Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political discourse

Academic literature on the topic 'Political discourse'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 22 June 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political discourse"

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ALMOHADAWI, MOHAMMED AKIF, and HISHAM ALI HUSSAIN ALI. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE." Al-Adab Journal 3, no. 142 (September 15, 2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v3i142.3822.

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The problem of political discourse appeared as a reaction to the need for generalization, or as an attempt to find common points in the vast variety of political research. This task was set by Foucault when he wrote "The Archaeology of Knowledge", for disciplines "whose boundaries are very blurred, and the content is extremely vague - in the history of ideas, science, thought or knowledge". Political discourse, apart from the obvious at first glance, the positive results for the study of political phenomena - the possibility of mutual use of different methodological approaches to maximize research of related Sciences (psychology, sociology, linguistics), providing the possibility of determining the object of study, it also raised a lot of issues to be addressed: in particular, the problem of deducing from-under charges of excessive bias in linguistic research, issues, media, politic, problems of structure and form.
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McQuade, Joseph. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE, POLITICAL VIOLENCE." Sikh Formations 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2014.890799.

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Kuriata, Yuliia, and Olena Kasatkina-Kubyshkina. "STYLISTIC DEVICES IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu «Ostrozʹka akademìâ». Serìâ «Fìlologìâ» 1, no. 13(81) (May 26, 2022): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2519-2558-2022-13(81)-27-30.

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The article considers stylistic means in political discourse on the examples of modern and past Ukrainian and foreign politicians’ speeches. The topicality of the research is defined by social significance of political discourse in the life of the community. The term “political discourse” is determined as coherent oral or written text, expressed through both verbal and nonverbal means, which directly depends on the situation of political communication in combination with pragmatic, socio-cultural, psychological and other factors. A “figure of speech” (also called “stylistic device” or “rhetorical device”) is commented on as a modification of the usual or expected sequence of words, grammatical structure of the text, the use of any of a variety of techniques to produce an auxiliary meaning, idea, or feeling. The definitions and examples of “metaphors” (especially those related to war, sports, family, and nature), “personification”, “repetition”, “simile”, “allusion”, “synechdoche”, “hyperbole”, “emotive language”, “balance”, “inverted phrases”, “rhetorical figures” (rhetorical appeals, questions, assumptions, exclamations, statements), “gradation”, “ invective” and “poetic devices” (irony as one of the ways of comic perception of reality, which contains a hidden mockery of facts or people; satire as sharp, sensitive ridicule of vices, errors, negative phenomena of reality, a sharp, scathing mockery; sarcasm as malicious, scathing mockery, caustic irony; humour as benevolent laughter, aimed at exposing certain defects of human character or inconsistencies in people’s lives, in their behaviour; word game as a means of artistic expression that functions in language as a joke, created on the basis of polysemy, homonymy and similar sounding words) are given in the context of political discourse. “Sustained (prolonged) metaphor” is enlarged on with relation to the problem researched. Factors influencing the choice of political discourse strategies and tactics are commented on, namely – a personality of a politician and their function in the political system and the addressee of communication.
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Bull, Peter. "The Microanalysis of Political Discourse." Philologia Hispalensis 1, no. 16 (2012): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ph.2012.v26.i01.04.

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Tribunskaya, N. A., and V. D. Shevchenko. "Discursive structures in political communication." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 27, no. 3 (November 26, 2021): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2021-27-3-118-127.

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This article is devoted to the study of discursive structures in political sphere, represented in the English-language source Twitter of the President of the United States. The purpose of the study is to analyze the discursive structures that arise as a result of the interaction of political discourse with other types of discourses. To achieve it, the authors set the following tasks: identifying specific markers in the political discourse that characterize the presence of other discourses, analyzing the features of the communicative situation of message transmission, identifying the features of interdiscursiveness and polydiscursivity. The material for the analysis was the statements of Donald Trump on Twitter from November 1, 2019 to November 1, 2020. The authors of the article use various methods: descriptive, contextual analysis, comparative, methods of observation, content analysis and discourse analysis. The study uses the linguistic concept of the American scientist D. Himes S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G, which includes an analysis of the components of the situation: Participants, Ends, Act Sequence etc. Using the situation model in the messages, participants, their actions and other characteristics were highlighted. President is the author of the messages, while the addressee is a collective one. The same participants, depending on the context of the message, become participants of other types of discourses. The article examines such types of discourses as economic, educational, medical, which are part of political discourse. Their choice is due to the socio-economic significance of the issues of economics, education and health care in the life of society. In addition, the media function of political communication is reflected. The texts are posted on the Internet platform, due to which the political discourse is drawn into the space of the Internet discourse. The analysis made it possible to identify the features of large-scale interdiscursiveness and to highlight the levels of discursive heterogeneity.
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Karachun, Yuliia G., and Nataliia V. Davydenko. "POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: THEORY OF IDEOLOGICAL ASPECT." Alfred Nobel University Journal of Philology 2, no. 26/2 (December 26, 2023): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2523-4463-2023-2-26/2-9.

