Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political decentralization, policy formation'
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1
Nihoul, Gaëtane. "Policy formation in the European Union : the case of education policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312553.
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Schmidt, Gregory D. "State, society, and the policy process planning, decentralization, and public investment in Peru, 1956-1980 /." [Ithaca, N.Y.] : Latin American Studies Program, Cornell University, 1987. http://books.google.com/books?id=FNhWAAAAMAAJ.
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Martini, Nicholas Fred. "The role of ideology in foreign policy attitude formation." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3347.
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I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).
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Ding, Xiaojiong, and 丁笑炯. "Policy metamorphosis in China: a case study of minban education in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37392323.
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Meng, Ke. "Political institutions, skill formation, and pension policy : the political-economic logic of China's pension system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4fd792f6-3b4a-46e0-9566-582de50e7106.
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A central theme in the comparative political economy of the welfare state is the complementaries between political institutions, social policy, and labour markets. Yet little has been written to uncover this political-economic nexus in China, the world’s second largest economy. This thesis partly addresses this gap by studying the country’s public pension arrangement, the most expensive component of the Chinese welfare state. It reveals the working of the political-economic nexus in contemporary China by showing how it leads to two puzzling characteristics of the Chinese pension system, namely the rapid expansion in the absence of electoral pressures and the persistent regional fragmentation despite an authoritarian central government. It argues that the decentralised authoritarianism, in which China’s authoritarian central state delegates to regional governments and motivates them to achieve its developmental goals, drives municipal authorities to compete with each other in generating economic growth. In the inter-municipal economic competition, local leaders adopt an expansionary yet localising pension policy. This facilitates the formation of specific industrial skills, which are productive for particular local industries, and the retention of skilled industrial workers. All of this is important to local economic development in a context of industrial upgrading and labour market tightening. It is argued this is the political-economic logic of China’s pension system.
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Bowen, Jonathan Mark. "Labour Left policy formation and Labour Party politics in Britain, 1931-1940." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387505.
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Sun, Meng. "Formation and political consequence of environmental enforcement policy : evidence from the US industries." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29562.
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This thesis investigates the determinants and political consequences of environmental enforcement policy. Three related issues are addressed using the U.S. manufacturing data at the industry level.
In Chapter Two, I estimate the elasticity of the violation rate with respect to the inspection rate for the manufacturing industries. This elasticity reflects the power of monitoring to alter an industry's violation status. I conduct an estimation of the relationship between the violation rate and the inspection rate at the industry level, but the specification is based on an individual firm's dichotomous choice in a logit model. The inspection rate is instrumented with the average of the inspection rates across the other industries that belong to the same sector to deal with the endogeneity problem. I find a substantial variation in the elasticity of the violation rate across industries.
Chapter Three addresses how the inspection rate is determined by the elasticity of the violation rate when the enforcement agency is constrained with a hard monitoring budget. Given the limited monitoring resources, an enforcement agency targets industries where inspections are more likely to be effective in reducing violations to reduce inefficiency, all else equal. Empirical results confirm the positive effect from the absolute elasticity on the inspection rate. But the magnitude of this effect is conditional on the pollutants' damage level to the environment.
In Chapter Four, I focus on the political consequence of the enforcement policy. I employ the campaign contribution presented to the Congress exclusively for environmental issues (EPC) to measure the environmental political activity. The variation of EPC across industries is explained by the enforcement policy stringency. Although the EPC presented to the Congress is targeted directly on environmental regulation rather than the enforcement policy, a stricter enforcement policy increases the marginal benefit from contributing the congress for relaxing the regulation. Empirically, I use the elasticity of the violation rate to isolate the effect of the enforcement policy on EPC. An industry with a larger elasticity of the violation rate is more likely to face a higher inspection rate, it therefore is more likely to engage in the political activity.
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Wieschhoff, K. Harry. "The salience of economics in the formation of United Kingdom foreign policy : the Persian Gulf, 1945-1955." Thesis, University of Essex, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.278642.
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Carrier, Joseph J. "Police training and public policy : the formation and implementation of Peace Officer training in Missouri /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3012954.
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Akinyemi, Mathilda Chinyere. "Origins, articulations and continuities in foreign policy and foreign policy formation : the case of civilian and military governments in Nigeria 1960-1990 with special reference to South Africa." Thesis, University of Kent, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385625.
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Paun, Christopher. "Democratization and police reform." Bachelor's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1948/.
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This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization?
The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.
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Rojas, Ines Nayhari. "Women and the Democratic State: Agents of Gender Policy Reform in the Context of Regime Transition in Venezuela (1970-2007)." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/10.
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This study examined the process of gender policy reform. It sought to explain how and when gender policy reform has taken place in Venezuela across time. The study entailed observations of gender policy reform during specific periods of Punto Fijo democracy (1958-1998) characterized by democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of hybrid democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered were the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights, and political participation. The analysis showed that the likelihood of gender policy reform depends on the combination of certain institutional configurations that provide women access to the decision-making process of the state, but most importantly to women’s groups’ capacity to organize a broad coalition of women from civil society and from within the state apparatus behind to push for a reform by using frames based on international agreed norms that legitimized their struggle. In addition, the analysis reveals the negative influence of religious groups with decision-making power on the process of gender policy reform.
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Coto, Gabriela Cordioli. "Limites e potencialidades da participação no Programa Descentralização da Cultura de Porto Alegre." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/55690.
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O Programa Descentralização, da Secretaria Municipal de Cultura de Porto Alegre, foi resultado de uma luta social, travada por grupos de teatro de rua, grupos locais e movimentos comunitários, pela ampliação e qualificação da participação no âmbito do governo municipal. Sua proposta política foi construída a partir de experiências como o Projeto Teatro como Instrumento de Discussão Social, do grupo Ói Nois Aqui Traveiz, em oposição às primeiras ações da Secretaria Municipal de Cultura em 1990 - de desconcentração cultural do centro da cidade. O discurso do Programa apontava para um processo de descentralização no qual as comunidades locais, organizadas coletivamente, passavam a se auto-organizar em termos de política cultural. Entretanto, é importante ressaltar que os espaços de participação na gestão pública têm sido aproveitados para controle social, por meio da colaboração e não do antagonismo da sociedade civil. Esse tipo de participação gerencial não tem como horizonte a emancipação social, mas sua cooptação. Deste modo, é necessário identificar em que medida o discurso do Programa desencadeou práticas de participação que facilitaram a obtenção de respostas para as demandas coletivas, e ampliaram a comunicação entre governados e governantes, fornecendo parâmetros para a tomada de decisão, fortalecendo a expansão da cidadania e “deselitização” da gestão pública. Neste trabalho, foi analisado em que medida a experiência de participação no Programa Descentralização de Cultura de Porto Alegre estimulou a formação de novos valores, pautados pela ética coletiva. A pesquisa de campo, entrevistas e observação participante, subsidiaram a constituição do discurso do Programa e análise das práticas de participação. Para a análise e tratamento dos dados foi utilizada uma abordagem qualitativa, identificando em que medida as práticas de participação que ocorreram ao longo do Programa resgataram os laços entre sociedade civil e Estado, transformando este último em um campo de disputa. Foram identificadas, no início do Programa, novas possibilidades de participação da sociedade civil no âmbito da gestão pública. Entretanto, os espaços de participação que se apresentavam com maior potencial de estímulo a novas possibilidades de participação, ao longo dos anos, perderam o potencial de transformação, distanciando-se deste modo, da proposta inicial de atuação do Programa.The Decentralization Program of the Municipal Department of Culture in Porto Alegre was the result of a social struggle waged by groups of street theater, local groups and community movements, for the expansion and qualification of participation in municipal government. Its proposed policy was constructed from experiments such as Project Theatre as an Instrument of Social Talk, of the group Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz, in contrast the first actions of the Municipal Culture in 1990 - the cultural desconcentration of city center. The speech of the program pointed to a process of decentralization in which local communities, organized collectively, began to self-organize in terms of cultural politics. However, it is important to highlight that the opportunities for participation in public management have been exploited for social control, through collaboration and not antagonism in civil society. This kind of participation does not have the managerial horizon to social emancipation, but his co-optation. Thus, it is necessary to identify the extent to which the speech triggered Program participation practices that facilitated obtaining answers to the collective demands, and increased communication between rulers and ruled, providing parameters for decision making, strengthening the expansion of citizenship and "deselitização" public management. In this work, which was analyzed at what extent the experience of participation in the Decentralization Program of Culture in Porto Alegre stimulated the formation of new values, guided by ethics conference? The field research, interviews and participant observation, supported the establishment of discourse and analysis of program practices of participation. For the analysis and processing of data was used a qualitative approach, identifying the extent to which the practices of participation that occurred throughout the program rescued the links between civil society and state, turning the latter into a playing field. It was identified early in the program, new opportunities for civil society participation in public management. However, the spaces of participation that had the greatest potential to stimulate new ways of participation, over the years, lost the potential for change, distancing them, this way, from the initial performance of the proposed program.
