitude or in reference to the collective identity of the American people or the Democratic Party as a whole. The study concludes with a consideration of the potential significance of the present research, along with suggestions for future research explorations.
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Hardman, Dean. "Political ideologies and identity in British newspaper discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10601/.
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Newspaper editorials have a special role within the pages of the press, as they are openly persuasive and there is less emphasis on objectivity (Lee and Lin, 2006). They represent the participation of the newspaper in public debate (Le, 2003) and are sites where the ideological stances of a newspaper can often be found (Hackett and Zhao, 1994). Editorials frequently focus upon issues surrounding national politics, often discussing political leaders and the decisions taken by leading politicians. This thesis investigates four British newspapers, The Guardian, The Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Mirror, in order to assess the different ways in which identities have been constructed over the past thirty-five years by the newspapers for the political leaders featured in the editorials. The thesis utilises a novel analytical framework that modifies Critical Discourse Analysis by incorporating theories of performed identities and metaphor with a "Discourse Historical" approach to critical analysis. The creation of identities, alongside the stance adopted towards individuals and political issues, are found to both help create an ideological identity for the newspaper itself while simultaneously encouraging readers to conceptualise events in such a way that serves the ideology in question. The findings show a series of strategies used by newspapers to evaluate political leaders and their decisions in ways that serve the newspapers' ideologies. Differences in the linguistic strategies used to reflect stance in tabloid newspapers when compared to broadsheet newspapers are also found.
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Finlayson, Alan. "Political ideololgy and the mythic discourse of nationalism." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337692.
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Presvelou, Ourania. "PA.SO.K. 1974-1985 : the transformations of political discourse." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020912/.
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This Thesis is a study of the phenomenon of PA.SO.K. - a political movement - which managed through a discourse without concrete class connotation to become hegemonic within a period of seven years from its founding in 1974 and to maintain hegemony in 1985. Employing the concept of articulatory -hegemonic practices an attempt is made to analyse, pinpoint and understand the transformations of PA.SO.K.'s discourse during the two periods 1974-1981 and 1981-85, when conventionally we close the discourse, emphasising the changes in the meaning of its component elements, their relations to the elements of the other discourses within the conjuncture and the transforming articulations between them. It is argued that the intelligibility of the discourse is revealed by the exhaustive mapping of the emergence of the interrelations of its key elements; that the continuous construction of the discourse has been found in a reciprocal relation to the events of the conjuncture and the opposed articulatory practices of the other Parties; and each element has acquired its meaning both by its opposition to one or more antithetical concepts and its position within the concrete discourse. It is also argued that gaining hegemony in 1981, as much as its maintainance with small loss in 1985, was the result of the degree of coherence of PA.SO.K.'s discourse in combination with the weakness of the practices of the other Parties. Within this framework of analysis the State and Education are examined as elements of a concrete discourse. Their identities are a correlation of this articulation and the relation between them, far from being a determined one, is the consequence of the articulatory-hegemonic practices within the conjuncture. It is argued that in and through PA.SO.K.'s articulatory practices the degree of socialization of education became greater and, consequently, so did its autonomy from the other branches of the state, compared with that it had acquired in the 1974-81 period within New Democracy's discourse.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Hassan, Ali Rassul. "The political discourse of Islamic reform and modernity." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=227585.
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This thesis examines Islamic reform as an intellectual-political movement that began in the first quarter of the 19th century and lasted until the first quarter of the 20th century. It was a philosophy founded by a group of Muslim-reformists as a result of their perception that degradation of Islamic civilisation and deterioration of the Islamic world had followed the so-called 'shock of modernity'. The investigation is based on the study of selected exponents of the Islamic reform movement. It examines the notions of political discourse of the Muslim-reformists, with particular reference to the problem that was central for Islamic reform: 'How did the political discourse of Islamic reform respond to the challenges of modernity at this early historic moment of opening up a communication with European modernity?' This discourse is examined through the texts that were produced by the Muslim-reformists following contact with European modernity and their realisation of the difference between the development of Europe and the retrogression of the Islamic world. The thesis sheds light on their attempts to find the causes of this retrogression and the ways to overcome it, examining their calls for a return to the Islamic ideals which are represented by the Qur'an and the Sunna and their interest in European modernity. This thesis also sets the Muslim-reformists' positions against the historical, political, and theological background that influenced their response: the French Revolution and Enlightenment philosophy on the one hand, and the theological tradition of Islam on the other hand. Emphasis is given to the ways in which they used both these traditions to offer original answers to the problems of the Islamic world. It is this common ground which, it is suggested, makes their political discourse intelligible and perhaps even essential, and gives a special interest to their interpretation.