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The article aims to highlight the ideological aspect of functioning politically correct vocabulary in today’s political discourse. Realization of the set goal requires solving the following objectives: 1) to expand scholarly ideas about the interpretation of the linguistic phenomenon of political correctness as sociocultural and linguistic-behavioral ideology in political discourse; 2) based on the introduction of the concept “ideologeme”, to consider the classification of politically correct lexical units, used in political discourse. The study employs general scientific methods (analysis, generalization, systematization of scholarly literature on the issue under consideration), and special linguistic methods (method of distributional analysis, used to highlight the main semantic groups of politically correct vocabulary; elements of the component analysis, necessary to identify components of the meaning of politically correct vocabulary; method of linguostylistic analysis, used to study the functional features of politically correct vocabulary based on ideology). The study emphesizes that the phenomenon of political correctness can be considered as a set of linguistic and discursive components of the organization of the ideological life of modern society. It is able to ensure the creation of a system of values, the worldview, and in general, it involves the construction of reality. It also contributes to the dissemination and imposition of an opinion on one or another issue in society, mostly within the framework of political discourse. Political correctness deals with a situation in society where implicit rules of decency direct the ways of behavior in interactions between people of different races, genders, religions, and other potentially charged groups. It seems that political correctness in political discourse concerns all those areas where the interests of different groups of society collide on the issue of what is considered true or false, and who is considered “friend” or “stranger”. Political correctness as an ideology offers a polar view on social life, highlighting in it “good” (“right”) and “evil” (“bad”). Consequently, at the most abstract level, there are concepts that define the basic values of political correctness, as well as their “antipodes,” i.e., undesirable, unacceptable phenomena and attitudes that must be eradicated from social life (e.g., tolerant / intolerant, inclusive / exclusive). In general, it can be presented as a “good – evil” model of social life, which works and effectively serves the ideology of political correctness. Admittedly, the structure of the language of political correctness is not as homogeneous as it is commonly believed. Two broad layers of politically correct lexis that perform qualitatively different roles are considered: politically correct vocabulary, which includes the “acceptable” names of sociocultural phenomena, and politically correct ideologemes that are used to directly form a politically correct worldview. Ideologemes, as a result of the interaction of language and ideology, represent the optimal means for establishing the dominant worldview in the country, influence the transformation of the addressee’s already existing political worldview, explicitly or implicitly represent the basic ideological and value attitudes of a society. If politically correct vocabulary itself is an example of the “acceptable” language concerning different matters of life, then the ideologemes of political correctness set standards for assessing heterogeneous sociocultural phenomena. In turn, the attitudes and principles embedded in the ideologemes are implemented in the creation of politically correct vocabulary. Thus, ideologemes form the core of the linguistic representation of the ideology of political correctness. Their most common word-formation models involve exploiting the suffix -ism, the -free and -phobia components, the words “bias” and “sensitivity”. It can be argued that the ideologeme is a characteristic element of the global political context, since it is a kind of reference to a particular era, its meaning is detached from the direct meanings of the lexical units that make it up. An adequate understanding of the ideologeme is possible only in the context of the corresponding ideology and the context of a certain period of history.
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PRYMA, Viktoriia. "STRATEGIZING DISCOURSE: BUSINESS ENGLISH IN POLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS." Проблеми гуманітарних наук Серія Філологія, no. 56 (December 21, 2023): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2522-4565.2023.56.7.

