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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political culture'

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1

Calvert, S. A. "Political culture and political stability in Argentina." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380553.

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2

Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.

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3

Georgiev, Plamen K. "The Bulgarian political culture /." Göttingen : V&R Unipress, 2007. http://swbplus.bsz-bw.de/bsz268630259inh.pdf.

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4

Welch, Stephen. "The concept of political culture." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317760.

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5

Perenich, Nick. "Political culture and ethnic identification." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1991. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/2.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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6

Shannon, Ciaran Aodh. "Conspiracy theories and political culture." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437566.

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7

Sakun, A. V., T. I. Kadlubovich, and D. S. Chernyak. "Philosophy of modern political culture." Thesis, Izdevnieciba "Baltija Publishing", 2020. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16378.

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8

Wiggins, Sarah Lynn. "Politics and political culture in English women's colleges, 1890-1914." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408731.

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9

Green, D. A. "The politics of tragedy : child-on-child homicide and political culture." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599651.

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This thesis is a comparative study of the cultural, political and media impacts of two child-on-child homicides—the 1993 English case of James Bulger and the 1994 Norwegian case of Silje Redergård. A discourse analytic approach is used to study the meanings and effects of newspaper coverage of both homicides in order to explain the cases’ dissimilar effects. Discourse theory provides insights into how the culturally distinct language used to describe social problems implies concordant solutions. The intention is to compare the intra-and inter-jurisdictional ways in which each homicide was contextualised in the broadsheet and tabloid press coverage. These case studies are the vehicles by which the culture-specific penal sensibilities governing penal policy decision-making are assessed and compared. The politicisation of penal policy debates in England has meant that policymakers now defer to assessments of public opinion to an extent unseen in earlier post-war decades. The media has simultaneously expanded its influence on public affairs, often speaking for the public, and politicians court the public via the media, often conflating the two. Lost in these interactions is both a sense of the unmediated and informed public will, and a public forum where the issues are engaged on a level of proportionate to their importance. The first aim of this research is to describe a set of interlinked problems facing professional experts and penal policymakers, most of which are more acutely experienced in England than in Norway. Adversarial political culture, the media, and poor measures of public opinion each constrain the range of choices available to policymakers, minimising opportunities for the deliberative consideration of all available knowledge. The second aim is to provide ameliorative proposals to broaden the range of choices policymakers consider to include knowledge’s politicians often ignore, the media often overlook, and opinion polls often fail to measure. The ‘Deliberative Poll’ is one promising means to facilitate ‘public judgement’, a more durable assessment of the informed public will which appears less susceptible to populist manipulation and distortion than current, weaker assessments. Providing opportunities for public deliberation could also generate the kind of trust among citizens that characterises those nations where the politicisation of crime is not so pressing an issue.
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Hadley, Graham John. "Performance culture meets police culture : the relationship between political ideologies, police reform and police culture." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2014. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/performance-culture-meets-police-culture(31510fe4-4810-449b-8117-1c2d20956344).html.

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This thesis explores successive police reform agendas over the period 1979 – 2012 in terms of the relationship between political ideology, police reform and police occupational culture. The thesis addresses the interplay between ideologically driven police reform and the reception of reform agendas within the central mindset of policing. It examines the significance of political and economic drivers in police reform agendas and literature on police occupational culture, with emphasis upon change and reform and the response within the police. As a means of exploring the relationship between reform and police culture the thesis gathers data through empirical research based upon documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews. Research upon street and management cops (Reuss-Ianni 1983) and the analytical model of cultural knowledge and change outlined by Chan (1997), was used to analyse and present the research findings. The main conclusions concern how ideology in police reform agendas was received by police occupational culture. Utilising the theoretical frameworks of Reuss-Ianni and Chan, the thesis argues that the ideology in police reform agendas is received and assessed through cultural knowledge. This places into context documented features of police occupational culture such as the sense of mission, conservatism, resistance to change and the street – management divide. As a result, this thesis contributes to the understanding of police occupational culture through the prism of reform and the implications for practice, outlining how ideologically driven police reform agendas are received and interpreted through police occupational culture.
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11

West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.

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12

Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli 1977. "Política e cultura no governo de D. João VI (1792-1821)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281086.