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Hotchkiss, Nikole. "Taking aim a comparative study of target groups and the formation of contemporary counterterrorism policy in France and the United States /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378354.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4073. Adviser: Clem Brooks.
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Sungbeh, Tewroh-Wehtoe. "Collaborative Governance and Anticorruption in Postwar Monrovia." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4259.
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Public sector corruption is a major problem in Monrovia. Successive national
governments have instituted anticorruption measures in the 1970s and 2000s, and anticorruption agencies were established to eradicate corruption. However, there appears to be a significant lack of resources and political willpower to prosecute corrupt government officials. A failure to curb political corruption indicates that current policies are not working. Government works when there is a perception that it delivers results and that the needs and safety of the citizenry are protected. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenology study was to gain a deeper understanding of public sector corruption at high levels of government in Monrovia. The conceptual framework for this study was based on the sociological theory of collaboration, within which governance is seen as a component of interpersonal relationships and a way to build trust and social interactions. Data were collected from open-ended semistructured interviews with former and present government officials (N = 8). The results were coded using descriptive coding to take an inventory of the contents, and to classify the coding into themes and subthemes. Results indicated that distrust among stakeholders and various governing institutions has hindered cooperation. Civic engagement and participation, patriotism, decentralization of the central government, job creation, safety and security, law and order, education and healthcare, and diluting the powers of the presidency, etc., were some of the issues raised by the participants. This dissertation may support positive social change in a meaningful way by providing policymakers with the information to make the country safe and governable, increase the standard of living and bring needed relief to the citizenry.
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Chang, Kuo-Hui. "Technological Construction as Identity Formation: the High Speed Rail, Hybrid Culture and Engineering/Political Subjectivity in Taiwan." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77976.
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This project examines the construction of the Taiwan high-speed rail (THSR; 台灣高鐵) technology as a vehicle of Taiwanese identity formation. The THSR project is a product of a hybridization of design from Japan and Europe. The Japanese and Europeans transferred their HSR technology to Taiwan, but Taiwanese policy actors and engineers localized and assimilated it to their politics, society and history. They reconstructed the meanings of HSR technology in an indigenized (Ben-Tu-Hua; 本土化) and democratic way. In addition to focusing on the THSR's technological content and engineering practice, this dissertation explores how Taiwan identity formation has shaped technology and vice versa. The identity formation and technological construction in Taiwan tell one techno-political story.
Since the 1960s and 1970s, Taiwanese engineers were forced by international politics to cannibalize technological projects, but later they began to localize and hybridize different foreign engineering skills and knowledge. This growing engineering culture of hybridity generated impacts on the development of Taiwan's identity politics. Some critical political leaders exploited their engineers' capability to hybridize to introduce international power into Taiwan. This power then was used to either strengthen the Taiwanese population's Chinese identity or to build their Taiwanese identity. Both politics and technology offered each other restrains and opportunities.
This project offers an approach from science and technology studies to understand postcolonial technopolitics. The engineering practice of hybridity in Taiwan has become a locally transformed knowledge to reframe and negotiate with the more advanced technologies from the West and Japan, even though it was a contingent outcome of earlier international politics. In addition to technological non-dependence, this engineering culture of hybridity has given the Taiwanese an independent political vision not only against China but the West and Japan. However, Taiwan paid significant prices to acquire technological non-dependence and international independence. In addition to extra wasted money and time, some over design was often seen in their public projects. Large technological projects also often draw political patronage. Moreover, techno-political survival alone might not be enough to represent postcolonial resistance.Ph. D.
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Last, Kathryn Victoria. "The social and political determinants in the formation and implementation of habitat conservation policy : the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1879/.
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The aim of the thesis is to ascertain the determinants involved in the introduction of the 'voluntary system' for the protection of habitats in the Wildlife & Countryside Act 1981 in order to explain its existence and form and also its effectiveness. The identification of the determinants involves consideration of a number of hypotheses. A positive proof shows why the voluntary approach was chosen. A negative proof shows why the alternatives of using criminal sanctions or planning control were not chosen. Hypothesis 1 is that the system adopted for species protection had proved inefficacious and thus criminal sanctions were regarded as inappropriate for protecting habitats. This hypothesis is disproved. Hypothesis 2 is that the purpose of the legislation was a determinant. The thesis will show that there is no positive proof of this hypothesis although there is the possibility of a negative proof. Hypothesis 3 is that pressure group activity in the pre-parliamentary stages of its enactment was a determinant. This shows a possible positive proof. Hypothesis 4 is that the influence of pressure groups and Parliament was a determinant during the parliamentary stages of its enactment. This hypothesis is disproved. Hypothesis 5 is that Thatcherite policy was a determinant. This shows a negative proof. Hypothesis 6 is that trends in governmental implementation mechanisms were a determinant in the adoption of the voluntary approach. This shows both positive and negative proofs. The determinants in the formation of the system are then reconsidered in the context of the impact of the system The purpose of the system is then reconsidered to evaluate the efficacy of the system. This evaluation indicates the predicted defects of the system that have materialised. The results are then considered in relation to the implementation of the Habitats Directive. Criteria for reform of the system are then proposed.
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Semmelroggen, Jan. "A critical discourse analysis of the policy formation process of the 2009 action programme on skilled labour migration in Germany." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9910.
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This thesis analyzes the political discourse on skilled labour migration in Germany between 2005 and 2009 and investigates how and why skilled labour migration polices are negotiated in the Federal Republic of Germany. In particular the thesis highlights the significance of underlying policy maker motives within the policy formation process of Germany s 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration as well as their ultimate imprint on the legislation. The critical discourse analysis of parliamentary debate in Germany between 2005 and 2009 in conjunction with interviews with relevant national policy makers, institutional actors, labour market stakeholder, and independent policy advisors reveals that there is a significant discrepancy between policy maker intent in regards to skilled labour migration legislation and the stated intent of the 2009 Action Programme. While the stated aim of the Action Programme is to facilitate and promote skilled labour migration to Germany, the analysis of relevant political debate and the stakeholder interviews reveals that German policy makers are primarily motivated to protect and promote preferential labour market access for domestic workers while at the same time restricting undesired labour migration to Germany. As a result, the policy measures of the 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration have a strong protectionist and restrictionist emphasis. Moreover, the thesis reveals that the complex and multilayered power-negotiations over skilled labour migration legislation between the various policy makers, institutional actors, and labour market stakeholders are largely shaped and framed by domestic political considerations. Notwithstanding the widely acknowledged global competition over skilled workers and the need for German labour market to maintain competitive within the global economy, immigration policy makers in Germany are primarily motivated by factors that are firmly embedded within the national political sphere and that aim to control, limit, and restrict territorial access of foreign workers into the national labour market. This in turn highlights the need for migration scholars to reposition and re-conceptualize the role of the nation-state and as an active agent in shaping international labour migration flows.
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Soltanov, Elnur. "A Political Economy Of Russian Foreign Policy: The Effects Of Natural Resource-financial Sectors On The Formation Of Russian Foreign Policy In The Context Of The International Market." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1065093/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
A POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY:
THE EFFECTS OF THE NATURAL RESOURCE-FINANCIAL SECTORS ON
THE FORMATION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF
THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET
Soltanov, Elnur
MS, Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Fatih Tayfur
January 2004, 114 pages
This research aims to analyze Russian natural resource-finance sectors&rsquoeffects on Russian foreign policy from the collapse of the Soviet Union on. The main question it tries to answer is why they are successful to determine the main contours of a relatively peaceful foreign policy in a crises-laden Russia which have had so many reasons to switch to an aggressive behavior. In this regard, the military-industrial complex is the other crucial economic sector to be referred to frequently. Given the overwhelming nature of the international structure that Russia finds itself in, and given the general change in the worldview of the Russians, it becomes clear that the resource-finance sector on the one hand and the military-industrial complex on the other are much more than mere economic sectors, being organic material cores of alternative national and international identities. Such a holistic approach in turn makes it possible to draw on the explanatory power of the legitimacy factor and to go beyond different group preferences in accounting for Russian foreign policy. Analyzing different sectors&rsquo
and their commodities&rsquo
structural characteristics in the context of the international market helps to discard the &ldquo
politics of international trade&rdquo
as a too narrow conceptual framework to study Russian foreign policy and to understand different economic sectors&rsquo
true explanatory utility.
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Brown, Martin D. "Dealing with democrats : decision making and policy formation within the British Foreign Office's Central Department with regard to the Czechoslovak political exiles in Britain and the Czechoslovak Question, 1939 to 1945." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2003. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/843798/.
