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1

Quenette, Andrea Marie. "Measuring the cynicism epidemic: Improving conceptual and operational definition of political cynicism." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1371055163.

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2

Song, Hyun-Joo. "The effects of media framing of political conflicts on party identification and political participation." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5827.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (November 27, 2006) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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3

Heili, Benjamin J. "Humor and Cynicism in the German Democratic Republic." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1383309234.

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4

Crighton, Lindsay. "CEO Icon to GOP Hopeful: A Quantitative Analysis Exploring Politically Motivated Celebrity CEOs." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76998.

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This study examined the perceptions of celebrity CEOs potentially transitioning to political candidates. Using Carly Fiorina's campaign for Senator of California, this study identified how young voters perceive celebrity CEOs as politicians, their identification of celebrity CEOs, and the evaluations of CEOs and their companies. Results indicate a more favorable evaluation of Fiorina resulted in a more favorable reaction to Hewlett- Packard. Results also confirm the use of media messages to prime young voters about political candidates. Finally, political party affiliation was found to significantly influence the findings of this study while gender and political cynicism did not. Theoretical implications and areas of future research in celebrity and politics are discussed.
Master of Arts
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5

Kang, Kathryn Muriel. "Agnostic democracy : the decentred "I" of the 1990s." University of Sydney. Economics and Political Science, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.

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The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the �I.� The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.
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6

Kang, Kathryn Muriel. "Agonistic democracy : the decentred "I" of the 1990s." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.

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The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the "I". The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.
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7

Moldoff, Jason A. "A Tale of Two Turnouts in 2004: Effects of News Frame Valence and Substance on College Students' Levels of Trust, Cynicism, and Political Information Efficacy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32227.

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Following the 2004 U.S. presidential election, articles from the Associated Press and major news organizations came to very different conclusions regarding the impact of young voters on the election outcome. While some media outlets framed the youth turnout as a success, others framed it as a failure. This experimental study (N=237) utilized a pre-test/post-test design to build upon research on framing theory and political information efficacy theory. Articles about youth voter turnout in the 2004 election served as the stimuli to test the effects of news frame valence and frame substance on college student respondents' levels of trust, cynicism, and political information efficacy. Results indicated that while valence and level of substance of a news article may affect political attitudes, changes between experimental groups were not significant. Cynicism was negatively correlated with political information efficacy and trust. Attitudinal measures accounted for a significant amount of variance in respondents' interest in the 2006 campaign as well as perceived importance of both political engagement and youth voter turnout in past and future campaigns.
Master of Arts
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8

Boffi, M. "UN MODELLO PSICOSOCIALE PER LA BUONA POLITICA: DAL BENESSERE DELL¿INDIVIDUO AL BENESSERE DELLA SOCIETÀ." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/164629.

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By means of psychological selection individuals engage in favorite activities, guided by the chance to live flow of consciousness, a complex and structured experience perceived as cognitively, emotionally and motivationally positive. Researchers define as good work an activity: excellent in quality, engaging for its practitioners (i.e. source of flow), ethically carried out. Promoting such characteristics in politics would prevent the crisis of representative democracy model. We interviewed 13 political experts to explore these dimensions in Italian politics. We administered a questionnaire to political activists (N=265) exploring wellbeing linked to political engagement. Study 1 points out 8 main aspects to describe good politics: effectiveness, additive mediation, dialogic leadership, long term vision, progressive competences, removal of corruption, instrumental power, horizontal communication. Interviewees describe good politicians referring to: good education, ambition, passion. Study 2 confirms the pertinence of flow to describe political engagement and the factors describing good politicians: competence, success, engagement. 4 types of political activists are described: technician (focused on competence, opposed to success, low rates of flow, high in cynicism), pragmatist (focused on success, pay attention to engagement, experience flow, low in cynicism), idealist (focused on engagement, highest rates of flow and the lowest of cynicism), cynic (focused on success, opposed to competence and engagement, medium rates of flow and the highest of cynicism). Italian politics, despite strong negative features, allows activists to experience positive engagement at local level, excluding cynics from important roles.
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9

Zoss, Pascal. "L'ironie cynique : une subjectivation sans partage." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080072/document.