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Orientador: Leila Mezan Algranti
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T04:16:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meirelles_JulianaGesuelli_D.pdf: 3797424 bytes, checksum: 1fbaa0a6e0395af649cfd590e5f16c0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Esta tese investiga os possíveis sentidos da política cultural durante a governança de D. João no mundo luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1792-1821. O ponto de partida da pesquisa dá-se no início de sua Regência (1792) e encerra-se com seu retorno a Lisboa (1821). Sob as diretrizes do iluminismo luso-brasileiro, a investigação das especificidades da política cultural joanina recaiu sobre quatro locus de cultura de ampla interlocução social: a imprensa interatlântica, os Reais teatros, as Reais Academias Militares e as Reais Bibliotecas Públicas da Corte. Através de uma abordagem interatlântica, buscamos compreender as peculiaridades da administração joanina no universo da cultura em um período de grave crise política no Império Português
Abstract: This thesis investigates the cultural policy fostered by D. João's government in the Luso-Brazilian world during the years 1792-1891. The project has as its starting point the beginning of his reign (1792) and concludes with his return to Lisbon (1821). In the light of the Luso-Brazilian Enlightenment, the research has focused on 4 cultural locus of wide-ranging social reach: the inter-Atlantic press, the Royal theatres, the Royal military academies and the Court's Royal public libraries. Through an inter-Atlantic approach, the present study hopes to understand the intricacies of D. João's administration of the cultural sector in a period of deep political crisis in the Portuguese Empire
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutora em História
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13

Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.

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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.
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Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses
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Trachtenberg, Zev Matthew. "Making citizens : Rousseau's political theory of culture /." London ; New York : Routledge, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37427064c.

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Grigoriadis, Ioannis Nikolaou. "Turkish political culture and the European Union." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28796/.

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This thesis examines the impact of improving EU-Turkey relations on Turkish political culture since the 1990s. While republican institutions and a multi-party political system were introduced in Turkey by the 1950s, political liberalism was the missing part of Turkey's substantive democratisation. The subject character of Ottoman political culture, compounded by the leading political role of the military and successive military coups, resulted in the consolidation of a republican political culture, which valued submissiveness toward state authority and did not favour citizen participation. The liberal deficit of Turkish politics became apparent with Turkey's decision to pursue membership of the European Union. Turkey's need to comply with the Copenhagen Criteria to achieve the start of EU accession negotiations meant that political liberalisation reforms were inevitable. This study embarks from an examination of the historical background to the political culture debate in Turkey. It then explores European and Turkish political cultures and draws a comparison between them. The core of this study consists of an exploration of the impact that Turkey's EU-motivated political reform had on civil society, state-society relations, the role of religion in politics and national identity. An assessment whether Turkish political culture has become more participant and citizen-centred is attempted in the concluding chapter. The theoretical framework of this thesis is informed by the work of Almond and Verba on civic culture. Historical institutionalist theories of European integration and path dependence theory are also applied to explain the role of the European Union in the liberalisation process of Turkish political culture. Putnam's work on two-level games helps explain the interplay of Turkish and European actors in the process of EU-Turkey negotiations, while his work on 16 social capital points at a feature, which can serve as the acid test for the emergence of a liberal, participant political culture in Turkey.
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Reyes, Alixon. "Culture of the Recreation, Democracy and Political Conscience." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116818.

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Recreation is a universal cultural and intangible patrimony. Besides, it has to do with all those experiences lived and felt by a human being while a transformation takes place towards it that he wishes, needs and gasps. But, the recreation has been confused with entertainment and amusement, elements that form a way of being and a way of thinking producing a cultural emptying of the recreation turning it into a banal and instrumental matter. And do not think that this is neutral and innocent. On the contrary, it is a trend that marks the fingerprint of a neocoloniality. This way, the recreation is done, is bought and sold, is programmed and is planned, offers to the measurement the one who can buy it and the one who can pay it, leaving of side the experience humanizes as vital point.
La recreación es un patrimonio universal cultural e intangible. Además, tiene que ver con todas aquellas experiencias vividas y sentidas por un ser humano en tanto se produce una transformación hacia eso que desea, necesita y anhela. Pero, la recreación ha sido confundida con entretenimiento y diversión, elementos que configuran una forma de ser y una forma de pensar produciendo un vaciado cultural de la recreación convirtiéndola en un asunto banal e instrumental. Y no se piense que esto es neutro e inocente. Por el contrario, es una tendencia que marca la huella de una neocolonialidad. Así, la recreación se hace, se compra y se vende, se programa y se planifica, se ofrece a la medida de quien la puede comprar y de quien la puede pagar, dejando de lado la experiencia humana como punto vital.
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Ceresa, Robert. "Tocqueville in Miami : political culture and political organizing in Miami's Cuban community." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2098.