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Summary. In the third millennium, English-speaking linguistics is a key science, because it allows you to prolong life and improve its quality. The choice of the research topic is relevant, since modern linguistics is actively developing discursive research, and the problem of English-language political discourse is one of the most important in the world. The purpose of the research presented in this article is to analyze the genre differentiation of English-language political discourse. In modern linguistics, there is a wide range of approaches to understanding the term "discourse". English political discourse is one of the varieties of institutional discourses, which are characterized by certain normative frameworks and specific communicative goals. From a linguistic and sociocultural perspective, political and media discourses are in close interaction. This phenomenon is the subject of more and moreresearch, but is still considered mainly as an interaction of two separate discourses, each of which has its own characteristics. The object of this research is the study of political narrative as linguistic and cultural phenomenon It is a complex discourse that combines political discourse and media discourse. In the future, we will use the term “English-speaking” for marking both the British and American versions of this narrative. We come to the conclusion that the English language is political discourse is a complex system of communication that performs three main functions: informative, evaluative and imperative. Variety of political genres discourse allows politicians to fully inform the public about their activities, shape public opinion and influence decision-making. English-language political discourse is the subject of many academic studies discipline, as it is an important tool of political power and influence on society.
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Theodoropoulou, Irene. "Social class struggle as a Greek political discourse." Discourse & Society 30, no. 1 (September 28, 2018): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926518801080.

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This article delves into the construction of social class division in Greek political discourse. More specifically, the focus is on ‘ταξική πάλη’ (class struggle) as a discourse that has started being carved in Greek media since the current leftist government party, Syriza, won the election in 2015 for the first time in the country’s political history. Contrary to Syriza, which always frames its arguments on the basis of a divisive class fight discourse between the elitists and laypeople, New Democracy, the liberal and main oppositional party, tries to play down this discourse by advocating a more unifying and social class inclusive discourse. The analysis suggests that social class struggle is a theme framed within a wider shifting (anti)populist discourse constantly being negotiated linguistically in ironic ways among political elites. Both the government and opposition parties engage in tactical maneuvering of competing political discourses that, in different ways, articulate attachments to the ‘people’. The theoretical contribution of this study is the discursive theorization of social class struggle as a digitally constructed and politically relevant discourse in the context of Greek populism and its discontents.
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Moheddin, Kurdistan Rafiq, and Dr Kawa Abdulkareem Sherwani. "Hedges used in Kurdish Political Discourse." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 23, no. 3 (September 20, 2019): 648–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v23i3/pr190354.

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J. Nayef, Karim. "Political Discourse in Iraq after 2003." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 24, no. 03 (February 18, 2020): 1192–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v24i3/pr200870.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political discourse"

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Yang, Fan. "A Discourse on discours : Habermas, Foucault and the Political/Legal Discourses in China." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015DENS0016/document.

