Academic literature on the topic 'Political culture Great Britain History 18th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political culture Great Britain History 18th century"
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Pollio, Gerald. "‘Now Nothing are so Numerous’." Journal of Early American History 10, no. 1 (September 11, 2020): 70–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-01001006.
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Abstract Piled carpets, whether of Eastern or European production, appeared in colonial homes soon after the colonisation of North America in the early 17th century. Initially displayed on tables and cupboards, they were subsequently used as floor coverings in the homes of political and social elites. Over the 18th century Eastern carpets appear to have lost their original semiotic function: ‘English’ having become synonymous with elegance, led colonial consumers increasingly to substitute carpets made in Great Britain for those imported from Persia or Turkey; this shift was motivated in large part by both the wider range of English styles and their lower cost. Probate inventories provide much of the information on the position of carpets in colonial homes. Such data are subject to various shortcomings, which are noted and discussed, especially in relation to their use as valuation measures.
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ØSTERGÅRD, UFFE. "The history of Europe seen from the North." European Review 14, no. 2 (April 12, 2006): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000263.
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The Nordic or Scandinavian countries represent variations on general European patterns of state and nation-building and political culture. Denmark and Sweden rank among the oldest and most typical of nation-states together with France, Britain and Spain and should be studied with the same questions in mind. Today, however, a sort of trans-state common Nordic identity coexists with independent national identifications among the Scandinavians. Nordic unity is regarded as a viable alternative to European culture and integration by large numbers of the populations. There has never existed a ‘Scandinavian model’ worthy of the name ‘model’. Because of a series of changes in great power politics in the 18th and 19th centuries, the major conflicts in Europe were relocated away from Northern Europe. This resulted in a virtual ‘neutralization’ of the Scandinavian countries north of the Baltic Sea. Today, the much promoted ‘Nordic identity’ reveals itself only through the nation-states. The ‘Association for Nordic Unity’ (Foreningerne Norden) was set up in 1919 only after all five Nordic countries had achieved independent nationhood: Norway in 1905, Finland in 1917, and Iceland in 1918 (the latter only as home rule to be followed by independence in 1944). The very different roads to independent nationhood among the Nordic countries and the idea of a common Nordic identity can be traced back to its beginnings in the 19th century
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ГРУБИНКО, Андрій. "Идея европейской политической интеграции в истории международных отношений и Великобритания = Ideya yevropeyskoy politicheskoy integratsii v istorii mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy i Velikobritaniya." Historia i Świat 5 (September 12, 2016): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2016.05.16.
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The article examines the historical origins and characteristics of Great Britain’s European policy from the Middle Ages to the II World War in the context of general trends of development international relations in Europe. Special attention is paid to the analysis of theoretical concepts of leading European political integration. Views of the European (continental) and English (British) thinkers and politicians on the problem of European political unity are presented. According the author’s conclusions we may confirm about the specific British model of European integration and participation the country in processes of regional political association. The imperial strategy of “splendid isolation” in 18th – 19th centuries was embodied in the main principle of the Britain’s European policy and formulated in 1930 by Winston Churchill: “We are with Europe but don’t belong to it.” At the same time, the political thought of UK was developed in line with European trends. William Penn, John Bellers, Jeremy Bentham, James Lorimer put forward their own vision of European political unity. During the II World War the idea of European integration has gained popularity. The originality of British culture, great practical historical experience of European policy, supported by theoretical projects of European political unity formed the necessary basis for the start process of practical implementation idea of European political integration during the second half of the ХХth century.
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Jay, Mike. "2 The history of psychedelics in psychiatry." Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry 91, no. 8 (July 20, 2020): e1.3-e1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp-2020-bnpa.2.
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Mike Jay has written widely on the history of science and medicine, and particularly on the discovery of psychoactive drugs during the 18th and 19th centuries. His books on the subject include Emperors of Dreams: drugs in the nineteenth century (2000, revised edition 2011) and most recently High Society: mind-altering drugs in history and culture (2010), which accompanied the exhibition he curated at Wellcome Collection in London. The Atmosphere of Heaven is also the third book in his series of biographical narratives of political reformers in 1790s Britain. It follows The Air Loom Gang (2003, revised edition forthcoming 2012) and The Unfortunate Colonel Despard (2004).The history of psychedelics in psychiatry is longer than usually recognised. The potential of psychedelic drugs to effect mental cures, and the difficulty of managing their powerful effects, were both recognised over a century ago. Since 1962 the research protocols for demonstrating drug efficacy have posed particular problems for psychedelic-assisted therapy.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Østergård, Uffe. "Peasants and Danes: The Danish National Identity and Political Culture." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 1 (January 1992): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017412.
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From a cultural and historical-sociological perspective, the Danish nationstate of today represents a rare situation of virtual identity between state, nation, and society, which is a more recent phenomenon than normally assumed in Denmark and abroad. Though one of the oldest European monarchies, whose flag came ‘tumbling down from heaven in 1219’—ironically enough an event that happened in present-day Estonia—Denmark's present national identity is of recent vintage. Until 1814 the word, Denmark, denominated a typical European, plurinational or multinational, absolutist state, second only to such powers as France, Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and perhaps Prussia. The state had succeeded in reforming itself in a revolution from above in the late eighteenth century and ended as one of the few really “enlightened absolutisms” of the day (Horstbøll and østergård 1990; østergård 1990). It consisted of four main parts and several subsidiaries in the North Atlantic Ocean, plus some colonies in Western Africa, India, and the West Indies. The main parts were the kingdoms of Denmark proper and Norway, plus the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. How this particular state came about need not bother us here.