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This study examines the effectiveness of civic organizations focusing on leadership and the role of culture in politics. The study is based on a quasi-experimental research design and relies primarily on qualitative data. The study focuses on Miami's Cuban community in order to examine the role of public initiative in grassroots civic and community organizations. The Miami Cuban community is a large, institutionally complex and cohesive ethnic community with dense networks of community organizations. The political and economic success of the community makes it an opportune setting for a study of civic organizing. The sheer number of civic organizations to be found in Miami's Cuban community suggests that the community's civic organizations have something to do with the considerable vibrancy and civic capacity of the community. How have the organizations managed to be so successful over so many years and what can be learned about successful civic organizing from their experience? Civic organizations in Miami's Cuban community are overwhelmingly ethnic-based organizations. The organizations recreate collective symbols that come from community members' memories of and attachments to the place of origin they hold dear as ethnic Cubans. They recreate a collective Cuban past that community members remember and that is the very basis of the community to which they belong. Cuban Miami's ethnically based civic organizations have generally performed better than the literature on civic organizations says they should. They gained greater access to community ties and social capital, and they exhibited greater organizational longevity. The fit between the political culture of civic organizations and that of the broader political community helps to explain this success. Yet they do not perform in the same way or in support of the same social purposes. Some stress individual agency rather than community agency, and some pursue an externally-oriented social purpose, whereas others focus on building an internal community.
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Hintzen, George Herman. "Imagining political science : the formative influence of political culture in the establishment of the PRC's political science, 1980-1989 /." Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41006874t.

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Gurung, Suresh Kumar. "Ethnic cultural identity and the political process : a study of relationship between ethnic politics and political institutions and organizations of Sikkim." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/205.

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Lam, Wai-man, and 林蔚文. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979): the paradox of political indifference." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241918.

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Lam, Wai-man. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979) the paradox of political indifference /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22805485.

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Fox, Mary-Jane. "Political culture in Somalia tracing paths to peace and conflict /." Uppsala : Uppsala University, Dept. of Peace and Conflict Research, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45813440.html.

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Skrobacki, Waldemar Andrzej. "Political stability and political culture : a comparative study of the USSR and Poland." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26654.

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This study is a comparative analysis of the political stability of Poland and the USSR. These two countries, very similar in many respects, are at the same time fundamentally different in terms of political stability. On the one side, there is the Soviet Union—one of the most politically stable countries in the contemporary world. On the other side, there is Poland, which periodically experiences systemic political crises. Despite institutional similarities, it is hard to imagine two more different countries in terms of political stability. The main argument of this case study is that stability, a very complex problem, depends largely on internal conditions. One of the most important of these conditions is political culture. This concept is defined as the political values, beliefs, expectations, knowledge, and patterns of behavior characteristic of the society. This study compares the official and dominant political cultures of Poland and the Soviet Union. The main argument is that the congruence between the official and the dominant political culture explains much of the stability of the USSR. In the case of Poland, the lack of congruence contributes to systemic political instability.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Obeidi, Amal Suleiman Mahmoud. "Political culture in Libya : a case study of political attitudes of university students." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1577/.

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Oman, Natalie Benva. "Sharing horizons : a paradigm for political accommodation in intercultural settings." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35035.