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This study seeks to analyse decision making and policy formation within the British Foreign Office's Central Department in regard to the Czechoslovak political exiles based in Britain and the wider Czechoslovak question between 1939 and 1945. This thesis will examine the general interaction between the British and Czechoslovak authorities during this period and will study the development of British policy on a number of crucial issues that defined this relationship. These are the recognition question, the influence of military considerations, tripartite relations with both the Soviet Union and the Polish government in exile, relations with the Sudeten German exiles in Britain and the evolution of British policy on population transfers from Czechoslovakia, and finally the role played by the Special Operations Executive (SOE). Particular emphasis will be placed on the manner in which British policy evolved, the external influences on this process and the extent to which the exiles themselves were able to shape the prevailing course of British policy. This study is based on a detailed and systematic examination of primary materials held by the Public Records Office and in other archives. This research incorporates materials from a number of departments and from other governmental and non-governmental institutions that played a role in the creation of British policy during this period. Much use has also been made of official sources, published documents, diaries, private papers, memoirs, and the canon of secondary works on this subject in both English and in Czech. The secondary works on this subject, written during the Cold War, are of particular interest and this study seeks to undertake a critical examination of the conclusions they contain and to compare them against the current state of archival research and new developments and approaches in historical studies. This is not least as these works, predominately written by Czechoslovak emigres based in the west after 1948, continue to have a disproportionate influence on our understanding of Anglo-Czechoslovak relations during this period.
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Hayes, Howard James. "Indian women, domesticity, and liberal state formation: The gendered dimension of Indian policy reform during the assimilation and allotment eras." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278587.
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The question this thesis asks is: How have non-Indian conceptions of masculinity and femininity shaped federal Indian policy during the late nineteenth-century? The answer to this question lies, I will argue, in the process of liberal state formation itself; a process which necessarily involves the continued reproduction of gender hierarchies and systems of male power that privilege men and masculinity over women and femininity. This public/private dichotomy, and the system of gender relations it supports, restricts women's social role to within a highly circumscribed private sphere separate and distinct from the public sphere of economy and state occupied by men. Therefore, as a reflection of the overall process of liberal state formation, the process of incorporating Indian peoples into the American social, economic, and political mainstream undertaken during the assimilation and allotment eras, necessarily entailed the reproduction of Euroamerican gender hierarchies within Indian societies.
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Hagen, Achim. "Global Climate Policy Beyond Nation-State Actors." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19547.
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Internationale Kooperation zur Vermeidung von gefährlichem anthropogenen Klimawandel erweist sich als sehr komplex. Viele Schwierigkeiten, ein verbindliches internationales Abkommen mit ausreichenden Reduktionszielen zu erreichen, sind augenscheinlich und werden in bestehender ökonomischer Literatur ausführlich diskutiert. Es entstehen allerdings stetig neue Ansätze und Ideen um Klimakooperation zu fördern. Diese Arbeit untersucht neue Wege der internationalen Klimakooperation und erweitert den Horizont der spieltheoretischen Forschung zu internationalen Umweltabkommen um Ansätze aus der Global Governance, politischen Ökonomie und Außenhandelspolitik. Zudem wird die Übertragbarkeit spieltheoretischer Erkenntnisse aus der Forschung zum Klimaschutz für die transnationale Klimaanpassung diskutiert. Die Arbeit fundiert in großen Teilen auf analytisch-spieltheoretischer Modellierung. In der zu Grunde liegenden Spielstruktur entscheiden Länder anfangs, ob sie einer internationalen Koalition beitreten oder nicht. Anschließend wählen die Koalitionsmitglieder ihr Emissionsniveau in einem Spiel zwischen der Koalition und den Nichmitgliedern. In diesem Analyserahmen wird die Option mehrerer gleichzeitig parallel existierender Klimaklubs auf ihr Potenzial zur Verbesserung der Zusammenarbeit und Emissionsminderung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird der Einfluss von politischen Interessengruppen (Lobbys), die die Interessen von Industrie und Umweltverbänden vertreten, auf die Stabilität internationaler Umweltabkommen analysiert. Dies geschieht durch eine politökonomische Ergänzung des Grundmodells. Die Eignung von Handelssanktionen als Mittel zur Förderung der internationalen Kooperation für den Klimaschutz wird ebenfalls in einem analytischen Model untersucht und die Auswirkungen dieser Maßnahmen anschließend in einem angewandten allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodell quantifiziert.International cooperation to avoid dangerous anthropogenic climate change has proven to be very hard to achieve. The difficulties to reach a binding international agreement with sufficient reduction targets are evident and extensively discussed in the economic literature. Nevertheless, new ideas towards cooperation are evolving. This thesis offers an exploration of new avenues to international climate cooperation, widening the scope of game theoretic research on international environmental agreements towards global governance literature, political economy and trade. It also extends the potential applicability of the findings from the game theoretic literature on international environmental agreements for climate change mitigation as it discusses potential insights for cases of transnational climate adaptation. The analysis is based on analytical theoretical modelling, using a game theoretical model in which countries first choose between joining and not joining an international coalition. Then the coalition members choose their level of emissions cooperatively in a game between the coalition and the outsiders. It includes the possibility of multiple parallel climate clubs, focusing on their potential to enhance cooperation and emissions abatement. Further, the influence of political pressure groups (lobbies) that represent the interests of the industry and environmentalists on the stability of international environmental agreements is examined. This is done by augmenting the basic model of international environmental agreements with a politico-economic model of political contributions. The potential of trade sanctions to induce international cooperation for climate protection is assessed in an analytical model and the effects of these trade measures are then quantified in a static multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium model of globaltrade and energy.
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Özkurt, Fatma Zeynep. "The impact of EU conditionality on democratisation in Turkey : institutional transformation and policy (re)formation of minority rights, freedom of expression, the military and the judiciary." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14376/.
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This thesis focuses on the impact of EU conditionality on democratisation in Turkey. Built on the assumption that Turkey's democratisation process cannot be fully understood without taking the EU's Impact into account, this thesis argues that even if external actors (e.g., the EU) can create opportunities for domestic political change In target states (e.g., Turkey), these actors cannot impose democracy externally; instead, they can provide support, or encourage power holders towards a more open and democratic system. Ultimately, however, these efforts cannot produce democratisation unless there are sufficient pro-democracy pressures at the domestic level. Empirically, the study examines institutional transformation and policy (re)formation in Turkey in the course of Its EUaccession process by conducting cross-sectoral and cross-temporal analysis. The analysis involves four policy areas and three time periods. These areas include minority rights, freedom of expression, the military and the judiciary; the domestic changes in these policy areas are traced across three time periods: 1999-2002, 2002-2004, and 2005-2008. The study is motivated by an academic interest in the intricacy of Turkey's long-term association with the EU and seeks to explore the external and internal dynamics of Turkey's candidacy process by employing theoretical tools offered by Europeanisation research. Following a Europeanisation theoretical framework, as devised out of new institutionalist theories, the thesis traces and analyses the democratisation process of Turkey and examines Turkey's pre-accession process at two levels. It first looks Into EU-Ievel factors to explore how the EU influences domestic change In Turkey with respect to its conditionality strategy and influence mechanisms; and secondly, it examines the domestic factors that pertain to each policy area to assess how EU conditionality is translated into domestic policy responses. Drawing upon data derived from primary and secondary sources, the thesis has three main findings. First, the recent reforms in Turkey represent a substantively significant effort to consolidate Turkish democracy. Second, as the cross-sectoral analysis illustrates, Turkey's strong desire to accede to the EU played a triggering role in the institutional transformation and policy (re)formation of Turkey. Third, although EU conditionality greatly influenced the domestic political debate surrounding the recent political reforms, ultimately the internal political dynamics determined and shaped the policy outcomes in Turkey. The research also reveals that to fully understand the impact of EU conditionality on domestic change in Turkey, we need to draw on both the external incentives and the social learning models, since they explain different aspects of domestic change based on diverging international and domestic level factors. As a wider outlook, the thesis reflects on the role of international organisations in democracy promotion, relating it to wider academic debates on democratisation and Europeanisation and their implications for domestic transformations in target countries.
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Lezova, Katarina. "The influence of domestic political factors on foreign policy formation in an EU member state : the case of Slovakia and the Kosovo status process." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2013. http://research.gold.ac.uk/9460/.
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This thesis examines how Slovakia formulated its foreign policy regarding the unilateral declaration of Kosovo’s independence in February 2008. Even though considerable external pressure to recognise Kosovo was brought to bear on Bratislava by the United States and key members of the European Union, particularly during its non-permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council (2006-2007), the thesis shows how the decision not to recognise Kosovo was ultimately driven by domestic political factors. Moreover, it demonstrates that the prevailing external view that Slovakia’s position was shaped by concerns over the issue of the ethnic Hungarian minority is incorrect. Instead, the foreign policy-making process was primarily driven by the leader of the Slovak opposition, Mikuláš Dzurinda, as he sought to regain domestic political power. While the Hungarian minority issue did play a role in the debate, its significance extended only to cementing the Slovak position and preventing any re-consideration of its view. Thus, although the Slovak non-recognition policy was the result of an interaction between several factors, this thesis shows that it was, in essence, an internal affair to Slovakia. Although key members of the European Union, as well as the United States, sought to secure EU unity on the question of Kosovo, this thesis shows that there are limits to the EU’s ability to shape the foreign policies of its members – even smaller and newer ones – when strong domestic opposition to a particular course of actions exists in those states.