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Les pratiques performatives de l’art, en particulier celles des années soixante àsoixante-dix, présentent en leurs actes excessifs, corporels, une forme de subjectivationpolitique qui invite à reprendre la « voie courte » du cynisme antique hors des interprétationsfidèles au telos philosophique du « mieux vivre », du « bien » ou du « juste ». Cetterencontre oblige à dégager du rapport anecdotique ou documentaire une compréhensionde la matérialité des actes, de leur résistance à toute leçon rapportée après coup, bref àinterroger obstinément leur reste.D’autre part, en saisissant l’inclusion et l’exclusion sociales comme le résultat de lanaturalisation solidarisée des uns et des autres, de la discrimination des capacités et desincapacités naturelles, la mise à l’épreuve de cette solidarité devient le point nodal de laquestion égalitaire. Les actes cyniques dessinent alors les lignes qui laissent envisager lasubjectivation dans le constant retrait du sujet de son assimilation normative ou policière.L’ironie marque sans relâche ce processus en dissimulant le sujet à l’ombre de ses actes,comme la ruse d’une identification à la nature incompétente de l’exclu. C’est en effet enamplifiant la représentation naturelle de l’exclusion, en lui apportant la plus grande densitématérielle, que la subjectivation cynique ouvre une béance à la frontière qui sépare lespropriétés des inclus et des exclus. Et cette béance qui décharge l’auteur de toute subjectivité,de l’obligation de fonctionner dans le régime policier de l’inégalité, donne son lieuau désir sans sujet, celui précisément que présuppose l’égalité des sujets
The performative art practices, especially those of sixties and seventies, present aform of political subjectivation within their excessive and body acts, which invites us toresume Ancient Cynicism’s « short route », out of the interpretations that were faithful to thephilosophical telos of « better life », « good » or « right ». This conjunction is a compelling callfor achieving, beyond the anecdotal or documentary report, a wider understanding of themateriality of acts, of their resistance to any reported lesson and, ultimately, to restesslyquestion their remainder.Furthermore, when grasping the social inclusion and exclusion as the result of cohesivenaturalization, of discrimination of natural abilities and inabilities, the actual testingof this solidarity reaches the core of the equalitarian question. Then, cynical acts draw theoutline which let consider the subjectivation within the constant withdrawal of the subjectfrom his normative or « police » assimilation. Irony relentlessly leaves its marks on this processby hiding the subject in the shadow of his acts, as the ploy of an identification to theincompetent nature of the excluded one. It is indeed by amplifying the exclusion’s naturalrepresentation, by giving it the biggest material density, that the cynicism subjectivationopens a gap between the belongings of included and excluded ones. And this gap, whichrelieves the author of any subjectivity, of the obligation to operate within the « police »regime of inequality, gives its place to the desire with no subject, that very one preciselypresupposed by the equality of subjects
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10

Thiéblemont, Caroline. "L’Esthétique du cynisme dans le théâtre contemporain." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA148/document.