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Stallings, Bethany Ann. "Discourse of Defection: Political Representation of North Koreans." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1186.
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This paper uses theoretical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze articles from a South Korean English-print newspaper (the Korea Times), one humanitarian group's website (Liberty in North Korea), and an article in The Economist as examples of the two major discursive styles of representation(s) of North Korea and its people. In mapping the two major representations of North Korea and its people: 1) as "defectors" and 2) as "refugees," I examine the discursive themes employed in each of the three texts. I conclude by describing some of the implications of a discourse of defection and suggest that for future interactions with North Korea to be mutually fruitful, major English media sources must re-examine the terminology used and how it charges North Koreans with a political incentive that belies the underlying reasons for their displacement. Alternative representations and conceptions of North Korea should look to its people in order to see how they are representing themselves. In addition, international diplomacy and news media should learn about the history of relations between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in order to develop a culturally contextual representation of North Korea.
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Souza, Vilmar Ferreira de. "Power relations in Padre Cícero's epistolary political discourse." Florianópolis, SC, 2011. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/95058.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-graduação em Letras/Inglês e Literatura CorrespondenteMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-25T20:09:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 299821.pdf: 1348939 bytes, checksum: b9f9a6a82914a2020f00e8f7481a9152 (MD5)
The "Phenomenon of Juazeiro" has fascinated the academic world as Braga (2008) in anthropology, Araujo (2007) in economics, and della Cava (1970) in history attest. Nevertheless, research from a linguistic and discourse perspective has lagged far behind. To tap this gap, the present work looks at Padre Cícero's epistolary political discourse on the fight for Juazeiro's independence from Crato, by drawing on concepts and categories from systemic-functional grammar (SFG) and critical discourse analysis (CDA) with a view to analyzing power relations among the social actors involved in the fight. From SFG, I utilized the systems of transitivity, speech function, mood, and modality for the descriptive and interpretative stages of analysis; from CDA, I borrowed the concepts of ideology (Fairclough, 1989, 2003) and hegemony (Gramsci, 1971, Fairclough, 2003, Laclau & Mouffe, 1985). Five research questions were posed: The first looks at how Padre Cícero represents himself and the other political actors of the social practice of fighting for Juazeiro's independence. The second asks how he construes, for himself and for the other social actors, their social roles. The third and the fourth questions inquire how the concepts of ideology and hegemony assist in the explanatory analytical stage. The last one looks at the kinds of power relations originated from the previous analyses. To answer the research questions, I analyzed four letters written by Padre Cícero in 1910 and published in O Rebate, with my access to them having been through Guimarães and Dumoulin (1983). The first two ones were addressed to the Governor of Ceará Col. Nogueira Accioly (L1 & L2), and the latter two, to the Mayor of Crato Col. Antônio Luís (L3 & L4). The letters were broken down into clauses, which were analyzed in relation to the categories of transitivity, speech function, mood, and modality. The transitivity results showed that two macro-figures emerged from the data, the first being of Padre Cícero as a powerful political actor as realized by his taking up prominent transitivity roles such as Actor in material processes, for instance, and the second being of him as a conciliatory political player as realized by, for example, his use of relational processes for the purpose of representing his relationship with Col. Antônio Luís as friendly. These macro-figures were reinforced by the results generated from the speech function, mood, and modality analyses. Padre Cícero construes his social role as a powerful politician by engendering his political world as a place of little space for uncertainty by using little modality. Parallel to this, his image of a conciliatory political player emerges as he struggles to reinforce his friendship