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Les questions d’adaptabilité de la démocratie occidentale dans le contexte chinois ont toujours été une préoccupation importante. Cette recherche vise à étudier l’adaptabilité de la démocratie délibérative dans le contexte de la chine en termes de perspective normative. Tout d’abord, on s’est concentré sur la Théorie de discussion de droit et démocratie de Habermas, parce que c’est une des théories normatives de délibération démocratique les plus discutées en Chine aujourd’hui. Compte-tenu de la normativité et de l’idéalité de la théorie de Habermas, la théorie du discours des relations de pouvoir de Foucault est introduite pour illustrer la tension entre différentes théories de discours occidentaux. Puis, afin d’enquêter sur les adaptabilités de ces deux théories du discours dans le contexte chinois et d’équilibrer la tension entre les deux, un autre concept normatif, la rationalité confucéenne, est attirée sur des sources culturelles traditionnelles chinoises. En conséquence, trois dimensions de la théorie du discours, ainsi que les relations entre eux, sont présentés. Certaines descriptions empiriques sur les faits de la Chine historique et politique sont également nécessaires d’utilisation pour expliquer, compléter ou interroger ce cadre théorique. Deux perspectives de tension sont toujours critiques dans toute la recherche : la tension entre universalité et particularité et la tension entre les théories normatives et des faits socio-politiques. Grâce à l’approche des études de texte, ainsi que des études de conception et d’études empirique comme suppléments, la recherche est menée comme suit. Le premier chapitre traite de la tension entre la théorie du discours du droit et de la démocratie de Habermas et les faits sociaux. Le chapitre 2 analyse la tension entre la théorie du discours de Habermas et la théorie du discours de Foucault et plaide en faveur de la remise en question des problèmes de tension. Le troisième chapitre tente de rechercher les ressources dans les cultures politiques traditionnelles chinoises et de proposer une autre théorie normative de discours, la théorie du discours de la rationalité confucéenne, pour équilibrer la tension entre les deux précédentes théories normatives de discours. On fait valoir que le type idéal de rationalité confucéenne (un type normatif de rationalité de valeur) peut être utilisé comme un pont de communication entre les deux théories du discours opposées. Le chapitre 4, par des descriptions empiriques sur l’espace publique et les discussions politiques/juridiques dans la société traditionnelles chinoise, explique la théorie normative proposée au chapitre 3 et tente de réexaminer et de redéfinir les notions d’« espace publique » dans le contexte de la Chine traditionnelle. Enfin, le chapitre 5 se concentre sur les descriptions des discussions politiques et juridiques dans l’espace publique des nouveaux médias de la Chine d’aujourd’hui. C’est une réponse empirique pour toutes les études normatives antérieures, et aussi une enquête sur la tension entre les théories normatives et les expériences sociales. Je soutiens que, en raison des différentes structures cognitives et les différents modes de pensée dans les différentes cultures, il devrait y avoir différents paradigmes normatifs de la démocratie du discours dans les différents contextes culturels, et que la normativité et la réalité sont les deux faces d’une même médaille. Les théories normatives du discours sont des guides pour les pratiques de la démocratie délibérative et les pratiques de la démocratie délibératives peuvent vérifier, compléter ou améliorer les théories normatives du discours. Outre la démonstration des dimensions plurielles de théories du discours, une autre intention pratique de cette thèse est de plaider pour une approche de la démocratie délibérative, qui serait à la fois chinoise et moderne
The adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas‘s Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas‘s theory, Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas‘s normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas‘s discourse theory and Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the foregoing two normative discourse theories. It is argued that an ideal type of Confucian rationality (a kind of normative value rationality) can be used as a bridge between the two opposite discourse theories. Chapter 4 further explains the normative theory that was proposed in Chapter 3, and tries to reexamine and redefine the concepts of ―Public Sphere‖ and ―Deliberative Politics in the context of traditional China through empirical descriptions on the ―Public Sphere‖ and political/legal discussions in traditional Chinese society. Finally,Chapter 5 focuses on the descriptions of the political and legal discussions in China's new media public sphere today. It is an empirical response to all the normative studies mentioned above, and at the same time an investigation on the tensions between the normative theories and the social experiences. We argue that, because of the different cognitive structures and diverse modes of thinking in specific cultures, there should be different normative paradigms of discourse democracy in corresponding cultural contexts. Normativity and reality are the two sides of the same coin. Normative discourse theories serve as the guidance for the practices of deliberative democracy, which can, in its turn, verify, supplement, improve and challenge the normative discourse theories. Apart from demonstrating of the multiple dimensions of discourse theories, another practical intent of this thesis is to promote an approach leading to discourse democracy that would combine elements of both Chinese and modern, consistent with both the fundamental predilections of Chinese civilization, and the practical needs of a modern China
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Воргач, Аліна Андріївна. "Translation-specificity of political discourse." Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2020. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/15233.

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Tapsell, Peter Grant. "Politics and political discourse in the British monarchies, 1681-5." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439045.

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van, Vliet Luc. "“Beyond Politics”? A Post-political Discourse Analysis of Extinction Rebellion." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27369.

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Extinction Rebellion (XR) is a social movement committed to non-violent civil disobedience to persuade governments to act on climate change. As part of this aim, it approaches climate change as a non-partisan and unifying issue. At the same time, environmental political theorists have identified climate change as a distinct site of post-politics. They problematise the widespread understanding of climate change as a catastrophic force of ‘nature’ that must be managed to protect humanity. This discursive representation de-emphasises the systemic drivers of climate change to justify addressing the issue within the existing parameters of the prevailing political order that perpetuates it. In this context, this thesis aims to analyse XR from a post-political perspective. It argues that the group’s apolitical framing of climate change reflects dominant climate discourse, which undermines the movement’s political effectiveness. Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, the thesis conducted a discourse analysis of XR’s framing of climate change, focusing on its implications for the group’s argument for political change. The analysis revealed two primary ways that XR reproduces dominant post-political climate discourse, as well as an emphasis on a moral, rather than explicitly political, justification for political action. Together, these findings illuminate how XR’s representation of climate change is post-political, limiting the group’s capacity to build a diverse social movement that embraces the conflict inherent to political demands for a better social and environmental future.
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Dunne, Michele Durocher. "Democracy in contemporary Egyptian political discourse /." Amsterdam : J. Benjamins, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392783365.