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L’hypothèse d’une esthétique du cynisme dans le théâtre contemporain s’appuie sur un constat empirique : au sein d’un théâtre qui s’autoproclame bien souvent politique, sans néanmoins se revendiquer d’une quelconque idéologie, la scène contemporaine européenne voit se développer, depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt, bon nombre de textes et de spectacles qui, par l’intermédiaire des personnages qu’ils mettent en scène ou des situations qu’ils présentent, expriment un point de vue cynique sur le monde. Dans un mouvement global caractérisé par le regain d’intérêt des auteurs envers des thématiques tirées du réel, ce cynisme affleurant dans les œuvres semble traduire un désintérêt des individus pour le politique, une indifférence du sujet pour le devenir du collectif. En prenant en considération la double acception du terme « cynisme », qui fait à la fois référence au mouvement de philosophie grecque dont la postérité a retenu Diogène de Sinope pour représentant et au comportement d’un individu sans scrupules, prêt à tout pour parvenir à ses fins, y compris à s’affranchir de la morale et des conventions, ce travail croise approches dramaturgique, historique, philosophique et sociologique pour explorer les différentes ramifications du cynisme dans le théâtre contemporain, ainsi que ses caractéristiques principales. Tantôt preuves d’un esprit – inconsciemment, parfois – conservateur, tantôt signes d’une vivacité subversive intacte, les éléments constituant l’esthétique du cynisme forment une galaxie éparse, imprimant insidieusement sa marque dans le théâtre européen contemporain
The hypothesis of an aesthetics of cynicism in contemporary theatre is based on an empirical observation: while theatre often proclaims itself as political, without claiming any ideology, a lot of contemporary European texts and performances since the end of the eighties express a cynical point of view on the world through the characters that they stage or the situations that they present. Appearing in the midst of a more general movement characterized by the renewed interest of authors towards themes drawn from reality, the cynicism that surfaces in the artworks seems to reflect people’s waning interest in political matters, and the subject’s indifference towards the future of the community.Taking into consideration the dual meaning of the term "cynicism", which refers both to the Greek philosophy movement, of which Diogenes of Sinope has been retained as representative, and to the behaviour of an unscrupulous person who would do anything to achieve their purposes, including breaking free from morality and conventions, this thesis intersects dramaturgical, historical, philosophical, and sociological approaches to explore the different ramifications of cynicism in contemporary theatre, as well as its main features. Sometimes the manifestation of a – possibly unconsciously – conservative spirit, sometimes the signs of an untouched subversive vivacity, the elements constituting the aesthetics of cynicism form a sparse galaxy, insidiously imprinting its mark onto contemporary European theatre
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11

Tsai, Meng-Ju, and 蔡孟儒. "The effect of political news frames on politial cynicism and politician's evaluation." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/14080811211255498001.

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12

Huang, Jie-Lin, and 黃傑琳. "The Effect of Online Political Parody Pictures on Evaluating Politician's Image and on Political Cynicism." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57497320625116427640.

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13

Bilakovics, Steven Philip. "Constituting political freedom and the democratic way of life." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18583.

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My project uncovers and explores the democratic sources of political cynicism. I contest the conventional view that the expanding gap between the near-universal acclaim accorded democratic principles and the near-total absence of democratic political practices is a product of either “market society” or liberal political systems. Instead, I argue that the particular form of the contemporary contempt for all-things-political - the reflexive assumption that politics is necessarily corrupt and even absurd - is inscribed in modern democratic culture. In relation to the sublime freedom and equality of the idea of democratic openness, democratic political action and association cannot but be experienced as impoverished and unfree. In this sense, I argue that democracy is self-subverting, undermining the possibility of political argument and reform. I conclude by sketching out a prescription in the American context for robust democracy based upon this diagnosis. By rhetorically reorienting self-perceptions about what we are doing when we engage in politics around the elevated but not transcendent notion of participating in an ongoing constitutional project, we can transform our anti-political dispositions. Beyond issues of political legitimacy, I argue that the symbolic order of the Constitution might foster political vitality by framing a politics experienced as potentially meaningful and worthy of respect. One might say that I offer Madisonian means to Jeffersonian ends.
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14

陳秀瑄. "Positive and negative political advertising effects on political knowledge, political cynicism, political efficacy and voting behavior---An example of the 2002 Taipei mayoral Election." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75673917187731838421.

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15

Porter, Jeremy Reed. "The relationship between political cynicism and right-wing authoritarianism a study of the Louisville-Jefferson County merger /." 2004. http://etd.louisville.edu/data/UofL0068t2004.pdf.

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16

Jiun-Jen, Jian, and 簡鈞鎮. "The Impact of Negative Humorous Appeals and Regulatory Focus on the Political Advertising Effectiveness – The Moderating Effects of Political Cynicism." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8mg96v.