with the Mayor of Crato and to show a disposition to help with the independence project on many occasions. Additionally, he construes Col. Antônio Luís's social role as equally powerful as the transitivity analysis of L3 and L4 shows. As for Col. Nogueira Accioly and Juazeiro and/or its people, Padre Cícero maintains the same passive pattern that characterized them throughout the analyses. The data were then analyzed for the concepts of ideology and hegemony, giving rise to three hegemonic lines and to three power relations. Next, the limitations of the present study were discussed, which were followed by suggestions for future research. Finally, two pedagogical implications were discussed, and the presentation of a sketchy model for analyzing political discourse proper was put forward
O "Fenômeno de Juazeiro" tem fascinado o mundo acadêmico,como atestam Braga (2008) na antropologia, Araujo (2007) naeconomia e della Cava (1970) na história. Entretanto, a pesquisado ponto de vista linguístico e discursivo não acompanhou asoutras áreas. Para explorar essa lacuna, o presente trabalhoanalisa o discurso político epistolar de Padre Cícero produzido durante a luta de Juazeiro por sua independência em relação a Crato. Vale-se de conceitos e categorias da Gramática Sistêmico-Funcional (GSF) e da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), com vista a analisar as relações de poder entre os atores sociais envolvidos na luta. Da GSF, utilizei os sistemas de transitividade, função discursiva, modo e modalidade nas fases descritiva e interpretativa da análise; da ACD, apropriei-me dos conceitos de ideologia (Fairclough, 1989, 2003) e de hegemonia (Gramsci, 1971, Fairclough , 2003, Laclau & Mouffe, 1985). Cinco perguntas de pesquisa foram feitas. A primeira interroga sobre como Padre Cícero representa a si mesmo e aos outros atores sociais da prática social de lutar pela independência de Juazeiro. A segunda indaga como ele constrói, para si e para os outros atores, seus papéis sociais. A terceira e quarta inquirem como os conceitos de ideologia e de hegemonia ajudam na fase explicativa da análise. A última questão aborda os tipos de relações de poder que emergiram das análises anteriores. Para responder as perguntas, analisei quatro cartas, coletadas em Guimarães e Dumoulin (1983), escritas por Padre Cícero em 1910 e publicadas em O Rebate. As duas primeiras foram endereçadas ao Governador do Ceará, Cel. Nogueira Accioly (L1 e L2); e as outras duas, ao Prefeito de Crato, Cel. Antônio Luís (L3 e L4). As cartas foram segmentadas em orações, que foram analisadas em relação às categorias de transitividade, função discursiva, modo e modalidade. Os resultados de transitividade mostraram que duas macro-figuras surgiram a partir dos dados. A primeira é a do Padre Cícero como um ator político poderoso, evidenciada por papéis relevantes de transitividade, tais como Ator em processos materiais, por exemplo. A segunda mostra-o como um político conciliador, o que é percebido, por exemplo, no uso que ele faz de processos relacionais com a finalidade de forjar uma relação amigável com o Cel. Antônio Luís. Essas macrofiguras foram reforçadas pelos resultados oriundos da análise da função discursiva, do modo e da modalidade. Padre Cícero, ao usar pouca modalidade, interpreta seu papel social como um político poderoso, construindo seu mundo político como um lugar com pouco espaço para incertezas. Paralelamente a isso, sua imagem de político conciliador emerge quando ele se empenha para reforçar sua amizade com o Prefeito do Crato e mostrar disposição, em muitas ocasiões, para ajudar com o projeto de independência. Além disso, ele representa o Cel. Antônio Luís como igualmente podero, tal como evidenciado pela análise de transitividade de L3 e L4. Quanto ao Cel. Nogueira Accioly e a Juazeiro e/ou ao seu povo, Padre Cícero mantém o mesmo padrão passivo que os caracterizou ao longo das análises. Esses resultados foram confrontados com os conceitos de ideologia e hegemonia. Como resultado, o confronto mostrou a existência de três linhas hegemônicas e três relações de poder. Em seguida, as limitações do presente estudo foram analisadas e foram dadas sugestões para futuras pesquisas. Finalmente, duas implicações pedagógicas foram discutidas e um modelo esquemático para a análise do discurso político propriamente dito foi apresentado
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Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.
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Chen, Par Jian Yao Joyce. "Déconstruction des constructions discursives de la Nouvelle-Calédonie: Analyse critique du discours dominant et du discours alternatif depuis 1983." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21662.