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Polymeneas, Georgios-Alexandros. "Political discourse during the European economic crisis: epistemic stance and legitimizing strategies in Greek political discourse (2010-2012)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664234.

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This study presents a multidisciplinary framework for the analysis of evidential meaning in the Greek political discourse during the period of the current European debt crisis, and moving beyond a mere content analysis it sheds light on how political elites position themselves towards the knowledge they communicate, taking also into consideration the several ideological and political aims related with the legitimization of austerity. Our main point is that the construction of evidential meaning is a form of a social act, therefore an approach is developed that enhances the discursive approaches to the Epistemic Stance with a detailed theory of context. Emphasizing the context sensitivity of the expression of evidential meaning, we spell out the various Epistemic Stance types adopted by the political actors across several institutional genres, as well as their legitimizing function, since they enhance the speakers’ evidential standing and authority during the struggle for exercising epistemic control over the audience.
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Kuhn, Christina T. "Public Political Discourse in Roman Asia Minor." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485459.

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The present thesis provides a historical analysis of public political discourse in the cities of Roman Asia Minor in the period between 30 BC until AD 250. It sheds light on the political, social and cultural contexts in which political speech was embedded (e.g. Roman rule, the power of the urban elite, the Second Sophistic, the philosophical schools) and shows how these contexts shaped and sometimes transfonned the nature, fonn, function, thematic scope and major concerns of political discourse in the imperial period. Starting from a study of the main protagonists and fora of political speech, the thesis examines the possibilities and limitations of political debate in the civic institutions, the function of political discourse as an instrument of exercising control of elite power, the issue of consensus and concord in civic politics, the aims of rhetorical training, the power of persuasion and perfonnance, and the development of an ethics of political communication with parrhesia and moral instruction as its basic features. On the evidence of the literary and epigraphic sources the present study argues that, despite the constraints of Roman rule, there was still a remarkable vitality of public political discourse in the councils, assemblies and courtrooms of the poleis due to the intense competitiveness among the urban elite and the recognition of the demos as a relevant political factor in the decision-making process. Civic politics continued to be oriented towards the concerns of the demos, and the key notions of democratic rhetoric and ideology remained a living political heritage in this period. It is against the background ofthis vibrant political culture that certain developments in the theory and practice of political discourse could increasingly gain ground: the intrusion and establishment of sophistic and perfonnative elements in political discourse, and, as a response to it, the emergence of a meta-discourse on the basic principles of political speech.
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Chan, Chi-wang, and 陳志宏. "Huang Shizhong's fictional writings and political discourse." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015387.

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FRIAS, MARCIA VIEIRA. "TELLING STORIES: SELF-PRESENTATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=11709@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
Este trabalho propõe contribuir para a compreensão da cena política brasileira contemporânea e, para tanto, articula Análise da Narrativa de viés sócio-interacional com discurso político visando oferecer uma visão do lingüista sobre o fenômeno da popularidade do presidente Lula. O corpus da análise são narrativas pessoais encaixadas em seis discursos pronunciados pelo presidente entre abril de 2006 e março de 2007. Baseada de modo flexível no modelo de narrativa laboviano e na noção de história de vida de Linde, e recorrendo ainda às noções de enquadre, conforme Bateson e Goffman, e de alinhamento, de Goffman, a análise dos dados identifica as várias identidades que o presidente Lula constrói naquelas narrativas: de migrante nordestino, de operário, de líder sindical, de pai, de presidente. Ao mostrar como essas identidades são narrativamente construídas, a análise ressalta as qualidades de caráter e nuances de sentido projetadas e indica, em relação aos variados públicos dos discursos do presidente, como esses sentidos e identidades podem promover a obtenção de alinhamentos e funcionar como pré-condição para o atingimento do objetivo básico de persuasão que define o discurso político.
This work is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the contemporary Brazilian political scene: it integrates Socio-interactional Narrative Analysis with political discourse aiming to offer a linguist`s perspective on president Lula`s continued popularity. Personal stories embedded in six speeches delivered by the president between April 2006 and March 2007 form the corpus of this analysis. Freely based on Labov`s narrative model and on Linde´s notion of life story, and also resorting to the notion of frame as per Bateson and Goffman, and to Goffman`s footing, the analysis identifies several self- presentations constructed and displayed by president Lula through those personal stories: Northeastern migrant, blue collar worker, union leader, father and president. By showing how these identities are narratively constructed, the analysis emphasizes projected character traits and singularities of meaning and indicates, in relation to the different audiences of the president´s speeches, how these meanings and identities can obtain alignments and function as a pre-condition for achieving persuasion, the basic objective of political discourse in general.
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Youssef, Heba. "Colonising nationalism : Zionist political discourse 1845-1948." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43360/.