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碩士
輔仁大學
企業管理學系管理學碩士班
101
The purpose of this study is to discuss the impacts under different degrees of negative political advertising (negative humorous advertising / negative advertising) and regulatory focus (promotion focus / prevention focus) and in various types of political cynicism (high /low) on the advertising effectiveness. The influence of both humorous appeals and regulatory focus appeals in the same advertisings is another discussing point of this study. A total of 214 respondents participated in this study. An experimental method was used in this study, and data were analyzed by performing 3-way ANOVA. There are some findings in this study: (1)The negative humorous advertising has higher advertising effectiveness than negative advertising; (2) When the promotion focus, the negative humorous ads has higher advertising effectiveness than negative ads; When the prevention focus, the negative humorous ads and negative ads have no difference; (3) When the higher political cynicism, the negative humorous ads has higher advertising effectiveness than negative ads. This study suggested that advertisers should use humorous advertising element to reduce political cynicism phenomenon and apply distinct regulatory focused messages in the ads according to different kinds of products.
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17

HUANG, HSIN-YA, and 黃歆雅. "The Impact of Humorous Appeals, Attack Types, and Political Cynicism on the Negative Advertising Effectiveness." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38283630206497063324.

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碩士
輔仁大學
國際經營管理碩士學位學程
102
The purpose of this study is to discuss the impacts under different degrees of humorous political advertising (negative humorous advertising / negative advertising) and attack types (issue attack / image attack) and in various types of political cynicism (high /low) on the advertising effectiveness. A total of 240 respondents participated in this study. An experimental method was used in this study, and data were analyzed by performing 3-way ANOVA. There are some findings in this study: (1) The negative humorous advertising has higher advertising effectiveness than the negative advertising; (2) The ads with issue attacks has higher advertising effectiveness than the ads with image attacks; (3) For the lower political cynicism, the ads with issue attacks has higher advertising effectiveness than the ads with image attacks; (4) With the image attacks, the negative humorous ads has higher advertising effectiveness than the negative ads; (5) The lower political cynicism has higher advertising effectiveness than the higher political cynicism on the negative advertising. This study suggested that advertisers should use humorous advertising element and issue attacks to increase advertising effectiveness. To avoid backlash, this study also advice that advertisers should not use the negative advertising for higher political cynicism.
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18

Manoliu, Ioana Alexandra. "Political opinions : negotiating between reality and fiction. The case of political series." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21780.

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19

Dostie-Goulet, Eugénie. "Le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3253.