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This dissertation examines the issue of intercultural understanding. I explore the role played by language in constituting human subjectivity in accordance with the common insights of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Martin Heidegger, and Mikhail Mikhailovich Bakhtin, in order to: (1) affirm the complexity and fragility of the process of building understanding in fight of our immersion in specific cultural-linguistic worldviews; and (2) demonstrate that human beings are ontologically predisposed to achieve understanding, and that this ontological predisposition is enhanced by a constant and inescapable process of crossing "language boundaries" in daily life. I argue that the very manner of human induction into cultural-linguistic worldviews suggests the means by which intercultural understanding might best be fostered: through the bestowal of recognition and the cultivation of dialogical relationships.
I assemble key elements of an assortment of different theories of intercultural understanding in which these techniques are assigned a central role; this exercise generates a Wittgensteinian "perspicuous representation" of the process of crafting intercultural understanding itself, and reveals the unique strengths of two convergent approaches in particular. Both the contemporary reinterpretation of the traditional ideal of intercultural understanding of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en First Nations of northwestern British Columbia, and the recent writings of Charles Taylor on the subject of international human rights standards comprise variations of what I call the "shared horizons" paradigm. The great advantages of this paradigm are its ability to address the distortive effect exercised by power inequalities upon efforts to create intercultural understanding (demonstrated through a case study of the Gitzsan-Wet'suwet'en land claim), and its amenableness to a variety of distinct culture-specific normative justifications. The shared horizons approach does not offer a blueprint for achieving intercultural understanding, but rather, a modest and adaptable set of principles that can serve as the foundation for efforts to work toward the resolution of intercultural disagreements.
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Zima, Amanda H. "Young Voters and the Power of Political Internet Culture: An Exploration of Political Websites and Political Engagement." Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1243606048.

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Thesis (M. Ap. C.T. & M.)--Cleveland State University, 2009.
Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 17, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-76). Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center. Also available in print.
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Payan, Margarita Garrido de. "The political culture of New Granada, 1770-1815." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:219eb966-41f1-4f77-afb9-be5f91a92dda.

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This thesis is a study of New Granadan political culture during the late colonial period (1770- 1810) and the first years of Independence, known as Patria Boba (1810-1815). The study focuses on the political experiences and perceptions of three distinguishable social groups: the educated Creoles, the ordinary vecinos and the hispanicized Indians. The geographical area covered is the territory of the Audiencia of Santa Fe, which roughly corresponds to present day Colombia. A combination of ideas and experiences shaped the Creole sense of order and identity. Family clans, intellectuals, bureaucrats, lawyers and merchants built networks that found a political use on the eve of Independence and during the Patria Boba. Their notions of themselves and the other social groups, their assessment of the country's resources and their perceptions of the authorities are examined. The humbler vecinos participated in local-level politics through the election of mayors and through the process of improving their township status in the Spanish colonial hierarchy of settlements. Their notions of authority, justice, equality and belonging provide an explanation for their attitudes and allegiances during the Patria Boba. Hispanicized Indians also took part in local politics and criticized the authorities and the clergy. They attempted to influence the appointment of rulers for their communities and to preserve their land. Their sense of identity, feeling of community, and perception of outsiders are visible in their complaints and petitions. Finally, their response to the Patria Boba has particular nuances. The documents examined for the colonial period show a number of forms of local political life and suggest that it was more lively and regular than has been supposed. It is also apparent that political types and practices, until now considered distinctive features of republican culture, had colonial antecedents.
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King`ei, Geoffrey Kitula. "The Swahilization of Kenya`s socio-political culture." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-91460.

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Although it has spread mainly as a lingua franca, Kiswahili, Kenya`s national language, is increasingly becoming the language of intercultural communication. Most interestingly, Kiswahili is catching up as the medium of intra-group conversation in many rural up-country areas in Kenya. Not only do most Kenyan women wear lesos and kangas bearing Kiswahili proverbial sayings but the youth form different language communication almost invariably converse and interact through the medium of share or just Kiswahili. This brief paper sets out to speculate on the nature of Swahili lexical diffusion in up-country Kenya. Observation is made of the plorification of common Swahili names in both urban and rural areas far from the Swahili speaking coast. The paper argues that given the ever-growing tendency for non-Swahili speaking Kenyan up-country communities to adopt and use Swahili names represents a forum of intercultural communication. There seems to be a deliberate socio-cultural and political preference for Swahili names not just to denote borrowed Swahili concepts in the up-country communities but to forge a `nationalistic`culture as opposed to a localized and ethnic culture.
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Maume, Patrick. "Aspects of Irish nationalist political culture 1900-18." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286776.