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Simonsson, Thomas. "States’ defense policy formation : A study of Sweden in front of the election 2014 from a rational choice perspective." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5434.
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This study uses variables derived from Rational Choice Theory to examine the theory’s predicted covariancebetween public opinion and the parties’ policies. The collection of material has been guided by three arenas: the parliamentarian, the media and the voter’s. It has categorized the analysis based on the strategy concept, using ends, means and ways. It asks how the Moderate Party and the Social Democratic Party changed their strategy within the period of 31 May 2013 and 14 September 2014, and how this can be understood from a rational choice perspective. The purpose of the study is to examine the assumptions of Rational Choice Theory in the Swedish context in front of the election in 2014, and to understand this from the perspective of the theory. This can help in our understanding of defense policy formation and to our understanding of states’ relations on the international arena. The results show that there has been a more ambitious change in defense policy which covariates with the indicated positive change in public opinion on defense issues, but this did not make defense issues one of the 2014 election’s most important questions for the voters in choice of party to vote for. This can be understood as rational, seen from a RCT-perspective, since the other issues renders more support, a circumstance that is in line with the history of Swedish elections.
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Chen, Jason. "Three Studies of Stakeholder Influence in the Formation and Management of Tax Policies." Doctoral diss., University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5157.
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This dissertation consists of three separate but interrelated studies examining the formation and management of tax policies. The first study uses stakeholder theory (ST) to investigate the strategic management practices of the Transport for London (TfL) during discrete stages in the adoption, implementation, and amendments of the tax policy reform known as the London Congestion Charge (LCC). Results indicate that TfL has utilized power, legitimacy, and urgency as its main policy management tactics with a significant emphasis on legitimatizing the LCC and its subsequent policy amendments. The second study draws on social exchange theory (SET) to reexamine the relationship between corporations and legislators during tax policy processes. Data for the study come from publicly available political action committee (PAC) contribution activities surrounding the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 (EISA07). By examining the endogeneity between legislators' voting patterns and PAC contributions by corporations, this study aims to refine empirical work on corporate political strategy, especially as it relates to crucial tax provisions embedded within an intensely debated policy proposal. Using simultaneous equations modeling (SEM), results are consistent with SET showing that an implicit and reciprocal relationship exists between corporations and legislators. This relationship affects the interdependence of how legislators vote for public policies and the amount of corporations' financial contributions to legislators. The third study investigates and aims to validate the empirical applicability of Dahan's (2005) typology of political resources in explicating the political interactions between stakeholder groups and legislators in the development of EISA07. I discuss how and why the mode of operations and various political resources employed by stakeholder groups affected the final EISA07 language concerning domestic production deduction tax credits for the oil and gas industry. Publicly available data show that both supporting and opposing stakeholder groups employ tactics consistent with Dahan's (2005) typology. However, both stakeholder groups tend to use an interactive or positive political approach to gain access and favor of legislators instead of an adversarial approach. Ultimately, the tax credits were preserved. Taken as a whole, the three studies advance the tax and public policy research literature in accounting by studying how and why relevant stakeholders affect the formation and ongoing management of public and tax policies.ID: 031001472; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Title from PDF title page (viewed July 15, 2013).; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references.
Ph.D.
Doctorate
Business Administration
Business Administration; Accounting
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Irizarry, Osorio Hiram José. "The politics of taxation in Argentina and Brazil in the last twenty years of the 20th century." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1104395372.
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Vegytė, Inga. "Profesinio mokymo politikos formavimas ir įgyvendinimas Lietuvoje (Kauno regiono atvejis)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080626_090749-65285.
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Lietuvoje pirminio profesinio mokymo politika vis dažniau paliekama aukštojo mokslo užnugaryje. Nacionalinė šalies valdžia irgi nelabai sutaria, kaip turėtų būti formuojama ši viešosios politikos sritis. Todėl šio darbo tikslas - išanalizuoti Lietuvos profesinio mokymo politikos formavimą ir įgyvendinimą, remiantis ne tik įvairiais norminiais dokumentais, bet ir atliekant atvejo analizę (Kauno regione).
Analizuojant teorinius profesinio mokymo politikos aspektus, galima pastebėti, jog plačiausiai procesus paaiškina viešosios politikos teorijos, leidžiančios išskirti tam tikrus politikos formavimo bei įgyvendinimo faktorius bei metodus. Tačiau šiandieninė Lietuvos profesinio mokymo politika yra kintanti, todėl konkretaus modelio suformuluoti negalime.
Lietuvos profesinio mokymo politikos formavimas ir įgyvendinimas skiriasi, lyginant jų efektyvumo rodiklius. Strateginiai dokumentai suformuluojami, atsižvelgiant į tarptautinių organizacijų rekomendacijas, o institucijos retai kada pasiekia visus numatytus tikslus. Profesinio mokymo finansavimas irgi yra gana komplikuotas, nes Švietimo ir mokslo ministerija sulaukia Valstybės kontrolės priekaištų dėl nesugebėjo užtikrinti efektyvų lėšų administravimą.
Atvejo analizė Kauno regione parodė, kad profesinio mokymo politikos procesus optimistiškai vertina tik ekspertai. Profesinių mokyklų vadovai daugiausia kritikos pateikė mokymo kokybės valdymo procesui bei finansavimo klausimams. Tyrimo metu buvo paneigta nuomonė, kad verslas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The policy of primary vocational training in Lithuania is left out in the back of higher education more often. The national state’s government does not agree upon how this particular public policy sphere should be formed. That is why the aim of this work is to analyze the formation and implementation of Lithuanian vocational training policy, referring not only to different standard documents, but also performing a case analysis (in Kaunas region). While analyzing theoretical aspects of the vocational training policy, it may be noticed that the theories allowing to distinguish particular policy formation and implementation factors and methods explain the processes the best. Nevertheless, Lithuanian vocational training policy today is changing and it is not possible to formulate any concrete model. Lithuanian vocational training policy formation and implementation differ while comparing their rates of efficiency. The strategic documents are formed regarding the recommendations of the international organizations, but institutions rarely achieve the intended goals. The financing of vocational training is also quite complicated as the State Control reproaches the Ministry of Education and Science with its inability to ensure effective administration of resources. The case analysis in Kaunas region showed that the vocational training policy processes are evaluated optimistically only by the experts. The directors of vocational training schools criticized teaching quality process... [to full text]
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Arantes, Mariana Furtado. "Participação, controle e Serviço Social na política municipal de assistência social de Uberaba/MG : tensão entre a radicalização democrática e as estratégias de reprodução do capital /." Franca : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98521.
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Orientador: José Fernando Siqueira da SilvaBanca: Cleusa dos Santos
Banca: Edvania Angela de Souza Lourenço
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a inserção do assistente social no Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social (CMAS), de Uberaba/MG (1996/2009). Pretende-se, para tanto, indicar formas de participação e controle social na política de assistência social e identificar o conteúdo ideo-político objetivado pelo assistente social nos momentos de discussões e deliberações desse conselho. Um dos pontos relevantes desse estudo situa-se na abordagem da direção sócio-política da participação do assistente social na proposta de gestão democrática da política de assistência social, advinda da descentralização político-administrativa do Estado Brasileiro, nos anos 1990. É um estudo de abordagem qualitativa, que adotou como procedimento de coleta de dados a revisão de literatura, pesquisa documental e pesquisa de campo - observação direta das plenárias de 2008/2009 e entrevista semi-estruturada, com cinco assistentes sociais que se vincularam ao CMAS como conselheiro governamental, conselheiro não governamental, assessor técnico, secretário executivo e observador. Esse trabalho aponta que o potencial originário que justificou a luta pela criação das instituições democráticas, dentre elas o conselho, encontra vários limites no processo de busca da sua concretização. Tais limites são desde natureza conceitual da categoria participação da sociedade civil, à dimensão técnico-político de construir uma nova e progressista direção social às políticas públicas. Além disso, esses limites suscitam reflexões sobre a necessidade de se repensar as práticas representativas na sociedade, bem como a condição e direção das lutas sociais e institucionais pelo controle da construção da vida societária. Nesse contexto, o assistente social enquanto profissional e intelectual, possui inserção privilegiada, já que o Serviço Social tem vinculação histórica... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This paper aims to analyze the inclusion of social workers in the Municipal Council of Social Welfare of Uberaba / MG (1996/2009). It is intended for both, state forms of participation and social control in social welfare policy and identify the contents ideo-political objectified by a social worker in times of discussions and deliberations of this Council. One of the relevant sections of this study lies in the approach towards socio-political participation of social workers in the proposed democratic management of social welfare policy, coming from the political-administrative decentralization of the Brazilian State in the 1990s. It is a qualitative study, which adopted a procedure to collect data and the literature review, desk research and field research - direct observation of the 2008/2009 plenary and semi-structured interviews with five social workers who have joined the CMAS as a government adviser, nongovernmental advisor, technical advisor, executive secretary and observer. This work shows that the potential origin that justified the struggle to create democratic institutions, among them the board, finds various limits in the search process of their implementation. Such limits are provided conceptual nature of the class participation of civil society, the technical-political dimension of building a new and progressive social direction to public policies. Moreover, these limits give rise to reflections on the need to rethink the representative for the company as well as the condition and direction of social and institutional struggles for control of the construction of societal life. In this context, the social worker, as a professional and intellectual integration has privileged, as the Social Service has historical link with public policies. Thus, the social worker in CMAS can contribute in order to accomplish the public nature of the boards, directing the debate beyond... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Sissoko, M'baha Moussa. "Les obstacles sociopolitiques à la décentralisation au Mali (1991-2017) : études de cas auprès des Régions de Tombouctou et Koulikoro dans le cadre de leurs partenariats respectivement avec la Région Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes et la Coopération technique belge." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2018.