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Désignée officiellement comme une « collectivité d’outre-mer à statut particulier » par la République française, la Nouvelle-Calédonie se révèle une société unique en son genre. Le sujet du statut de la Nouvelle-Calédonie suscite la polémique surtout à cause du résultat surprenant du référendum sur l’indépendance en novembre 2018. Cette thèse s’appuie sur l’analyse du discours critique pour démontrer les influences des constructions discursives dans le débat sur l’indépendance de la Nouvelle- Calédonie. L’analyse aborde deux types de discours qui comportent des représentations différentes de la Nouvelle-Calédonie ; le discours dominant et le discours alternatif. Le premier est produit par la République française et le dernier par les indépendantistes kanaks. En appliquant une analyse du prédicat et une analyse métaphorique de ces discours à partir de 1983, il est évident que les représentations du discours dominant prennent le devant au cours de l’histoire du débat sur l’indépendance en Nouvelle-Calédonie. Alors que cette thèse traite de la question de la Nouvelle- Calédonie, les conclusions affirment l’influence puissante du discours plus généralement. En effet, les présuppositions qui sous-tendent le discours dominant ont le pouvoir de délimiter et contraindre les possibilités d’action de la réalité sociale.
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Guttieri, Karen Rochelle. "The American political discourse on the Cuban missile crisis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42067.
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This thesis examines and critiques the American political discourse on the
Cuban missile crisis of 1962. The event itself is past, yet words used to
describe and explain the missile crisis capture and give meaning to the
experience. The meaning of the crisis begins in a basic sense, then, with the
discourse. The increasing availability of material evidence has reinvigorated
the discourse on the missive crisis. Where relevant, recent evidence will be
employed to critique previous and recent interpretations of the this seminal
event.
Consensus and debate are both to be found in the discourse on the
Cuban crisis. First, there is a large body of shared understanding, or
conventional wisdom, on the crisis. Secondly, there is disagreement as to
the meaning of the crisis in recent manifestations of the discourse. The
essay will use a propaganda model lo examine the politically necessary
mythology embodied in the conventional wisdom. This thesis will use a
tendency analysis approach to organize the debate on the missile crisis,
along the lines of ideological schools of thought, and within the context of a
larger American nuclear debate. The propaganda and the tendency analyse
models complement the general approach of discourse. These models have
been developed specifically for the study of politics, yet the methodology of
each is statement analysis; as such these models are rooted in language,
ana so conform with the general discourse approach.
Security is the common referent of both the conventional wisdom and
the current debate. In particular, the President, as the custodian of nuclear
weapons, is the principle actor responsible for national security. The
powerful image of the President dominates the conventional wisdom, and retains significance in the contemporary ideological debate on the lessons of
the missile crisis.
The nuclear arsenal at the disposal of the President endows him with
great, but double-edged power. The paper concludes with some general
observations on the special significance of Presidential leadership as
represented in the discourse on the missile crisis, and as necessitated in
confronting crises in general. First, in crisis, there is little time for the
President to make difficult decisions. Secondly, there may be greater
devolution of authority to the military forces deployed to convey the
credibility of American deterrence. As such, the subordination of force to
policy must remain sound. The image of the President is, of necessity, an
image which combines prudence and strength. Manufactured images are
not enough however. Policy must be tested in terms of its alleged purpose.
Likewise, doctrine must be evaluated in terms the purpose of the policy it is
designed to support.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Youssef, Maisaa. "A violence properly political, discourse, discrepancy, and discursive agency." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37423.pdf.
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O'Toole, Gavin Eugene Bernard. "Political discourse and neoliberal reform in Mexico 1988-1994." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2001. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1600.
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This thesis examines the impact of economic liberalism on the dominant source of legitimation in Mexico - nationalism - during the presidency of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-94). It asks whether national ideology remained of value as a legitimising force given the ways in which neoliberalism challenged its social rationale and looks at the search for a new basis of consensus. The thesis argues that salinismo continued to find nationalism valuable to maintaining consensus by providing a formula which could mediate rival individual and social claims. It analyses nationalism through the content attributed to the individual and the social in political discourse of the period. Chapter 1 argues that a relationship has existed between political economy and national ideology since Mexico's independence. This has been determined by elites seeking to establish a state sufficiently stable to enable economic development. In the 20th century, conceptions of nationality provided criteria for "nation-building", the creation of an integrated citizenry free of divisions which threatened stability. Chapter 2 argues that Salinas continued to find nationalism of legitimising value to his own state reforms, but adapted it to neoliberal priorities. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on how Salinas dealt in two instances - landholding and free trade - with conflicts generated by rival conceptions within nationalism and neoliberalism of the individual and sovereignty. Chapter 5 examines how intellectuals reassessed nationalist ideology, and how the new models of community they imagined reflected the search for a legitimising formula functional to the new political economy. Chapters 6 and 7 argue that opposition parties on Left and Right also sought such a formula and assessedth e need to mediate individual and social claims. The thesis contributes to an understanding of the role nationalism has played in Mexico's capitalist development, shedding light upon its fate within accelerated modernisation.