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Coates, Hannah Susan. "Sir Francis Walsingham and mid-Elizabethan political culture." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20014/.

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This thesis addresses Sir Francis Walsingham’s place in and thinking about mid-Elizabethan political culture. Often seen as the dour Puritan among Elizabeth’s advisers, this thesis aims to recalibrate opinions of Walsingham, in light of his conscious and sophisticated engagement with the currents of political thought and action through which he moved. Chapter 1 explores Walsingham’s early life and education, between his birth (c. 1532) and his appointment as special envoy to France in 1570, aiming to more thoroughly analyse and contextualise the impact this had on his later life. Chapter 2 examines Walsingham’s self-conscious construction of his role as adviser to Elizabeth through his correspondence with her, engaging particularly with his vocabulary and rhetorical strategies, including humanist-classical ideas of counsel. This chapter also analyses his longer political writings on the issues of Elizabeth’s projected marriage to the duke of Alençon and English intervention in the Low Countries, comparing Walsingham’s techniques and expression to the developing language of the “art of the state”. Chapter 3 and 4 explore Walsingham’s patronage in the Church of England and in English government in Ireland, to uncover the motivations and priorities that governed his interventions in these areas. Chapter 5 traces Walsingham’s career-long preoccupation with Scotland, as the principal example of his tendency to offer advice to foreign rulers, examining his contacts with key figures north of the border, the advice he offered directly and indirectly to James VI, and the language he used to describe Anglo-Scottish relations, and analysing his motivations and intentions for these unprecedented interventions.
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Sanders, Greshauna Hannabiell. "Protest culture : creative practice as socio-political engagement." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3293.

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Since moving to Newcastle in 2009 to pursue our masters in music and art, Yilis del Carmen Suriel and myself noticed that there was a lack of cultural events designed and aimed to engage and highlight the diverse music and culture of the African and Caribbean Diaspora. We also noticed that there were a lot of local bands and musicians who performed and composed music from this community but did not share the same stage, perform together, or were even aware of each other’s existence. As musicians who love to collaborate and engage in musical activities we began creating concerts around our band, Hannabiell & Midnight Blue, and our duet, Ladies of Midnight Blue, aimed at bringing people from diverse backgrounds together. Our unique talent and skill is the ability to excite, enthuse, and create a collaborative force. We work in partnership with many other organizations and individuals, because we believe that partnerships result in stronger projects and direct action. All of our work is done through collaborative work, which is based around utilizing the resources, and strengths that already exist within the community and how we can identify them, honor them, and channel them to create new and innovative programing. The contents of this portfolio highlight and provide evidence of the longstanding rich program of events and activities that we have created and taken part of. It documents the process and ongoing development of my research in community building, audience development, networking and collaborating. It is organized chronologically from our most resent, Harambee Pasadia 2016, to some of our earliest, Roots Rhythms Double Bill in 2011.
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Wolfart, J. C. "Political culture and religion in Lindau, 1520-1628." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272382.

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Kadlubovich, T. I., and R. V. Mnozhynska. "Political socialization as a factor of electoral culture." Thesis, Izdevniecība "Baltija Publishing", 2019. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/12420.

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McCann, Aislinn Bronwyn. "Civic Culture: Scotland's Struggle for its Political Interests." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77922.

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Politics today is facing a troubling trend towards the empowerment of nationalist movements. With strong historical traditions and a powerful Scottish National Party, Scotland would appear to be a prime candidate for such movements. However, this thesis argues that Scotland represents a nation with a unique civic culture. This thesis seeks to determine which elements of Scottish political and cultural history have led to its modern day civic culture, in the form of a civic nationalism, or patriotism. It asks: why is Scottish nationalism unique, and why does it matter? To answer, I have broken down the thesis into three main chapters that consider the theories of nationalism that are significant to the study of Scottish nationalism, the foundations of Scottish nationalism, and how Scottish nationalism manifests itself in civic contexts. The results reflect that Scottish civic culture deeply permeates the nation's politics. Even when given the opportunity for independence, Scotland chose to remain a part of the United Kingdom in order to maintain its interests with the European Union. And, while political cultures are subject to rapid change, the current state of Scottish culture reflects a civic manifestation.
Master of Arts
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Vernon, James. "Politics and the people : a study of English political culture and communication, 1808-68." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303531.