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Cette thèse apporte une analyse documentée sur la décentralisation malienne appréhendée au prisme des partenariats entre les Régions de Tombouctou et Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes d’une part et entre la Région Koulikoro et la Coopération technique belge d’autre part, en faisant appel aux Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) et à l’approche cognitive et normative des politiques publiques. Elle fait d’abord une analyse succincte de l’historique de la mise en œuvre de la réforme de décentralisation remontant à la genèse de l’Etat malien (1960). Après la transition politique amorcée à la fin du mois de mars 1991 au Mali, la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation a pris une importance cruciale pour le devenir même du pays, notamment depuis la rébellion touarègue qui continue à sévir dans le nord du pays. Pour autant, après plus de deux décennies et malgré quelques acquis non négligeables, cette réforme demeure confrontée à divers obstacles.Ensuite, elle fait le bilan des projets d’appui à la décentralisation dans les Régions de Tombouctou et Koulikoro notamment à travers leurs partenariats respectifs. Sur ce sujet, la thèse met un accent particulier sur la pertinence des appuis réalisés, leur alignement à la politique nationale de décentralisation mais aussi des difficultés d’appropriation qui entravent la réussite du transfert des modèles du « développement local » promus par les partenaires techniques et financiers. Cette thèse démontre que, faute de moyens financiers suffisants alloués par le gouvernement malien à la réforme de décentralisation, celle-ci se trouve de fait dans une situation de dépendance quasi-totale à l’aide financière et technique internationale. De plus ce travail démontre que le nouvel engagement financier du gouvernement malien relatif au transfert de 30 % des recettes publiques aux collectivités territoriales à l'horizon 2018 ne confère pas suffisamment de marge de manœuvre aux collectivités territoriales. Enfin, cette thèse s’accompagne d’un travail analytique sur les principaux résultats du diagnostic relatifs aux obstacles à la décentralisation au Mali en général et formule un certain nombre de préconisations pour aider à surmonter lesdits obstaclesThis thesis provides a documented analysis of Malian decentralization through the prism of partnerships between the regions of Timbuktu and Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, and between the Koulikoro Region and the Belgian Technical Cooperation. The thesis utilises Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) and the cognitive and normative approach toward public policies. It begins with a concise analysis regarding the history of the decentralization reform, implemented alongside the genesis of the Malian State (1960). After the political transition in Mali that began at the end of March 1991, the implementation of decentralization became crucial for the future of the country, especially with respect to the Tuareg rebellion. After more than two decades and in spite of some significant gains, however, this reform still faces various obstacles, which are explored throughout. This thesis then turns toward the projects supporting decentralization in the Timbuktu and Koulikoro Regions, particularly those founded in their respective partnerships. Special emphasis will be placed on the relevance of the support provided, their alignment with the national decentralization policy, and in addition the difficulties of ownership, which hinder the transfer of the "local development" models promoted by the technical and financial partners. This thesis demonstrates that, due to the lack of sufficient financial resources allocated by the Malian government to decentralization reform, this one is in fact in a situation of almost total dependence on international financial and technical assistance. In addition, this project illustrates that the Malian government's new financial commitment to transfer 30% of public revenue to local authorities for 2018 does not give local authorities enough leeway. Finally, this thesis concludes with an analytical overview of the diagnosis relating to the obstacles to decentralization in Mali as a whole, and provides a number of recommendations to help overcome these obstacles
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Arantes, Mariana Furtado [UNESP]. "Participação, controle e Serviço Social na política municipal de assistência social de Uberaba/MG: tensão entre a radicalização democrática e as estratégias de reprodução do capital." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98521.
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arantes_mf_me_fran.pdf: 2034750 bytes, checksum: 161872d9f6d3f68f6e536fe3050e71e7 (MD5)Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a inserção do assistente social no Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social (CMAS), de Uberaba/MG (1996/2009). Pretende-se, para tanto, indicar formas de participação e controle social na política de assistência social e identificar o conteúdo ideo-político objetivado pelo assistente social nos momentos de discussões e deliberações desse conselho. Um dos pontos relevantes desse estudo situa-se na abordagem da direção sócio-política da participação do assistente social na proposta de gestão democrática da política de assistência social, advinda da descentralização político-administrativa do Estado Brasileiro, nos anos 1990. É um estudo de abordagem qualitativa, que adotou como procedimento de coleta de dados a revisão de literatura, pesquisa documental e pesquisa de campo – observação direta das plenárias de 2008/2009 e entrevista semi-estruturada, com cinco assistentes sociais que se vincularam ao CMAS como conselheiro governamental, conselheiro não governamental, assessor técnico, secretário executivo e observador. Esse trabalho aponta que o potencial originário que justificou a luta pela criação das instituições democráticas, dentre elas o conselho, encontra vários limites no processo de busca da sua concretização. Tais limites são desde natureza conceitual da categoria participação da sociedade civil, à dimensão técnico-político de construir uma nova e progressista direção social às políticas públicas. Além disso, esses limites suscitam reflexões sobre a necessidade de se repensar as práticas representativas na sociedade, bem como a condição e direção das lutas sociais e institucionais pelo controle da construção da vida societária. Nesse contexto, o assistente social enquanto profissional e intelectual, possui inserção privilegiada, já que o Serviço Social tem vinculação histórica...
This paper aims to analyze the inclusion of social workers in the Municipal Council of Social Welfare of Uberaba / MG (1996/2009). It is intended for both, state forms of participation and social control in social welfare policy and identify the contents ideo-political objectified by a social worker in times of discussions and deliberations of this Council. One of the relevant sections of this study lies in the approach towards socio-political participation of social workers in the proposed democratic management of social welfare policy, coming from the political-administrative decentralization of the Brazilian State in the 1990s. It is a qualitative study, which adopted a procedure to collect data and the literature review, desk research and field research - direct observation of the 2008/2009 plenary and semi-structured interviews with five social workers who have joined the CMAS as a government adviser, nongovernmental advisor, technical advisor, executive secretary and observer. This work shows that the potential origin that justified the struggle to create democratic institutions, among them the board, finds various limits in the search process of their implementation. Such limits are provided conceptual nature of the class participation of civil society, the technical-political dimension of building a new and progressive social direction to public policies. Moreover, these limits give rise to reflections on the need to rethink the representative for the company as well as the condition and direction of social and institutional struggles for control of the construction of societal life. In this context, the social worker, as a professional and intellectual integration has privileged, as the Social Service has historical link with public policies. Thus, the social worker in CMAS can contribute in order to accomplish the public nature of the boards, directing the debate beyond... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho. "Limites do protagonismo dos comitês de bacia na descentralização da política nacional de recursos hídricos: uma análise do comitê de bacia do Rio Paranaíba." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/7246.