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Cette thèse étudie certains des facteurs liés au développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents à l'aide de trois articles. J'utilise des données provenant d'une enquête par questionnaires, conduite durant trois ans auprès de jeunes Montréalais étudiant au secondaire. Le premier article examine le rôle du réseau social (parents, amis et enseignants) dans le développement de l'intérêt. Je démontre que les parents qui discutent souvent de politique sont plus susceptibles d'avoir des enfants intéressés par la politique et dont l'intérêt se développera. Cependant, le rôle des autres agents de socialisation ne devrait pas être sous-estimé. Les amis ont souvent un effet similaire aux parents lorsqu'il s'agit du changement dans l'intérêt, et les résultats suggèrent que les enseignants, à travers certains cours comme ceux d'histoire, peuvent jouer un rôle civique important. Le deuxième article aborde la question de la causalité entre l'intérêt politique et trois attitudes: le cynisme, l'attachement partisan et le sens du devoir. Il s'agit de voir quel effet la présence de ces attitudes chez les adolescents a sur le développement de leur intérêt politique, et inversement, si l'intérêt a un effet sur le changement dans ces attitudes. Je démontre qu'il existe une relation de réciprocité entre l'intérêt et le cynisme, de même qu'entre l'intérêt et le sens du devoir. Cependant, dans le cas de l'attachement partisan, l'effet est unidirectionnel: le fait d'aimer un parti n'est pas lié à la présence d'intérêt ou de désintérêt politique, alors que cette attitude influence le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique. Le troisième article aborde la question du développement de l'intérêt à l'aide d'entrevues. Treize jeunes ayant répondu aux trois vagues de l'enquête par questionnaires ont été rencontrés et leurs commentaires permettent de répondre à trois questions de recherche: les jeunes ont-ils une image négative de la politique? Les jeunes fuient-ils la controverse? Leurs amis occupent-ils une place prépondérante dans le développement de leur intérêt? Ces jeunes expriment une opinion très nuancée de la politique, de même qu'un goût pour les débats et autres images concrètes de la politique. Par contre, leur intérêt ne se reflète pas dans un engagement soutenu. Enfin, leurs parents sont plus importants que leurs amis lorsqu'il s'agit du développement de leur intérêt pour la politique.
This dissertation studies factors linked to the development of political interest among teenagers through three articles. I use panel data from questionnaires distributed each year for three years to Montreal high school students. The first article examines the role of the social network (parents, friends, teachers) in the development of political interest. I demonstrate that parents who often discuss politics have children who are more interested in politics and who are more likely to develop political interest. The effect of other agents of socialization should not be underestimated, however, as friends were often found to be on par with parents concerning their influence on change in political interest, and results concerning teachers suggest that some classes, history in this case, can play an important civic role. The second article addresses the question of causality between political interest and three attitudes: cynicism, party attachment and civic duty. I investigate the extent to which these attitudes have an effect on change in political interest, and, conversely, the extent to which political interest affects change in these attitudes. Analysis of the data shows a reciprocal relationship between cynicism and interest, as well as between civic duty and interest. In the case of party affinity, however, the effect is unidirectional. Party affinity does not emerge as a result of political interest or disinterest, while this attitude was found to influence the development of political interest. The third article uses interviews to address the question of the development of political interest. Thirteen teenagers, each of whom participated in all three waves of the panel survey, were interviewed. Their comments were analyzed in light of three research questions: Do young people have a negative image of politics? Are they conflict-averse? Are their friends central in the development of their political interest? Teenagers express a moderate opinion of politics, often devoid of the cynicism attributed them, as well as a taste for debates and other concrete practices of politics. Their interest, however, does not reflect strong engagement. Finally, their parents are more important than their friends when it comes to the development of their political interest.
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Lee, Pei-lun, and 李佩倫. "A Study of the Organization politics consciousnessto organization fair influence:Works with and Organizational Cynicism as Mediator." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/67683903723677113088.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
100
This research purpose organizes the fair influence to organizing of the political consciousness in order to probe into, and then deepening test can organize political consciousness because working anxiety and intermediary result to organize cynicism influence the justice of organizing. So, this research is with Ferris et al. (2002) Revise models as basis in political consciousness of organizations put forward. Probe into it after the member realizes the existence which organizes politics, the phenomenon that they will produce '' work anxious ''. After using structural equation modeling(SEM) to analyze the research data in 2008, provided by Political Perception Research Team, which is led by Prof. Chin-Ming Ho, the new findings include: 1. organize the fair influence for organizing of the political consciousness, construct the surface and appear and shoulder in the '' general political consciousness '' apparently relevantly; On '' keep silent, wait for advantage quietly '' construct surface appear apparent to shoulder relevantly; Appear and shoulder in '' the policy and practice disparity '' apparently relevantly. 2. organize the political consciousness to be anxious and apparent to influence to the work. 3 .organize the political consciousness for organizing the cynicism to be apparent to influence. 4. it is anxious to work and is defeated by fairly influence in organizing. 5. organize the cynicism to defeat by fairly influence in organizing. 6. it is anxious with organizing the cynicism in order to organize the political consciousness and intermediary which the organization promise to change one to work.
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21

Chen, Fang-yu, and 陳方裕. "A Study of the influence of Perceptions of Organizational Politics on Trust – Organizational Cynicism as Mediator Variable." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94313828905532575756.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
98
Abstract The purpose of this investigation is based on the revision model proposed by Ferris , Adams, Kolodinsky, Hochwarter, Ammeter,(2002).This research is deeply to examine the influence of perceptions of organizational politics on trust - organizational cynicism as mediator variable .The data were analyzed by SPSS 15.0 software and by structural equation modeling (SEM). The major results of this study are as following:The perceptions of organizational politics were found have a significant negative relationship with trust. The perceptions of organizational politics were constructed from three patterns( general political behavior、go along to get ahead、pay and promotion).Only general political behavior has a significant effect on trust.The other two patterns have no significant effect on trust. The perceptions of organizational politics were found have a significant positive relationship with organizationl cynicism . Organizationl cynicism has a significant negative relationship with trust.Organizationl cynicism has a mediating effect on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and trust. Key word:perceptions of organizational politics , trust , organizationl cynicism , structural equation modeling
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22

Chen, Yi-Hua, and 陳怡樺. "Psychological Contract Breach、Organizational Politics Perception、Organizational Cynicism And Organizational Citizenship Behavior Discussion of Relatedness:The Case Study of BNHI." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93610574440923307094.