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Paz, Mariano. "Ideology and dystopia : political discourse in contemporary fiction cinema." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529922.
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The present thesis consists of a discussion of contemporary Western science fiction cinema from a cultural studies perspective. In particular, this work is focused on the analysis of political ideology and its discourses as they are conveyed in the visual, aural, and narrative dimensions of a selected corpus of films from three different countries: Argentina, Britain and the United States. The selection of this range of cinema industries is informed by the intention of widening the spectrum of science fiction criticism, which is mostly focused on American cinema, and also on the cross comparative purpose of examining three central forms in which Western films are produced and distributed: the hegemonic American blockbuster, the independent peripheral cinema of Latin America, and the mid-level position exemplified by a European film industry such as Britain's. The analysis of the selected corpus is approached from an interdisciplinary perspective that draws on several theoretical frameworks from cultural studies and social philosophy, such as Lacanian psychoanalysis, postcolonial theory, post-structuralism, and critical theory. The underlying premise of this thesis is that, through the representation of imaginary, dystopian worlds and societies, science fiction films are in fact engaging with the critique of contemporary reality and articulating collective concerns and anxieties about the present. In consequence, films are examined here in a hermeneutic manner, with the objective of identifying and revealing the complex set of critiques of contemporary institutions, practices and discourses that are conveyed in the texts. The discussion is organised in three chapters, each covering three case studies that are representative of the selected cinema industries. Films studied in detail include the Star Wars prequels (1999-2005), La Sonämbula (1998), Adios Querida Luna (2005), La Antena (2007), Code 46 (2004), Children of Men (2006), and 28 Weeks Later (2007). Each chapter is organised according to certain theoretical parameters that allow for a critical reading of the texts, establishing connections between the films' subtexts and the social contexts in which they were produced. This work aims to demonstrate that the analysis of popular culture is essential for the understanding of how political concerns, anxieties and traumas can be expressed and articulated, whether in avowed or disavowed forms, not only in hegemonic texts but across the entire field of Western cultural production. Additionally, this thesis argues for the need to approach the study of cinema from the point of view of critical theory, as an appropriate way to uncover the ideological dimensions, represented in the films, that are critical of dominant discourses and institutions.
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Purves, Zhenya. "How do Grapus' posters function in a political discourse?" Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551119.
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The work of the design atelier Grapus has often been referred to as influential, significant and iconic. They have been cited as the inheritors of the Polish Poster School and have appeared in the poster histories of the zo" century for their approach to political graphics. Despite this there have been no attempts to provide a detailed examination of their posters, or to understand how their posters function as political. This thesis attempts to fill this gap through a dialogical analysis of their political and cultural posters. It will establish how their posters function and communicate in a political discourse. To define how their posters are political this thesis looks at the designer's early development and the specific context for their politicisation. As Grapus approach to a design brief relied on a eo-authorship process between client and designer these relationships were an important part in how the posters were constructed. The analysis will focus on their posters for political parties and organisations, and their posters for specific cultural organisations with whom they had shared political convictions. The dialogical analysis revealed that specific discourses are contained within their visual references and grammars. The specific references position their posters within \ a particular political framework. To address how they continue the work of the Polish Poster School I will infuse the analysis with comparisons to the Polish designers to understand how they impacted on Grapus. Finally I will provide an international perspective on how Grapus are positioned within a community of socio-political designers, and how they have contributed to an international graphic language of the socio-political poster.
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Vout, Caroline. "Objects of desire : eroticised political discourse in Imperial Rome." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272020.
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Phillips-Anderson, Michael Andrew. "A theory of rhetorical humor in American political discourse." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7739.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Magnani, Natalia. "Immigration Control in Italian Political Elite Debates: Political Discourse Analysis of Immigration Policy in." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485571.