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This thesis traces the emergence of the Zionist political movement from the mid nineteenth century until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The thesis explores the impetus behind the mainstream political movement which led to the establishment of the State, throwing light on the kaleidoscope of spiritual and political Zionisms. However, the ultimate focus is on the statist form of Zionist ideology which marginalised other forms of Zionism rendering them historical curiosities devoid of meaningful political impact. I analyse the texts of some prominent Zionist ideologues through the theoretical framework of nationalist, colonial and post-colonial theories forging the concept of colonial nationalism to interpret and analyse Zionism. I limit my work to Zionist political texts and their anchor in the surrounding milieu of European nationalism and colonialism in the 19th century. The chapters deal with different trends within the then emergent movement from spiritual Zionism and the religious justification of political Zionism through liberal and bi-national Zionisms. Each chapter engages with Zionist political thought offering textual analysis and historical contextualisation of the major forms of the movement. I argue that at its inception, Zionism was anchored in European ethno-nationalism and colonialism and a modern and highly contingent interpretation of the Hebrew biblical traditions. As such it is rendered a reactionary and regressive form of ethno-nationalist colonialism that, as an ideology in the contemporary world, it can only survive when it is premised on ideas of cultural supremacy. Thus post-Zionism with its espousal of a multiplicity of narratives and valorisation of minority rights is, rather than forging a new de-territorialized identity, a return to a model of diasporic Jewish identity where a common cultural heritage is disparate from citizenship and nationality.
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Books on the topic "Political discourse"

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Neagu, Maria-Ionela. Decoding Political Discourse. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137309907.

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Isabela, Fairclough, ed. Political discourse analysis. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Gyasi, Obeng Samuel, and Hartford Beverly, eds. Political discourse analysis. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2008.

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Musolff, Andreas. Metaphor and Political Discourse. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504516.

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Woodhams, Jay M. Political Identity in Discourse. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18630-2.

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Dallmayr, Fred R. Margins of political discourse. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989.

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Weizman, Elda, and Anita Fetzer, eds. Follow-ups in Political Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.60.

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Fetzer, Anita, and Gerda Eva Lauerbach, eds. Political Discourse in the Media. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/pbns.160.

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Fetzer, Anita, ed. The Pragmatics of Political Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/pbns.228.

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Fetzer, Anita, Elda Weizman, and Lawrence N. Berlin, eds. The Dynamics of Political Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/pbns.259.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political discourse"

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Wilson, John. "Political Discourse." In The Handbook of Discourse Analysis, 775–94. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118584194.ch36.

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van Dijk, Teun A. "Political Discourse and Political Cognition." In Discourse and Power, 155–84. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07299-3_7.

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Klopf, Nadine. "Discourse Analysis." In Global Political Sociology, 125–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25140-5_6.

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Machiavelli, Nick. "Concerning political discourse." In The Politician, 107–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39091-4_21.

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Aiello, Jacqueline. "Modern political discourse." In The Discursive Construction of the Modern Political Self, 9–22. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003273103-2.

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Simpson, Paul, Andrea Mayr, and Simon Statham. "Analysing Political Discourse." In Language and Power, 160–63. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York,: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429468896-34.

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Budge, Ian. "Dominating political discourse." In Kick-Starting Government Action against Climate Change, 37–53. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003221630-3.

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Latif, Emad Abdul. "Arabic political discourse." In The Routledge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics, 518–30. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315147062-30.

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Laclau, Ernesto. "Discourse." In A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, 541–47. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781405177245.ch27.

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Møllgaard, Eske J. "The Discourse." In The Confucian Political Imagination, 49–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74899-3_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political discourse"

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Kelly, John, and David Stark. "Decoding political discourse networks." In the 2006 national conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1146598.1146630.