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Among the themes that appear in the agenda of environmental policy, the water crisis, which affects a large part of the world, is an important item that arouses the interest of governments and several social, environmental and market segments. In the globalized world, public policies and modes of management of water resources can be seen as a strategic and geopolitical issue given the importance of water for productive processes and life itself. In Brazil, water is managed by the basin committee, an administrative unit that is different from the politicaladministrative division of the Federation as established by the Federal Constitution of 1988. This work aims at discussing and understanding the role of the Basin Committee of the Paranaíba River in the of creation and decision processes of policies for the management of water resources in the basin as an integration of the institutional arrangement as defined by Law 9.433/1997, which establishes the participation of the Public Power, users and the organized civil society as agents in the shared management of water resources in Brazil. The investigated problem has been synthesized into an open question: What is the political protagonism of the basin committees within the institutional arrangement of decentralization of the national policy on water resources? The work is grounded on the hypothesis that the role of political protagonist of the basin committees is secondary in the decentralized structure of management of water resources in Brazil. Multi-method quality research was chosen as it is an approach that does not constrain the researcher to any given specific method only, but it also allows a wider range of data collection. In the present study, upon the association of more than one method of qualitative research, the multi-method approach was configured in the use of more than one instrument of field research and in the performed analysis. The work seeks to analyze and understand the dynamics of the decision-making process adopted by the Paranaíba River Basin Committee, with reference to the decentralization format for the management of water resources adopted by Law 9433/1997 and by the National Policy and Water Resources.The Basin Committee of the Paranaíba River was created through a Presidential Decree on 16 July 2002 and installed in 2008. It occupies an area of 63.3% of the state of Goiás, 3.4% of Mato Grosso do Sul, 31.7% of Minas Gerais and 1.6% of the Federal District. It encompasses 197 municipalities and the Federal District4. The research analyzes the period between the installation of the Basin Committee of the Paranaíba River – namely the year 2008 – and the publishing of the Plan of Water Resources of the Basin, in 2014.
Dentre os temas que figuram na pauta da política ambiental, a crise hídrica, que afeta boa parte do mundo, é tema importante e desperta interesse de governos, de vários segmentos sociais, ambientais e de mercado. No cenário globalizado, as políticas públicas e formas de gestão dos recursos hídricos podem ser vistas como uma questão estratégica e de geopolítica, dada a importância da água para os processos produtivos e para a vida. No Brasil, a gestão da água deve ser feita pelo comitê de bacia, que constitui-se como uma unidade administrativa diferente da divisão político-administrativa da Federação, estabelecida pela Constituição Federal de 1988. Este trabalho tem o objetivo de discutir e compreender o papel do Comitê de Bacia do Rio Paranaíba no processo de elaboração e decisão de políticas para a gestão dos recursos hídricos no âmbito da bacia como integrante do arranjo institucional definido pela Lei 9.433/1997, que estabelece a participação do Poder Público, dos usuários e da sociedade civil organizada como atores na gestão compartilhada dos recursos hídricos no Brasil. O problema investigado foi sintetizado em uma pergunta aberta: qual o protagonismo político dos comitês de bacia dentro do arranjo institucional de descentralização da política nacional de recursos hídricos? Parte-se da hipótese de que o papel de protagonista político dos comitês de bacia é secundário na estrutura descentralizada da gestão dos recursos hídricos no Brasil. A opção metodológica foi pela pesquisa qualitativa multimétodo, uma abordagem que permite ao pesquisador/a não se restringir a um método específico, único, mas lançar mão de mais de um caminho para a coleta de dados. No estudo realizado, ao fazer a associação de mais de um método de pesquisa qualitativa, a abordagem multimétodos se configurou na utilização de mais de um instrumento de pesquisa de campo e na análise feita. Busca-se analisar e compreender a dinâmica do processo decisório adotado pelo Comitê de Bacia do Rio Paranaíba, tendo como referência o formato de descentralização da gestão dos recursos hídricos adotada pela Lei 9433/1997 e pela Política Nacional e Recursos Hídricos. O Comitê da Bacia do Rio Paranaíba foi criado pelo Decreto Presidencial de 16 de julho de 2002, e instalado em 2008. Ocupa uma área de 63,3% de Goiás, 3,4% de Mato Grosso do Sul, 31,7% de Minas Gerais e 1,6% do Distrito Federal. Abrange 197 municípios e o Distrito Federal. A pesquisa analisa o período da instalação do Comitê de Bacia do Rio Paranaíba - ano de 2008 - até a publicação do Plano de Recursos Hídricos da Bacia, em 2014.
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Aydemir, Ilhan. "Alliance in Flux: Turkey’s Alliance Behavior, from the Cold War to the Present, 1947-2010." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275671316.
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Hemker, Johannes Zacharias. "Empirical Essays on the Political Economy of Public Finance and Social Policy." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8JH3M2N.
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This dissertation comprises three empirical essays in political economy. The first essay analyzes the implementation of a French social program by subnational governments following a decentralization reform. Using program implementation data, it shows that local political environments strongly influence implementation decisions after decentralization, and that decentralization results in an overall tightening of benefits. The second essay reports the results of a conjoint field experiment involving German welfare offices. Using random assignment of cues about ethnicity and other characteristics in requests to welfare offices, it is shown that putative non-German applicants receive replies at the same rate as putative Germans, but are disadvantaged in terms of the substantive quality of responses. This suggests that minority populations do experience discrimination when attempting to access social benefits. Finally, the third essay uses micro-level voter file data from Illinois to measure whether property tax limitations reduce participation in local elections. In contrast with prior research, results from panel regressions with matching adjustments suggest that tax limitations do not affect political participation negatively. Together, these essays contribute to our understanding of public finance and social policy in contexts characterized by multi-level governance.
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Shastri, Vanita. "The political economy of policy formation in India the case of industrial policy, 1948-1994 /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/41869480.html.
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Vite, Bari-Ika N. "An exploration of young peoples political involvement in policy formation processes in Nigeria (Niger Delta)." Thesis, 2020. https://arro.anglia.ac.uk/id/eprint/706757/1/Vite_2020.pdf.
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Young people in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria (NDN) are requesting the Federal Government to embrace and formulate an inclusive national youth policy to tackle young peoples challenging issues. The African Youth Charter also discusses young peoples privilege to engage in issues that concern them. This research deploys a qualitative investigation based on a social constructivist approach to analyse and explore young peoples engagement as a participatory factor in the implementation and formulation of policies concerning young people in NDN.
The aim of the study was to comprehend the processes that challenge and motivate young peoples involvement processes and policy procedures at the regional and federal levels. This study uses focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews with a total of 30 participants, comprising 21 young people (aged 16-24), 4 members of civil society organisations, and 5 official policy makers. The findings present different views and approaches of policy makers concerning young people. The research acknowledged diverse elements that contribute to this difference.
The study centres on the distinction in policy procedures of Nigeria, Niger Delta region. While for some regions the main discussion is the formulation phase of policy, this research presents that in NDN the major deliberation is at the phase of policy implementation. Although young people in NDN are to some extent involved in formulating policy, as they are consulted at the implementation phase, they question the Nigerian governments commitment to genuinely engaging young people in the decision-making process. In view of this disparity between engagement theory and practice, this research finds that it is essential for young people to be effectively included in policy procedures and appeals for young peoples political capital. Conclusively, this research advocates a re-evaluation of the apolitical (politically neutral) standing sometimes attributed to young people in NDN and a commensurate reorientation of youth policy to extend the scope of involvement for young people in policy formation.
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Keeton, Lyndal. "Essays on the political economy of state formation and of laboratory federalism." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22115.
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A thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in the School of Economic and Business Sciences,
University of the WitwatersrandThis thesis investigates the problem of the economic organisation of the public sector. It begins by establishing context by considering the two related issues central to it: the boundary of the state and the internal organisation of government (Chapter 1). There is a growing literature that explores the boundary of the state in political economy terms. Moreover, the boundary of the state can be viewed in a similar light to the boundary of the firm. The Second Generation Theory of Fiscal Federalism explores the internal organisation of government through the lens of the theory of the firm. Second Generation Theory assumes that governments are subject to the same problems that firms face: for example, just like firms require institutions to align the incentives of managers and shareholders (e.g., better defined contracts), governments require institutions to align the incentives of politicians and citizens (e.g., better defined constitutions). In order to improve our understanding of economic performance over time, the state should be considered as a complex organisation held together by a series of public choice compromises. Chapter 2 considers one aspect of the state as an organisation: when a boundary change of an existing state generates a new state. It tries to economically capture the birth of a new state through boundary change by taking a cue from the theory of internal exit: the secession of a group of people from an existing state who will then go on to form a new state. Internal exit predicts an internal exit-proof tax rate, i.e., a state will set the tax rate so that internal exit will not occur (e.g., Quebec in Canada). However, in precolonial southern Africa (ca. 1600-1910), internal exit occurred. A well-known example of this is that of Mzilikazi who in the 19th century left the Zulu with his followers and formed his own, new state: the Ndebele. Why is it that in Africa internal exit as a threat failed and internal exit still took place? With the aid of a simple, historically informed model, this chapter offers a political economy explanation of why internal exit took place in precolonial southern Africa. The model shows how internal exit results from the payoff calculation of an elite member’s (e.g., Mzilikazi) desire to maximise his share of public revenue surplus. Chapter 3 considers the internal organisation of government through the role of intergovernmental grants in the context of laboratory federalism. The Public Economics literature on intergovernmental grants is extensive. In this extensive literature, grants are usually analysed according to consumer behaviour theory where income and substitution effects determine community spending (and ultimately community welfare). However, these effects shed little light on how local governments can use grants to experiment with policy (laboratory federalism) in order to develop new, successful policies. In fact, even casual empiricism shows that local governments routinely experiment with policy and achieve varying degrees of success. One recent example is Mayor Bloomberg’s range of anti-poverty experiments in New York City. Very little theory has been produced that ties policy experimentation with the role of grants, however. Chapter 3 takes an organisational view of grants, namely it likens them to incomplete contracts to show how certain grants can be policy instruments for the creation and discovery of new knowledge in the public sector. More precisely, the chapter develops an evolutionary learning model that captures the knowledge gains that different types of grants (e.g., lump-sum grants compared to matching grants) can engender. It shows that a lump-sum grant can bring about greater learning at the local government level than a closed matching grant. Chapter 4 concludes by summarizing and suggesting areas for future research.