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Howell, Philip M. R. "'A free trade in politics' : a geography of Chartism's political culture, c.1838-1848." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272582.

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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass communications and political culture : authoritarianism and press representations of political deviance in Greece." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357679.

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Jogerst, Meredith Brandes. "Political Culture in the United States: A Reexamination of Elazar's Subcultures." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500578/.

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This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.
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Araújo, Francisco José [UNESP]. "Mandonismo e cultura política pós-1985." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106280.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:45:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 araujo_fj_dr_arafcl_prot.pdf: 1126152 bytes, checksum: 6d40d8cf1815ebe0a5524d7f1ddace63 (MD5)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Este trabalho volta-se para a análise do mandonismo no Brasil contemporâneo. Tem como objetivo dar conta das suas formas de reprodução e atualização, portanto, da sua sobrevivência. Para tanto, examina o conteúdo da Cultura Política brasileira no que tange às tradições republicana, liberal e democrática, o tipo de estado federativo que se organizou no Brasil e as condições de existência da accountability horizontal e vertical. O enfoque tem como recorte histórico o período que se inicia no pós-1985, quando são restaurados o regime democrático e o estado de Direito. Toma-se como caso-exemplo o ex-presidente José Sarney, tendo-se em vista que ele obteve, nos últimos 40 anos, destaque tanto no âmbito regional como nacional além de ter participado diretamente de todos os grandes acontecimentos políticos no período abordado. Foi, inclusive, o primeiro presidente civil depois de 1964. A tese parte do suposto de que o mandonismo é um fenômeno que não se restringe ao Nordeste ou a regiões mais pobres, como costuma ser afirmado no Brasil. Está presente também nos centros mais ricos, manifestando-se sob formas mais sofisticadas menos caricaturais. Os mandões das regiões brasileira econômicas e politicamente hegemônicas agem de forma sincronizada em defesa dos seus interesses harmonizados o que lhes confere grande eficiência, não se diferenciando dos demais mandões do Norte e Nordeste quanto à prática de governo privado. Assim como estes buscam controlar a alocação dos recursos e manter influência sobre diversos agentes estatais da accountability horizontal, a fim de garantir vantagens na utilização dos recursos e bens públicos e ficar na impunidade.
This work is directed towards the analyses of mandonismo in contemporary Brazil. Its aim is to its reproductive forms and actualizations, and therefore, its survival. To accomplish such work, it examines the contents of the Brazilian political culture in its republican, liberal and democratic tradition, the type of federal State that was development in Brazil and the conditions of existence for horizontal and vertical accountability. This approach has as its historical background the period beginning after 1985, when the democratic system and the State of law were restored. The former president José Sarney was used as a case-example. In the last 40 years, he obtained success both in regional and national scopes. Moreover, he took direct part in all major political events during the period of time studied. Apart from that he was the first civilian president after 1964. This thesis begins with the assumption that mandonismo is a phenomenon that is not restricted to the Northeast or to the poorer areas of Brazil, as it is commonly affirmed. It is also present in the rich centers, being revealed under more sophisticated forms, less caricatured. The bosses of the Brazilian economical and hegemonic political regions act in a synchronized way to defend their own harmonized interests, which gives them great efficiency. They do not differ themselves from the bosses of the North and Northeast regions who the practice their own private government. In the same way, they aim to control resource allocations and maintain influence over many horizontal accountability state agents, in order to guarantee advantages in using resources and public property and remaining under impunity.
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Fidelis, Thiago. "Preto no branco : as crises políticas institucionais pelas páginas de O Estado de S. Paulo e Ultima Hora (1954/1956) /." Araraquara, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153835.