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This dissertation studies the emergence and the development of an immigration and asylum control policy in Italy over the last twenty-five years. The theoretical and methodological background of the research is a discourse-analytical approach to public policy. My analysis is therefore focused on official political discourse about immigration control and my main data are parliamentary debates concerning the most important Italian immigration acts passed from the early 80s to the present. The general aim of the thesis is to challenge the taken for granted nature of contemporary immigration policies by showing in the specific case of Italy how the meaning of the immigration control problem was constructed differently across time and across the political spectrum by the political elite. I also show that by defining the problem space Italian political elite discourse has conditioned the possible policy on the issue, rather than merely legitimising it ex post. In each Chapter ofmy thesis I deal with a different stage ofthe history ofItalian immigration control policy and I highlight the emergence, consolidation and transformation across political parties and political coalitions of different arguments, narratives and stories in relation to the nature of the immigration problem and the rationale for itS regulation. I then examine the policy devices that: were consistently advocated. My research also aims at understanding under what conditions and for what reasons the Italian elite discourse on migration control has been articulated in a certain form and why it has been changed or maintained. I show that the conditions of possibility of a certain political discourse about migration, and consequently of a certain immigration policy, are subject to change and are influenced by the interaction of multiple factors. Among them a crucial role is played by contingent party political struggle; mutual discursive positioning; pre-existing discursive structure on the migration policy issue; political ideologies; representations of national identity; transformations in the structure of political institutions and the impact of Europe and the ED policy on internal narratives about national identity.
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Nakano, Minoru. "European integration and changing British discourse on sovereignty." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13400/.
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This study investigates whether British elites’ discourse on sovereignty has changed as European integration has progressed. Academic research has long recognized the existence of discourse change regarding sovereignty, and the process of European integration is likely to be a modern event that produces such change in elite understanding of sovereignty. The dissertation thus investigates the question of whether elite discourse on sovereignty has indeed changed in the context of European integration. This research is separated into two parts. The first part examines how the academic literature has discussed sovereignty in the contemporary world, how sovereignty has generally been conceptualized in Britain and the challenge of European integration to the academic and British political debates around sovereignty thereby presenting the key mechanism behind modern discourse change. The second part conducts a discourse analysis focusing on statements of British MPs from British accession to the EC to the debate on the Treaty of Lisbon. In order to conduct discourse analysis, MPs are classified into specific groups: Government, the Conservative Party, the Labour Party, and those who favoured a bill, and those who were against a bill. Further, I divide the process of European integration into three time periods: the Accession to the EC and the referendum on membership (1971-1975); the Single European Act and the Treaty of Maastricht (1985-1993); and New Labour (1997-2009). The analysis is carried out by a comparison between different groups and time periods. Ultimately, the dissertation determines whether British elites’ discourse on sovereignty has changed and, if so, whether there is a new interpretation of sovereignty in modern day Britain.
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Jannusch, Amber. "Politics among friends : political persuasion through the lens of sequential inferential paradigm." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1339.
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The purpose of this research is to investigate actual communication and real world interactions among friends, in order to add to our understanding of political persuasion. Opinions and attitudes are affected by more than deliberate persuasive attempts, and politics are more than just elections and candidate speeches. What people say or do on an everyday basis with friends can be just as - if not more - influential, particularly as a meaning-making endeavor to establish, test, or solidify attitudes. An alternative approach to political communication should address the ongoing interactive nature of meaningmaking and the role of relationships in political persuasion. Thus this study uses discourse analysis through the lens of Sequential Inferential Paradigm to examine a conversation among friends about a political topic, finding that the structure of the conversation and the relationship between the participants are important considerations of influence.
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as politics, politics as identity a anthropological examination of the political discourse on same-sex marriage /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11282005-141753/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Title from title screen. Emanuela Guano, committee chair; Kathryn A. Kozaitis, Susan McCombie, Cassandra White, committee members. Electronic text (96 p. : photos) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 11, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-96).
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as Politics, Politics as Identity: An Anthropological Examination of the Political Discourse on Same-Sex Marriage." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/10.
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Marriage has come to be center-stage in a semiotic and ideological “culture war.” The issue of same-sex marriage has emerged as a defining political argument shaping the manner by which the contemporary gay rights movement positions itself. In Georgia’s 2004 election, a constitutional amendment was proposed defining marriage as legal unions between only biological men and women. In response, campaigns were organized by both supporters and opponents to same-sex marriage. This thesis examines the politics of spectacle at play through which both sides of this argument positioned themselves. This thesis employs anthropological theory, queer theory and public sphere literature to illuminate the campaign against same-sex marriage as one of not only the denial of citizenship rights, but of identity recognition. The methods of theatricality employed by both sides of this debate are examined alongside the manners by which they represented themselves as legitimate voices in the fight over “marriage.”