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碩士
國立屏東商業技術學院
經營管理研究所
99
The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship among Central Health Insurance Bureau of organizational changes from Permanent Employees and atypical employment alternatives, Psychological Contract Breach、Organizational Politics Perception、Organizational Cynicism and Organizational Citizenship Behavior. In the methodology, this research uses the methods that combined quantity and quality. A total of 198 valid questionnaires from National Health Insurance Kao-Pei Business group were received. The regression analysis, T test were used to analyze the collected data. The results shows that Permanent Employees has positive relationship with Psychological Contract Breach . The results of this research: negative with Psychological Contract Breach and Organizational Politics Perception ; positive with Psychological Contract Breach and Organizational Citizenship Behavior ; negative with Psychological Contract Breach and Organizational Cynicism ; positive with Organizational Politics Perception and Organizational Citizenship Behavior ; positive with Organizational Politics Perception and Organizational Cynicism ; positive with Organizational Cynicism and Organizational Citizenship Behavior.
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23

Chen, I.-Hua, and 陳儀樺. "A Study of the Relationship of Perceptions of Organizational Politics and Organizational Commitment: Job Satisfaction and Organizational Cynicism as Mediator." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/73496158116983293404.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
98
Political behavior prevails in organizations. Recently, organization researchers dedicate themselves to the issues related to perceptions of organization politics. The motivation of those organization studies is nothing more than the willingness of improving organization commitment, in turns to enhance long-term competitiveness in organizations. This study is based on the Revised Model of Perceptions of Organizational Politics, Ferris et al (2002), to discuss the relationship among perceptions of organizational politics, organizational commitment, job satisfaction and organizational cynicism. The study also examines whether the perceptions of organizational politics through mediating effects, job satisfaction and organizational cynicism, will influence organizational commitment. After using structural equation modeling(SEM) to analyze the research data in 2008, provided by Political Perception Research Team, which is led by Prof. Chin-Ming Ho, the new findings include: 1.For the influence of perceptions of organizational politics to organization commitment: “general political behavior” shows a significant positive correlation; for “go along to get ahead”, it is not notable; regarding “pay and promotion policies”, it represents significant negative correlation.. 2.There is significant negative impact between perceptions of organizational politics and job satisfaction. 3.There is significant positive impact between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational cynicism. 4.Job satisfaction has positive impact to organizational commitment. 5.Organization cynicism has negative impact to organizational commitment. 6.Job satisfaction and organizational cynicism are the mediators of organizational commitment and perceptions of organization politics.
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24

Wang, Chiao-ling, and 王巧鈴. "The Effects of Perceptions of Organizational Politics on Organizational Citizenship Behavior: A Study of the Mediating Effects of Organizational Cynicism." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44941380795527962728.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
100
The employee’s perceptions of organizational politics will increase due to the “uncertainty” of environment and “scarcity” of resources. It will also affect employee’s attitude and behavior. This study is based on the revision model of Perceptions of Organizational Politics (POP) proposed by Ferris et al. (2002). We investigate the relationship between the perceptions of organizational politics, the organizational citizenship behavior, and the organizational cynicism. Finally we further confirm the mediating effects of organizational cynicism. This study used the scales of 35 items collected by Dr. Chin-ming Ho and the other members of the last research team of POP in 2008. The research is based on the revision model of POP and questionnaire survey. The sample consisted of 1,890 employee selected from 40 organizations covering 9 industrial sectors in Taiwan. We further use of the structural equation modeling (SEM) to measure the relationship amongst the constructs. The perceptions of organizational politics have been reduced to three factors: general political behavior, going along to get ahead and pay and promotion policies. The major results of this study are as fallowing: 1.The pay and promotion policies had negative effect on the organizational citizenship behavior. 2.The perceptions of organizational politics had positive effect on the organizational cynicism. 3.The organizational cynicism had negative effect on the organizational citizenship behavior. 4.The perceptions of organizational politics had an indirect negative effect, through the mediating effects of organizational cynicism, in the organizational citizenship behavior.
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25

Hsang, Chang Chien Ying, and 張簡英翔. "The Effects of Bank Employee’ Organizational Change Perception on Organizational Citizenship Behavior: The Mediating of Organizational Cynicism and Organizational Politic Perception." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50960893548116708971.