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Orientador: Angelo Del Vecchio
Banca: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy
Banca: Heloísa Helena de Jesus Paulo
Banca: Pedro Geraldo Tosi
Banca: Maria Ribeiro do Valle
Resumo: Partindo do ponto de que a imprensa é um campo no qual, para além do trato da informação e das formas como ela se manifesta, também é um espaço de intervenção social nas suas mais variadas formas, a presente tese buscou compreender a participação no campo político de dois jornais brasileiros, nos períodos entre 1954 e 1956: O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) e a Ultima Hora (UH). A escolha tanto dos periódicos quanto das datas foi pautada por alguns critérios: a) o recorte temporal foi feito com base no conceito de crise, ou seja, um intervalo de tempo no qual acontecem atos que fogem à norma estruturada. Do ponto de vista político, nesses momentos, ocorreram inúmeros fatos extremos, como o suicídio de Getúlio Vargas e o contragolpe do Marechal Lott, que forneceu bases para a posse de Juscelino Kubitschek e João Goulart; b) na política institucional, havia duas culturas políticas buscando espaço: de um lado, uma cultura política trabalhista, com base em princípios nacionalistas e estatistas instituídos, sobretudo pelo Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB); já do outro lado, havia uma cultura política liberal, pautada em opor todos os princípios defendidos pelo outro grupo, tendo um caráter liberal do ponto de vista econômico, mas conservador do ponto de vista político, sendo representada pela União Democrática Nacional (UDN); c) por fim, os dois jornais escolhidos estavam muito próximos (embora não fossem publicações a serviço dessas agremiações) desses grupos: UH fora criada por Sam... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Considering that press is a field that, besides dealing with information and with the ways it manifests itself, represents a space of social intervention in many different conceptions, this research intended to comprehend the participation of two main Brazilian Newspapers in political area during the period between 1954 to 1956: O Estado de S.Paulo (OESP) and Ultima Hora (UH). The choice of both papers and of the period was based on the following criteria: a) the segmentation of events related to the concept of crisis, that is to say, a time interval when some non-structured acts happens. From a political point of view, in these moments, there were numerous extreme facts, for instance: Getúlio Vargas's suicide and Marechal Lott's blacklash, that provided the sources for Jucelino Kubtschek's and João Goulart's presidential inauguration; b) in the current institutional policy, there were two political cultures: on one hand, principles of labour, based on nationalism and statism, which were developed by the Partido Trabalhista do Brasil (PTB), and, on the other hand, a liberal perspective, based on opposing all the beliefs defended by the other group. This last Party used to present a liberal economical perception related to a conservative position, being represented by União Democrática Nacional (UDN); c) both Newspapers were very close to these groups (although they were not specific publications organized to serve them). It is important to verify, for example, that UH was cre... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
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42

Blevins, Laura Lynn Lee. "Collectively Voting One's Culture." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/92700.

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This thesis considers theoretically the institutional nature of culture and its strength as a determinant of political behavior in Southwest Virginia. Beginning with a description of the geography of Southwest Virginia and the demographics of the region's inhabitants, the thesis proceeds to outline the cultural nuances of the region that make it ripe for misunderstanding by the outside world when attempting to explain the cognitive dissonance between voting behavior and regional needs. Then the thesis explores how the culture of the region serves as its own institution that protects itself from outside forces. This phenomenon is explained through an outline of the man-made institutions which have been forged to ensure long-term political power that itself protects the institution of regional culture. Further evidence is presented through voting and demographic data that solidifies the role of culture in determining political behavior.
MA
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Saldaña, Martín Marta. "Rentierism and political culture in the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15847.

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This dissertation discusses United Arab Emirates (UAE) state-society relations in historical perspective; analyses qualitatively the Emirati political culture; examines how the latter affects governmental policies in the UAE; and evaluates both qualitatively and quantitatively the political orientations and values of the Emirati educated youth. Through a discussion of existing theoretical and conceptual approaches, and the observation of the UAE case study, it argues that an important and overlooked dimension among students of state-society relations in authoritarian rentier states is citizens’ political culture, which should nonetheless be examined within a more integrative framework of analysis. Accordingly, this study employs a refined version of the holistic ‘state-in-society’ approach (Kamrava, 2008), in combination with rentier state theory (RST) and the political culture perspective (Almond & Verba, 1963), to qualitatively discuss the general Emirati political culture (agency/input), and assess how the latter affects governmental performance/policies (output); and to evaluate, both qualitatively and quantitatively, the political culture of the educated Emirati youth as the main potential supporters or opponents (agency/input) of the ruling elite. Adding to the debate around the continued significance and scope of RST, the dissertation concludes that the rentier nature of a state does not necessarily determine its people´s lack of interest in politics, but can actually empower them to challenge authoritarianism through political socialization. The historical approach to UAE political movements and discussion about contemporary political standpoints demonstrate that governmental policies (redistributive, co-optative, repressive, or reformist) are mainly driven by domestic pressure and run parallel to historical development of domestic political activism. Hence, rentierism by itself does is not sufficient to explain state-society relations in the Gulf region. Finally, the analysis and measurement of cognitive, affective and evaluative political orientations of Emirati UAEU students reflects that there is adherence to ‘post-materialistic’ and ‘self-expression’ values among important sectors of the Emirati educated youth, which are associated with the emergence of a participative political culture (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005): an ‘aspiring participant’ political culture.
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Pio, Riaan Johan. "Management of political behaviour in organisations." Thesis, Port Elizabeth Technikon, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/33.