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Petiy, Natalia. "LINGUISTIC INFLUENCE IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In IMPATTO DELL'INNOVAZIONE SULLA SCIENZA: ASPETTI FONDAMENTALI E APPLICATI. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/26.06.2020.v2.31.

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Garimella, Kiran, Gianmarco De Francisci Morales, Aristides Gionis, and Michael Mathioudakis. "Political Discourse on Social Media." In the 2018 World Wide Web Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3178876.3186139.

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Истомина, Екатерина Михайловна. "EMOTIVE SYNTAX IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In СЛОВО, ВЫСКАЗЫВАНИЕ, ТЕКСТ В КОГНИТИВНОМ, ПРАГМАТИЧЕСКОМ И КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ АСПЕКТАХ. Челябинск: Челябинский государственный университет, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/9785727118047_205.

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Bilokobylskyi, Yurii. "GENDER CONSTRUCTS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In International Scientific Conference Modern Science: Global Trends, Technologies and Innovations. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-354-5-23.

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Semenec, Aleksandra Ivanovna. "Gender stereotypes and political discourse." In X International students' applied research conference, Chair Natalya Vladimirovna Royba. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-111809.

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Kochneva, Iuliia. "Political Discourse In Cinematic Discourse (Based On ‘Shrek-3’)." In III PMMIS 2019 (Post mass media in the modern informational society) "Journalistic text in a new technological environment: achievements and problems". Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.08.02.82.

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Zaytzeva, E. L. "Phobias Implementation Through Political Media Discourse." In RPTSS 2017 International Conference on Research Paradigms Transformation in Social Sciences. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.02.7.

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Supriadi, Lukman, and Aceng Ruhendi Syaifullah. "Disclosing Metaphorical Analysis in Political Discourse." In Tenth International Conference on Applied Linguistics and First International Conference on Language, Literature and Culture. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007165002290232.

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Kasimova, Diana I. "APPELLATIVE FUNCTION WITHIN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In FUNCTIONAL ASPECTS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION. TRANSLATION AND INTERPRETING ISSUES. Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2712-7974-2019-6-639-649.

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Reports on the topic "Political discourse"

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Učeň, Peter. The Russia–Ukraine War and the Radicalization of Political Discourse in Slovakia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0029.

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The report opens with a reflection on the political actors who have been labelled and analysed as populists in the modern history of Slovakia. Then, it assesses the impact of the Russian aggression in Ukraine by taking into account the broader group of radical challengers to the liberal-democratic notion of “politics as usual” in Slovakia who operate beyond the populist Radical Right. Overall, the report finds that while the Russia–Ukraine war has contributed to the radicalization of the public discourse in Slovakia, it has not engendered new populist or radical actors nor caused notable changes in the ideational profiles and political strategies of existing ones.
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Kapur, Roshni. Growing Afghan-Chinese relations: Security interests dominate economic and political discourse. Critical Asian Studies, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52698/eybr3233.

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Tyson, Paul. Orchestrated Irrationality: Why It Exists and How It Might Be Resisted. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp13en.

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Orchestrated irrationality in our public discourse is produced by technologically enhanced and commercially purposed atomization and tribalism. Public discourse now leans away from a humane, free, and reasoned political rationality and towards self-interested, calculative, herd conformism. The bulls and bears of consumer society have largely displaced the civic logic of the liberal democratic pursuit of the common good. The power interests that govern global consumerism are enhanced by subordinating the common good ends of genuinely political life to the self-interested and profit driven dynamics of the market. Orchestrated irrationality in our public discourse makes politics into a meaningless theatre of incommensurate tribal interest narratives, which is a convenient distraction from the collaborative consolidation of market power and state control. This orchestrated irrationality can only be combatted by seeking to de-atomize citizens and de-tribalize the public square in order to recover the priority of political life over market and authoritarian power in our public discourse. That is, a postcapitalist civilization that is oriented to a genuinely political and universally moral rationality must replace the present global order. Once we can identify the problem and the direction of cure for orchestrated irrationality, we can then take steps towards a different civilizational life-world.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Okyere, Samuel, Emmanuel Frimpong Boamah, Felix Asante, and Thomas Yeboah. Policies and Politics Around Children’s Work in Ghana. Action on Children’s Harmful Work in African Agriculture, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/acha.2021.003.