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碩士
國立高雄應用科技大學
人力資源發展系碩士班
95
In recent years, government continually adopts a series of policies like financial institution integration and financial reform to make Taiwan Financial Frame sound. Furthermore, these policies are much expected to increase the capital size of banks, enhance business performance of agility, flexibility, adaptation and competitiveness through mergers, acquisitions and consolidations. The purpose of this study is to explore the perception of organizational politics and organizational cynicism of bank’s employee, and how perception affect the organizational citizenship behavior after the organization’s changing. Through a series of mail survey of 347 bank’s employees. The data was analyzed by factor analysis, reliability analysis, using the SEM to measure the relationship amongst the constructs. As far as employees in banks are concerned, most might suffer the long-term impact of the future uncertainty about employee lay-off, relocation, salary reduction and increasing job-load and so on under unexpected environment change. The results showed that perception of organizational change has positive effects on perception of organizational politics and cynicism. Additionally, the perception of organizational politics and cynicism has negative effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Therefore, Perception of organizational change has no significant influence on organizational citizenship behavior in banks. Finally, the perception of organizational politics has positive effects on cynicism. When the banking on the organizational change, it is important to pay attention to the behavior development of employees in that not only does it hinder the organization changing, but also it influences employees’ performance.
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26

Cheng, Hsin-Yi, and 鄭欣怡. "A Study of the influence of Perceptions of Organizational Politics on Turnover Intention: The Moderation Effects of Job Anxiety and Organizational Cynicism." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/90718688735728905061.

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Abstract:
碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
98
This study is based on the fundamentals of Perceptions of Organizational Politics (POP) proposed by Ferris et al. (2002). We use the SPSS 15.0 and the structural equation modeling (SEM) to verify the relationship between the POP and the turnover intention. And we further confirm the mediating effects of job anxiety and organizational cynicism. This study used the scales of 35 items collected by Dr. Chin-ming Ho and the other members of the last research team of POP in 2008. The research is based on the revision model of POP and questionnaire survey. The sample consisted of 1,890 employee selected from 40 organizations covering 9 industrial sectors in Taiwan. We further use of the SEM to measure the relationship amongst the constructs. The results of this study are as following. Perception of organizational politics has a significant effect on turnover intention. Perceptionsof organizational politics has three measured dimentions. Both measured dimentions of gerenal political behavior and organization policies and practices present positive effect on turnover intention. Measured dimention of go alone to get ahead presents negative effect on turnover intention. Perception of organizational politics and job anxiety present positive remarkable related. Perception of organizational politics and organizational cynicism present positive remarkable related. Job anxiety has a significant moderate effect on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and turnover intention. Organizational cynicism has a significant moderate effect on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and turnover intention.
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27

BRANCATO, GIOVANNI. "Il conflitto nei talk show. Giovani e fiducia nella politica in Ecuador." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1079234.