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In this research paper, the constructive management of political behaviour in organisations was investigated. A general overview of relevant aspects which specifically relate to the constructive management of political behaviour in the automotive industry was presented. The literature study included a discussion of the nature of political behaviour and guidelines for the management of political behaviour in organisations. The research methodology consisted of three phases: Phase 1: A literature study to determine guidelines to manage political behaviour in organisations constructively. Phase 2: An empirical study to determine the effectiveness of these guidelines in practice by means of a survey amongst role players in the automotive industry in South Africa. Phase 3: The findings from the literature study and empirical study were integrated into guidelines of how managers can manage political behaviour constructively. The study identified nine main strategies for managing political behaviour. They are: Open communication. Communication must be open to keep all parties informed and to prevent distrust. Reduction of uncertainty. This involves preventing employees being unsure of what the future holds. Awareness. The aim of awareness is for managers to be sensitive to and aware of situations that could elicit political behaviours. Furthermore, they must recognize political behaviour for what it is. Setting an example. Managers must set an exemplary example and not engage in political behaviour. An understanding of the reason/motivation for the formation of informal (political) groups or cliques. Having established the reason why political groups form will enable a manager to manage them more effectively. Confront political game players. Managers must address all forms of possible political behaviour in a serious manner. Understanding the organisation’s strategy, goals and action plans. All employees need to know exactly what direction the organization is moving in and what is in it for them. It is management’s task to ensure this open and clear communication, to prevent fears and political behaviour. Tie resource allocation and rewards to strategy. This can be achieved by ensuring that the criteria for the allocation of rewards is straight forward and understood by all. Reward systems must, furthermore, be directly linked to performance. There should also be transparency in decision-making. Isolate resource acquisition from internal operations. It is necessary to clearly specify the conditions and ground rules for the acquisition of resources to ensure that the process is transparent. The conclusion reached is that political behaviour in organizations can be managed constructively to build win-win relationships.
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Kinsell, Andrew. "POST-APARTHEID POLITICAL CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1994-2004." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002787.

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Karim, Jena. "Polarization of political culture : Islam and Pakistan, 1958-1988." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83114.

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This study examines the relationship between Islam and political culture in Pakistan in the four decades following its naissance. It assesses the validity of the argument that a polarity has emerged in the Pakistani political culture, consisting of Islamism and Islamic modernism. In the case of Pakistan, Islamism refers to the use of the primary sources of Islam law, the Qur'an, hadith, and sunnah, in crafting both policy and political institutions. Islamic modernism refers to the systematized use of these primary sources as well as other (external) sources, adjusted for contemporary circumstances. These ideologies, as defined here, are gleaned from the discourse of a Pakistani ideologues, Sayyid Abu'l A 'la Mawdudi and Fazlur Rahman. It examines the thought of Mawdudi and Rahman as the discursive backdrop to the polarity of political culture. It then provides analysis of three regimes which exacerbate this polarity. They include the Islamic modernist regime of Ayub Khan, from 1958 to 1969, the quasi-Islamist regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, from 1971 to 1977, and finally the Islamist regime of General Zia ul-Haq, from 1977 to 1988.
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Butterwick, Richard J. "Stanislaw August Poniatowski, his circle and English political culture." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359487.

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Tay, Geniesa. "Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and Play." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Media and Communication, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7091.

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The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.
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Sánchez, María de los Ángeles Mascott. "Legitimacy in Mexico : elections, political culture and social justice." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412111.

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Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.

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