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This paper explores policy and legislation aimed at preventing, regulating, and abolishing harmful children’s work in Ghana, and the political debates and controversies surrounding these mechanisms. The paper critically interrogates the successes and challenges of previous and current policies and interventions. It concludes that legislation and interventions aimed at preventing hazardous or harmful work should incorporate both the formal legislative rights discourse and the informal, traditional rights discourse to successfully navigate the political terrain, thereby accelerating attainment of common objectives.
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Soare, Sorina. Romanian populism and transnational political mobilization. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0027.

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Once considered a partial exception to the recent diffusion of populism worldwide, Romania saw Radical Right populism return to Parliament in 2020. The Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) successfully campaigned on a platform of defending the Christian faith, freedom, the traditional family, and the nation. Although the party was initially considered the result of individual entrepreneurship linked to its founding leaders, it has successfully built on diffused networks of societal activism whose origins could be traced back to the early 2000s. However, the AUR’s track record of discourse aligned with Kremlin rhetoric calling for Western economic, political and cultural hegemony to be resisted and rolled back saw a temporary decline in voters’ support for the party. However, the party managed to rebuild consensus strategically by drawing on voters’ increased anxiety regarding the economic effects of the war. This report offers a cogent analysis of the political performance of the AUR, examining the party’s formative phase as well as its evolution since 2020, alongside a discussion of the impact of the war in Ukraine on Romanian party politics.
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Philip, Raisa. Mothers vs Children: Co-opting Child Rights as Gender Backlash. Institute of Development Studies, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.003.

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This paper examines how progressive rights frameworks are instrumentalised as gender backlash tools to suppress feminist activism. I engage with the events following Rehana Fathima’s political act ‘Body and Politics’ which faced strong backlash in the form of censure through law, and discourse capture. Using a conceptual framework I developed, I explore how various backlash concepts – co-option, censure, and discourse capture - discursively interact with each other, and identify factors that facilitate cohesion across backlash actors. I argue that in the Rehana Fathima case, the rights framework facilitated the agendas of powerful actors and not the constituents it was framed to serve. I conclude by making a case for political allyship across movements and among actors who are working on counter backlash strategies; and for deeper engagement of feminist development agendas with the sexuality of women.
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Semenets, Olena. Метафора «війна проти коронавірусу» в українському та зарубіжному медійному просторі (2020–2021 рр.). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11725.

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The main objective of the study is to reveal the specifics of the functioning of the metaphor “war against coronavirus” in Ukrainian mediatized discursive practices of 2020-2021 compared to the trends of using this metaphor in the media environment of Western countries. A research methodology is based on the approach of critical discourse analysis. The work also takes into account the results of the study of the «war against coronavirus» metaphor, conducted using the materials of public discourses in Italy, Bulgaria, and Greece. A comparative analysis of the specifics of the functioning of this metaphor in mediatized discursive practices was carried out by the author of the article as part of a joint study of an international team of scientists – a contextualized online dictionary «In Other Words» (https://www.iowdictionary.org). Mediatized discursive practices mean communications with a mass audience through various media platforms, i.e., not only through mass media, but also with the use of blogs, social networks, messengers, video hosting, etc. The findings of the study of “war” metaphors in the domestic official discourse on the problems of combating the Covid-19 pandemic during 2020-2021 are based on the analysis of public speeches and greetings presented on the official website “President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Official Internet representation”, as well as interviews of the President with leading domestic and foreign publications. The result of the research is the conclusion that, in general, the metaphor “war against the coronavirus” has not gained such widespread use in Ukrainian official, political, and media discursive practices as in Western countries. This is due to the fact that starting in 2014, Ukraine repels the military aggression of the Russian Federation in the east of the country. Therefore, in 2020–2021, the word war was actively used in the public and personal discourses of Ukrainians primarily not in a metaphorical, but in a direct, denotative sense: war as an armed struggle in the east of Ukraine. Key words: Covid-19, metaphor “war against coronavirus”, political discourse, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, mediatized discursive practices, critical discourse analysis.
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.
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Wolf, Maximilian. The Great Recoil: Politics after Populism and the Pandemic. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0011.

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Paolo Gerbaudo’s Great Recoil presents a timely, wide-ranging and perspicacious, yet focused and detail-attentive summary of the present political conjuncture leading up to the Covid-19 pandemic, an incisive prognosis of the political terrain of the years that will follow it and offers a bold new approach to combating the illiberal populist discourse plaguing the West today — while laying the groundwork for the progressive transformations that need to replace it.
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