MT2017
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Shin, Yoon Hwan. "Demystifying the capitalist state political patronage, bureaucratic interests, and capitalists-in-formation in Soeharto's Indonesia /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22997665.html.
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Mangonnet, Jorge G. "Property Formation, Labor Repression, and State Capacity in Imperial Brazil." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-gzh9-r090.
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This dissertation proposes and tests a theory that investigates the political process of modern property formation in land in postcolonial societies of the New World. Specifically, it examines how land tenure systems of private property -- that is, a statutory tenure in which individual property rights are specified, allocated, arbitrated by the state -- are designed and executed in contexts of limited state capacity and land abundance. It draws on extensive, under-tapped archival evidence from Imperial Brazil (1822-1889), the largest postcolonial state of the southern hemisphere. The data, collected over a year of rigorous and systematic archival research, include original ledgers of rural estates surveyed and recorded at the parish (i.e., sub-municipal) level; church inventories of slaves; economic and health-related data of slaves populations; agricultural and land prices; roll call votes and transcripts from parliamentary sessions; and biographical information on Brazil's most prominent elites.
My dissertation argues that exogenous, disruptive events that abolish labor-repressive relations of production, such as slavery or the slave trade, open up an opportunity for central governments to bargain for the creation of systems of freehold tenure with local traditional elites. Many countries of the New World were unable to pursue liberal reforms that commodified land and dismantled land-related colonial privileges because of the lack of professional surveyors and cadastral technologies to survey, title, and register parcels accurately. Moreover, high land-to-man ratios turned land into a factor of production with little commercial value and did not offer clear incentives to local elites to demand secure and complete property rights. My dissertation argues that, when local elites' depend on forced or servile labor for production, abolition can make them prone to support a statutory yet highly stringent system of freehold tenure that legally blocks access to land to wage laborers.
A system of freehold tenure in times of abolition can attain two goals. First, to close off alternatives to wage labor in the agricultural sector by assembling ownership statutes that exacerbate conditions of tenure insecurity. Second, as local elites controlling servile labor have higher stakes in the survival of labor dependence in agriculture, it can enhance quasi-voluntary compliance with new property rules that intend to avert squatting and keep rural labor inexpensive and abundant. By willingly demarcating boundaries, titling, and paying taxes, local elites cooperate with the new land statutes. In turn, central state officials can secure the logistical resources they need (i.e., fiscal revenue, documentary evidence of ownership, spatial coordinates of rural estates) to distinguish occupied from unoccupied tracts, police the hinterlands, carry out evictions, and formulate policies (e.g., employer subsidies) that would bias labor markets in favor of elite interests.
I test these propositions by examining how a powerful class of plantation owners in Imperial Brazil supported the creation of, and quasi-voluntarily complied with, the Land Law of 1850 (the country's first modern property law in land) in response to the exogenous abolition of the Atlantic slave trade in 1831. I show that parliamentarians who were also planters favorably voted for the bill that introduced the Land Law in the Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, I show that, once the new law had been approved, local parishes that had a greater proportion of slaves were more likely to experience higher rates of regularization. Untaxed and unbounded plantations that long benefited from Portuguese medieval traditions ended up being regularized as self-demarcated, taxable private freeholds.
My analysis of Imperial Brazil yields three main insights about how property formation in the New World was carried out. First, and in contrast to the European experience, the advent of private property in land in polities of Australasia or Latin America was not a top-down phenomenon but the result of an arduous political negotiation and patterns of societal co-production between rulers and traditional landlords from the colonial era. Second, land abundance, not scarcity, threatened landlords' material wealth: by promising independent, small-scale cultivation to free rural workers, it threatened landlords with labor shortages. Finally, and even though individual and absolute proprietorship was made the hegemonic form of tenure, national policymakers enacted provisions that neglected property rights to marginalized populations such as freed slaves, immigrants, convicts, or peons. Therefore, the recognition of individual property rights in these societies was highly selective and did not follow the liberal, egalitarian principle of equality before the law.
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"A POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY: THE EFFECTS OF NATURAL RESOURCE-FINANCIAL SECTORS ON THE FORMATION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1065093/index.pdf.
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Zibbell, Jon E. "“To promote, encourage or condone:” Science, activism and the political role of moralism in the formation of needle exchange policy in Springfield, Massachusetts, 1998–2005." 2009. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3349706.
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This dissertation examines the cultural and political forces that shape and direct AIDS policy in the United States. Through a multi-sited, ethnographic research project in Springfield, Massachusetts, a post-industrial city with the 11th highest per capita AIDS rate in the nation, this project investigates the political culture that informs and directs needle exchange legislation. With a move toward a more politically engaged ethnography, this research blends political activism, participant observation, open-ended interviews and political analysis to provide an “insider” study of the policymaking process as it unfolded on the ground –from the Massachusetts State House and Springfield City Hall to an illegal needle exchange program operated by local AIDS activists. The political antagonism at the center of my investigation is a conflict between, on the one hand, the scientific consensus on the efficacy of needle exchange, and on the other, the moralizing discourse associated with injection drug use. Here, the often-contradictory forces of science and morality form a paradox within the policymaking process: although there is scientific consensus on the efficacy of needle exchange, needle exchange legislation is continuously defeated on moral grounds. Locating this paradox in the propensity of the American state - beginning with the Reagan administration in the early 1980s - to calibrate social policy through a juridical combination of an enhanced liberal individualism with neoliberal economic reforms, this dissertation interrogates the means by which policymakers harness a particular worldview of human nature–individual will, personal responsibility, entrepreneurship, economic man–to make sense of the AIDS epidemic. To what extent can we locate the present role of moralism in American social policy as indicative of our contemporary political culture? Do social policies operate as forms of moral regulation to govern people in alignment with “the common sense of our age?” If so, can we then argue that social policies are an essential feature of liberal statecraft, a system of moral governance that is reconfiguring the contemporary relationship between individual and society? The immediate concern for democratic politics is the prospect that social policies directed at the needs of politically marginalized groups may not motivated by social concerns alone but based on the cultural stigma associated with their practices.
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Fernandez, Marco Antonio. "From the Streets to the Classrooms: The Politics of Education Spending in Mexico." Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5611.
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This dissertation examines the political determinants of government spending across different levels of education. What are the political motivations that drive budgetary decisions on primary, secondary, and tertiary education? Who are the beneficiaries of these appropriations? Why are they capable of influencing the decisions over appropriations?
I argue that the distribution of education spending across education levels depends on the capacity of organized groups active in this sector to make their demands heard and served by governments. Better organized groups have stronger capacity to take advantage of the electoral concerns of politicians and influence their decisions on educational budgets. I provide evidence to show that, with some exceptions, the teachers' unions in the primary and secondary schools are the most influential organized group in the education sector. By taking their demands out to the streets, by capturing key positions in the education ministries, and by using their mobilization capacity in the electoral arena, teachers have made governments cater to their economic interests, rather than direct resources in ways that would enhance access to and the quality of education.
I test the theoretical arguments using an original dataset incorporating a comprehensive account of all protests, strikes, and other disruptive actions by teachers, university workers, students, and parents in Mexico between 1992 and 2008. The statistical analysis reveals that 1) states with higher levels of teachers' protests receive larger federal education grants, and that 2) subnational authorities spend more on primary and lower secondary as a consequence of the larger disruptive behavior observed in these education levels. Complementary qualitative evidence shows how the teachers' union has captured the education ministries at the federal and the subnational levels, consolidating its influence over education policy. Finally, this study reveals the teachers' union capacity to leverage their participation in electoral politics in order to defend its economic interests.
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Min, Bumshik. "The formation of political identity of South Sudan from the 1950s to the 1960s and influence of the educational work of Christian missions." Thesis, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/16459.