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Il progetto di tesi si inserisce nel filone di studi sulla comunicazione politica e sugli effetti dei media. Nello specifico, questo studio intende verificare gli eventuali effetti che la visione di talk show televisivo con un alto grado di “conflittualità” tra i partecipanti, può produrre sugli spettatori, in termini di fiducia verso la politica e di alcuni soggetti ed istituzioni in particolare. L’ideazione del progetto si è mossa su due binari: in primis, scegliere di svolgere l’esperienza sperimentale in un’area geografica, e in un Paese specifico come l’Ecuador, rispetto alla quale la rassegna bibliografica ha riportato molta attenzione ai temi del populismo ma un interesse complessivamente scarso per i possibili effetti dei media sulla cittadinanza; e, secondariamente, adottare una metodologia quasi-sperimentale, di per sé poco valorizzata in ambito strettamente sociologico.
The thesis project takes place within the framework of studies on political communication and media effects. In particular, this study aims to verify the possible effects that the view of Tv talk shows with a high degree of "conflict" between participants can have on viewers, in terms of confidence in politics and in some political subjects and institutions. The project's conception was based on two strands: on the one hand, the choice to carry out the experimental experience in a geographical area, and in a specific country such as Ecuador, where the bibliographic review showed a lot of attention to populist themes, but on the whole little interested in the possible effects of the media on citizenship; on the other hand, the adoption of an almost experimental methodology, unappreciated in a strictly sociological context.
El proyecto de tesis es parte de los estudios sobre la comunicación política y los efectos de los medios de comunicación. Específicamente, este trabajo tiene como objetivo verificar los posibles efectos que puede producir en el espectador, en términos de confianza en la política y en algunos sujetos e instituciones políticas, ver programas de televisión con un alto grado de "conflicto" entre los participantes. El diseño del proyecto se ha desarrollado a partir de dos pistas: en primer lugar, optar por llevar a cabo la experiencia experimental en un área geográfica, y en un país específico como Ecuador, donde la reseña bibliográfica ha mostrado mucha atención a los temas del populismo pero poco interés en general por los posibles efectos que los medios de comunicación pueden tener sobre la ciudadanía; y, en segundo lugar, adoptar una metodología casi-experimental, en sí misma poco valorada en un contexto propiamente sociológico.
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28

Tacheji, Marc-James M. J. "Être résistance : illustration d’une nouvelle théorie de la résistance chez le dernier Foucault." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3966.

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Dans le présent mémoire, je revisite l’oeuvre de Foucault à la lumière des analyses qu’il offre entre 1981 et 1984 dans ses derniers cours au Collège de France. À l’encontre de l’avis qui voit une rupture dans la pensée foucaldienne – opinion justifiée par la transition radicale qu’opère Foucault depuis l’étude de la relation entre pouvoir et savoir à l’analyse des techniques de subjectivation dans l’Antiquité – j’illustre qu’il y a continuité et complémentarité entre ses analyses des années 1970 et ses démonstrations des années 1980. Foucault trouve, au fondement de la pratique politique gréco-romaine, une éthique définie comme travail de soi sur soi. Aussi tente-t il, au travers de ses dernières analyses, de réactualiser l’askêsis comme fondement oublié de l’éthique, et l’êthos comme condition d’efficacité de la politique. Si, jusqu’en 1980, Foucault s’intéresse aux mécanismes et aux dispositifs permettant le gouvernement de la population, à partir de 1980, c’est la question du gouvernement de soi comme condition nécessaire du gouvernement des autres qui investit ses analyses. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’illustrer, à partir de la redéfinition foucaldienne de l’éthique, la présence d’une nouvelle théorie de la résistance dans ses derniers cours au Collège de France. Par voie de conséquence, je propose implicitement des éclaircissements sur la fonction qu’occupent L’Usage des plaisirs et le Souci de soi, ultimes publications de l’auteur, au sein de son oeuvre.
In this dissertation, I revisit Foucault’s work through the various analyses he offered between 1981 and 1984 while teaching at the Collège de France. Against the opinion which sees a radical turn in Foucault’s thought – opinion which is seemingly justified by the author’s break with his past demonstrations on the relation between power and knowledge, and his shift towards the study of the various spiritual exercises in Antiquity – I illustrate that there is a continuity and a complementarity between his earlier studies and his later interests. Foucault uncovers, at the basis of Greco-roman political practice, an ethics defined as an exercise of the self. He then attempts, throughout his last years at the Collège de France, to reinstate askêsis as the long forgotten foundation of ethics, and the êthos as the condition of political efficiency. Until 1980, Foucault is mainly interested by the mechanisms and devices enabling the government of populations. From 1980 on, it is the question of the government of self as a necessary condition for the government of others which invests his analyses. My objective, throughout this dissertation, is to illustrate how Foucault’s redefinition of ethics allows him to advocate a new theory of resistance in his last years at the Collège de France. This dissertation therefore implicitly suggests further clarification pertaining to the function of Foucault’s last two publications (L’usage de plaisir and Le souci de soi) within his work understood as a whole.
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