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Haig, Edward. "Media Representations of Political discourse : A critical discourse study of four reports of Prime Minister's Questions." 名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/8158.
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Crépault, Daniel Pierre-Charles. "Myth Making, Juridification, and Parasitical Discourse: A Barthesian Semiotic Demystification of Canadian Political Discourse on Marijuana." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39094.
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The legalization of marijuana in Canada represents a significant change in the course of Canadian drug policy. Using a semiotic approach based on the work of Roland Barthes, this dissertation explores marijuana’s signification within the House of Commons and Senate debates between 1891 and 2018. When examined through this conceptual lens, the ongoing parliamentary debates about marijuana over the last 127 years are revealed to be rife with what Barthes referred to as myths, ideas that have become so familiar that they cease to be recognized as constructions and appear innocent and natural. Exploring one such myth—the necessity of asserting “paternal power” over individuals deemed incapable of rational calculation—this dissertation demonstrates that the processes of political debate and law-making are also a complex “politics of signification” in which myths are continually being invoked, (re)produced, and (re)transmitted. The evolution of this myth is traced to the contemporary era and it is shown that recent attempts to criminalize, decriminalize, and legalize marijuana are indices of a process of juridification that is entrenching legal regulation into increasingly new areas of Canadian life in order to assert greater control over the consumption of marijuana and, importantly, over the risks that this activity has been semiologically associated with. Although the government’s legalization decision seems to be a liberalization of drug policy at odds with processes of juridification, it is shown that legalization’s transformation of irrational and criminal marijuana users into legitimate consumers subject to a strict regulatory framework is entirely compatible with a neo-liberal perspective that is saturated by the myth of irrationality and the necessity of paternal power. The reaching of this counterintuitive conclusion helps demonstrate this dissertation’s primary contribution: the illustration of the value of Barthesian semiotics as a means of producing new and alternative insights into seemingly familiar criminological issues.
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Phillips, Louise Jane. "Discourse and themesong rhetoric : reproduction and transformation of the discourse of Thatcherism across socio-political domains." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262572.
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The focus of the thesis is the operation of the discourse of Thatcherism across different sociopolitical domains: official Conservative Party texts and official Labour Party texts (speeches by Cabinet and Shadow Cabinet members to the Annual Party Conferences in 1990 and 1991), news media (coverage of the 1990 and 1991 Party Conferences), the arguments of members of the public (1990) and of grassroots Labour Party members (1991) and grassroots Conservative Party members (1991 and 1992). A theoretical model of discourse and rhetoric was constructed, drawing principally on different theories of discourse, on research on rhetoric, and on the social constructionist perspective in social psychology. The research aimed to draw a link between macro processes of social and cultural change and micro processes of everyday language use. An attempt was made to explore processes, involving the use of a particular type of rhetoric (labelled the themesong), by which discourses are produced and transformed, and corresponding meanings are negotiated. The roots of themesong rhetoric in the genre of the everyday world facilitate take-up by the mass media and the public, and thus the penetration of the discourse of Thatcherism into the language of individual language users. In order to identify the extent to which elements of the discourse of Thatchensm and the Welfare discourse were used in texts as source discourses, and the ways in which they were transformed to produce new discourses, the following research was conducted: discourse analysis of the speeches of Cabinet and Shadow Cabinet members at the Annual Labour and Conservative Party Conferences (1990 and 1991); discourse analysis of print and broadcast media coverage of the Conferences (1990 and 1991); discourse analysis of 22 interviews with members of the public before and after the Conferences (1990); discourse analysis of twelve depth interviews with grassroots members of the Conservative and Labour parties at the Conferences (1991), and six depth interviews with grassroots members of the Conservative Party (February 1992). It was found that in all of the domains studied, the discourse of Thatcherism was reproduced and transformed through the selective use of themesong rhetoric.
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Owens, Jerry. "The Proper Role of Religious Conviction in Moral-Political Discourse." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626287.
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Li, J. "Translating Chinese political discourse : a functional-cognitive approach to English translations of Chinese political speeches." Thesis, University of Salford, 2013. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/29385/.