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The argument of the thesis begins with the question of how Christianity became the main religion in South Sudan. It is crucial to search for the connecting point between Christian mission and the South Sudanese. Although South Sudan and Christianity had been directly opposed due to the image of Christianity as a part of the colonial power and Western imperialism, the two disparate groups came together through a particular historical moment that united them. The connecting point that linked South Sudan with Christianity was the dynamic movement of Christian missions in responding to the socio-political and historical needs of South Sudan. The junction between Christianity and South Sudan was strongly connected to missionary work in southern Sudan from the 1920s to the 1950s. This is the period in which the educational work of Christian mission reached its zenith. Moreover, southern Sudan, now South Sudan, had struggled with Arabic Northern Sudan, present-day Sudan in order for the federation policy to separate from Northern Sudan. Therefore, the thesis focuses on how the educational work of the missions influenced the formation of the nationalism of South Sudan. In particular, this research will be laid out in three sections: the historical background of the socio-political chasm between Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan; the educational work of the missions in Southern Sudan from the 1920s to 1950s; the nationalism of Southern Sudan in connection with the educational work of the missions.
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Udayaadithya, A. "Implementation Of A Democratic Decentralized Welfare Scheme : An Institutional Perspective." Thesis, 2012. http://etd.iisc.ernet.in/handle/2005/2529.
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Decentralization leads to functional and financial devolution of authority, induces more transparency in the system and puts emphasis on local needs. It creates platforms to voice and institutionalize the interests of various groups, and comes nearer to the public by making all tiers of government accountable directly to the people. However, several complexities govern this effort in India. First, implementation involves several official agencies, creating administrative gaps, lack of coordination and fiscal complexities. Second, Indian society is largely agrarian and rural marked by divisions of religion, caste and economic class. Third, the socially vulnerable and poor are often trapped in interlocking economic transactions with affluent landlords making it difficult for them to go for collective change.
This research critically evaluates these dynamics taking the case example of the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGREGS). We followed a threefold methodology in order to understand the policy dynamics, namely, stakeholders’ interviews, primary survey data analysis and secondary data analysis. Case studies were useful in understanding policy implementation dynamics through field observations. The multi-level regression results reflected co-existence of agriculture and MGREGS dynamics, with their own rules and objectives, apparently contradictory, but leading to social and economic equilibrium. Searching explanations for these contradictory results led us to two larger understandings: 1) Actors are seen to take rational decisions based on local socio-politico-economic understandings of the world. 2) These decisions are, however, at multiple levels and at multiple action spaces. Institutional rational choice perspective proposed by Ostrom (1999) corroborated these findings.
Latent variable path analysis results indicated the dynamics of civil society and administrative bureaucracy as a negotiated equilibrium that has the potential to transform governance. The process of institutional evolution was through endogenous institutional change process as proposed by Grief and Laitin (2004). Furthermore, the effect of socio-structural factors on institutional structures was observed. The results indicated two major understandings: 1) the formation and effectiveness of institutional structures were dependent on social capital and in turn on social structures and networks 2) the influence of formal institutional structures on local governance and social dynamics affect the governance network formation (Hertting, 2001).
Scenario-wise regression analyses results revealed that the effort to improve social capital of the groups through governance procedures need to be mediated through ‘local’ social structures. Agent based model results indicated the following: 1) regulatory dynamics need not necessarily follow the trend of socio-economic dynamics. Instead, they were in line with advocacy dynamics (Sabatier, 1988), which in turn depend on the social structures and networks. 2) regulatory strategies were endogenous institutional rational choices, given the existing socio-economic structures and networks of the society. Hence, Institutional theories were observed to be instrumental in understanding the policy implementation dynamics in democratic decentralization setup.
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Babooa, Sanjiv Kumar. "Public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius with reference to Port Louis' local government." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3064.
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The central issue of this study revolves around public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. Public participation is regarded as one of the milestones of democracy and local governance. Local government provides an ideal forum for allowing participatory democracy to flourish as it is closest to the inhabitants. The question of what are the levels of public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius with reference to the Port Louis’ local government formed the core element of the problem statement of the thesis. Following this, the hypothesis is stated. Attention is devoted on the four objectives of the research questions: What are the key concepts that relate to public participation in the making and implementation of policy at local government level; what impact does the Constitution of the Republic of Mauritius Amendment, 2003 (Act 124 of 2003) and the New Local Government Act, 2005 (Act 23 of 2005) have on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government and what modes of public participation are used in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government; and what are the main factors that influence public participation in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government? Within the thesis, the research findings obtained from the questionnaire; and the interviews are analysed and interpreted. Ultimately, in view of the arguments presented in this thesis an attempt was made to provide some recommendations on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government.Public Administration
D.P.A)
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Qadiri, Ali. "The Swedish Rescue Service Agency’s implementation process : -A case study of SRSA:s implementation of public aid policy in international operations of 2006." Thesis, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-2741.
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Mateus, João Carlos Amador Lopes. "O papel das autarquias na promoção da política local de educação na Região Autónoma dos Açores : o caso do município de Angra do Heroísmo." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/7470.
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Numa ótica de descentralização e desenvolvimento integrado, a educação não pode estar desligada do poder local, quer no estrito cumprimento das suas atribuições e competências, quer extrapolando-as em margens de autonomia mais ou menos latas e intervenientes. Os municípios são órgãos importantes e insubstituíveis de administração educativa, uma vez que definem políticas locais mais ou menos explícitas, concebem ou facilitam a prossecução de projetos de parceria e apoio aos estabelecimentos de ensino, investem em infraestruturas de apoio à educação e cultura e, em vários casos, tentam suprir carências do sistema educativo.
O objeto de estudo deste trabalho de investigação, centra-se na reflexão do papel das autarquias da Região Autónoma dos Açores na promoção de uma política educativa local. Partindo de uma abordagem à regulação das políticas educativas e à problemática do binómio centralização – descentralização da administração da educação no Arquipélago dos Açores, focámos o estudo num caso específico, o Município de Angra do Heroísmo. O estudo de caso foi a metodologia adotada e a entrevista semiestruturada a técnica de recolha de dados utilizada, tendo ainda sido efetuada análise documental.
Os resultados do estudo evidenciam que o processo de transferência de competências regionais para as autarquias é fortemente condicionado pelo estatuto Político Administrativo da Região Autónoma dos Açores, consideradas as competências no âmbito do poder local. De acordo com a Constituição da República Portuguesa, o Arquipélago dos Açores constitui uma região autónoma dotada de autonomia política e administrativa, consubstanciada no Estatuto Político-Administrativo da Região Autónoma dos Açores e dispõe de competências para legislar em todas as matérias que não sejam da reserva dos órgãos de soberania e que constem de competências contido no seu Estatuto Político-Administrativo.
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Mabunda, Moises Eugenio. "Nation building in Mozambique : an assessment of the secondary school teachers’ placement scheme, 1975 – 1985." Diss., 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27897.
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This study analyses the practice implemented by the government of Mozambique immediately after independence, from 1975 to 1985, of placing secondary school teachers around the country. Such practice consisted of putting teachers born in the south of the country to teach either in the central, or in the northern region, on the one hand; on the another, those who were born in the centre of the country were being placed to work or in the south, or in the north; and those born in the north were being sent to teach in the central or southern part of the country. The government’s arguments in so doing were to mould a nation. The study explores whether this practices was a deliberate policy. The presupposition that it may have been a formal policy comes from the fact that during the struggle for the liberation of Mozambique, the then movement leading the war, Frelimo, had as its guiding principle to ‘kill the tribe for the nation to be born’; so people from different regions of the country were compelled to work closely together in every activity of the movement. The theoretical framework includes a discussion of the concepts of ‘ethnic group’, ‘nation’, ‘nationalism’ and ‘nation-state’. Throughout the literature review, the way nations have been historically constituted worldwide, the way African leaders tried to build their nations, the philosophy behind the idea of ‘nation-states’ they developed are discussed at length. Given that education has been considered as a key pillar to achieve this specific end, the contribution of this sector to the processes of building a nation is brought to the fore. The study is a qualitative analysis and exploratory in essence. Fifty persons – including high ranking officials and teachers – who designed and implemented or were involved in the practice, were interviewed as the main foundation of the research. The outcomes of the analysis as well as the analogy itself are multidisciplinary. It concludes that the practice was not a policy in the classical meaning, that is a core of written principles and practices approved by a competent social institution and followed in a certain community, it existed only in speeches. Secondly, that in fact the practice contributed to the nation building process, people involved in it gained awareness of the vastness and ethnic diversity of the country. Finally, it reveals that de facto the policy had unintended interpretations. Given that the majority of the people sent throughout the country were southerners – something which the headmasters of the practice apparently were not aware of –, the unbalance of educated cadres that began during the colonial period were simply perpetuated and not critically addressed. As a result, “Southern dominance” in the administration of the country (in this instance the education system) provided the basis for dissatisfaction in other areas of the country. The study agrees with Connor (1990) that nation-building is a process, and concludes that Mozambique is on the road to nation formation, to which the practice contributed to a considerable degree.Dissertation (M (Social Science in Sociology))--University of Pretoria, 2006.
Sociology
unrestricted