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This thesis presents a theoretical attempt to look into the process of political translation in China and the textual products from a functional-cognitive perspective by combining the CDA models of Fairclough and van Dijk. The functional linguistic parameters parallel to Fairclough’s functional forms of textual analysis serve as a micro-level device for the close examination of texts. At the macro-level, van Dijk’s direction of CDA from a socio-cognitive perspective accounts for the core relation between the power enactment and discourse production in a more profound manner. Meanwhile, anchored in the Chesterman’s model of translation norms, it sets out to argue that political translation in China is both an institutional operation and a reciprocal process of norm-reformation practice in specific context models. The theoretical propositions are instantiated by comprehensive text analysis from a functional perspective. The corpus of data is formed by five sets of Chinese political speeches and their English translations delivered by the state leaders in each of their periods of leadership. The focus is on presenting a holistic picture of the translation of Chinese political discourse through a spectrum of political genres. The thesis is concluded with the theoretical insights that the roles translation intends to play in mediating between the source and target communities manifest themselves as the power-mediated knowledge transfer between the source group and the target group depending on which group holds more discursive power in specific context models. Practically, it is observed that translation, as a form of political engagement in an era when China is governed under a more open and settled leadership, demonstrates a growing tendency to interact with the target readership and engages in the negotiation with the orthodox norms.
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Dekavalla, Georgia. "Terror and Evil in Iraq : A Study of Political Discourse." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2631.
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Abstract
This paper aims to determine the validity of the hypothesis that the effective and eloquent use of language can result in shaping beliefs and altering people’s perception of certain phenomena. In order to explore this hypothesis, a speech given by George W. Bush concerning the Iraq war is examined, followed by a brief study of two corpora, the Time Magazine Corpus and the Corpus of Contemporary American English, where the collocationpatterns of the words Iraq, evil and terror are examined. The paper starts by presenting the main concepts upon which this study is based, i.e. mental frames, the co-operative principle and conversational maxims and finally, various rhetoric devices. An analysis section follows, where George Bush’s speech is examined with the help of the concepts mentioned above and the analysis continues with the corpora-study. One of the conclusions drawn in this study is that, indeed, it is possible that language can be successfully used in order to achieve political means, and that there seems to be a shift in the American public’s perception of concepts such as Iraq and terror, visible in the use of language. However, it cannot be said with certainty whether the Bush Administration has managed to dominate public discourse, through a study as minor as this one.
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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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Berglund, Tobias. "Understanding Prostitution : A political discourse analysis on prostitution in Sweden." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-21588.
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Suhr, Stephanie Alexandra. "The Phenomenon of 'Political correctness' A Corpus-based Discourse analysis." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504200.
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Moore, Carol Jacquelyne Mullings-Brown. "Uncovering cultural categories in political discourse amongst Deh Cho Dene." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413618.
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Waddle, Maurice. "Playing the man, not the ball : personalisation in political discourse." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22456/.
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'Playing the man, not the ball' in its literal sense relates to a sporting encounter, typically where an individual directs physical aggression towards an opponent rather than the expected and legitimate practice of playing the ball. In the area of political discourse, it is used metaphorically for verbal exchanges which have a personal focus rather than sticking to a topical agenda. It is a form of political communication which can attract media attention, particularly when it is impolite or insulting. It can be derided by members of the public (e.g., see Allen et al., 2014), although some claim it is key to maintaining public interest in politics (e.g., Gimson, 2012). This research project is an investigation into this form of discourse - labelled 'personalisation' - within politics in the United Kingdom. Analyses are based in two high profile settings for political discussion: broadcast interviews and Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs). The aims of the interview studies include assessing the forms personalisation can take, its prevalence in mainstream politics, and its function and effectiveness. It becomes apparent that personalised responses to interviewers' questions by leading politicians take many forms and can be used as a control measure when faced with troublesome questions. Findings indicate a shortfall in existing literature on equivocation. The studies of PMQs are focused on disrespectful exchanges between Prime Ministers and Leaders of the Opposition across a 37-year period. Those findings reveal changes across time in the use of personally aggressive language, and how relative politeness can emerge during certain policy debates. Theoretical explanations for the significant differences are discussed. Significant differences between leading figures in their conduct during the exchanges also becomes evident. Indeed, some party leaders are shown to be prominent in their personally antagonistic behaviour, despite having made pledges to the contrary.