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Maiatskii, Dmitry I. "Northern and Western Europe in “Illustrated Tributaries of the Qing Empire”." Oriental Studies 19, no. 4 (2020): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-4-81-93.
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This paper explores features of the visual images and descriptions of the inhabitants of four European states (Sweden, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Switzerland), found in “Huang Qing Zhi Gong Tu” (“Tributaries of the ruling Qing dynasty”) – a Chinese historical and ethnographic book compiled by Fu Heng in the middle of the 18th century. The book is stored in the collection of rare Oriental books at St. Petersburg State University. Eight xylographic illustrations of the inhabitants of the European states are selected and analyzed. The attached explanatory texts are also translated. They contain information about the geographical location of the countries mentioned, as well as the history of their contacts with China and some notes about the inhabitants of these countries, including an anthropological portrait, a description of costumes, customs, occupations and so on. The interpretation is carried out in accordance with the principles of scientific translation used by academician Vasiliy M. Alekseev (1881–1951). In case of need the translations are supplemented with textological, historiographic and culturological commentaries. An analysis of the drawings and texts aids in recreating the picture of the perception by the Chinese of the mid-18th century of the four European states. The archaic names of countries and peoples used by compilers are analyzed. Misconceptions and stereotypes of Chinese compilers are revealed. Attempts are being made to explain their possible origins. The author of the paper found out that the compilers sometimes relied upon a method of explanation of the phenomena unknown to the Chinese by rethinking similar facts from the history and culture of China.
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Nordin, Mardiana. "Keintelektualan Masyarakat Johor: Tradisi Persuratan Merentas Zaman." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.7.
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The sultanate of Johor emerged as a maritime trade civilization, centred along the Johor River around the 16th and 17th century CE. Its administrative centre shifted to the Riau-Lingga islands in the next century, and returned to the mainland state of Johor in the late 19th century. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, the sultanate of Johor emerged as a great Malay empire, a respected political entity and centre of international trade. However, these aspects should be seen as moving in line with the intellectual apogee of the Johor people. Therefore, the objective of this article is to prove that throughout the 16th and 18th centuries, the sultanate of Johor also became a centre of development of literature, language and culture. Many intellectuals emerged in Johor. The second objective is to discuss the multi-genre literary scene in Johor. Beginning with the two great Malay works, Sulalatus Salatin by Tun Sri Lanang and the Hikayat Hang Tuah, the Johor intelligentsia produced various literary works (history, literature, language, religion, statecraft, fiction, and so on) in the following centuries. Respected members of the intelligentsia produced greatly intellectual works, such as Raja Haji Ahmad, Raja Ali Haji, Raja Khalid Hitam, Raja Ali Kelana, Muhammad Ibrahim Munshi, Muhammad Salleh Perang, Muhammad Said Sulaiman and many others. This paper focuses on writtings and intellectuality in fields of history, literature and language. This study uses the qualitative method in history, especially focusing on library research. This study proves that Johor society is highly prolific in the flowering of literary and intellectual activities. This situation was also in line with the development of printing and associational activities, thus providing the intellectuality of Johor throughout time.
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Daria, Ostrikova, Bodnar Taras, and Yasinskyi Maksym. "INFLUENCE OF THE GREAT FIRE OF LONDON IN 1666 ON SPECIFICS OF CREATING BAROQUE STYLE OF CHURCHES IN ENGLAND." Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2022.01.108.
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At the same time, when Baroque became the dominant style in Italy, in English architecture in the 17th century architects continued using the Classical forms. After that, in the architecture of England appeared a style called Palladian architecture and Jacobean architecture. Style of Baroque became prevalent just at the end of this century. After the Great Fire of London on 5 September 1666 most of the city's buildings were destroyed, all these constructions had to be restored or built new ones. The 17th and 18th centuries were a painful period, not only for the history of Britain but also affected religion. London was full of immigrants from the Continent who brought a part of their culture and religion to English culture. So, during that period, there was a problem of the persistence of the leading position of the Anglican Church of England. Through the hard work of the British architects who have fully dedicated themselves to the work, positions were strengthened. 310 years passed since the intensified struggle against the Anglican Church of England and Catholicism with another popular at that time sects. It started with creating the Act establishing the Commission for Building Fifty New Churches in the Cities of London and Westminster and or the Suburbs thereof. The fact that the Act was passed because of overcrowded with worshipers in the non-conformist chapels around London. In the end, it did not achieve its goal, just twelve churches were built under the tutelage of the Commissioners. A number of these churches became known as the Queen Anne Churches. However, these churches became the main building of Baroque Style in London.
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Kiselev, Mikhail A. "THE RISE AND FALL OF THE TERM “POLITICHNYY” IN 18TH CENTURY RUSSIA: TOWARDS THE PREHISTORY OF THE CONCEPT OF CIVILIZATION." Ural Historical Journal 76, no. 3 (2022): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2022-3(76)-84-92.
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The article is devoted to the prehistory of the emergence in the Russian political language of such an important concept for the European culture of the Modern times as civilization. In view of the historiography, the article focuses on the adjective politichnyy. In the language of Muscovy in the 16th–17th centuries, the notion of barbarians was mainly used to mean “non-Christian peoples” for whom Christians were contrasted. In the second half of the 17th century, ideas according to which barbarism was associated with a lack of knowledge and science, as well as manners, were introduced to Russia and later adopted by the elite. From this position, Russia was seen, above all, as a barbarous country. With the successes of Peter the Great reforms and the advances in the European knowledge, Russia’s status as a politichnyy nation began to be recognized, which was officially proclaimed in 1721. By the first quarter of the 19th century, the adjective politichnyy stopped being used to describe the stage of a nation’s development which opposed to barbarism. Politichnyy was used to mean “courteous”. This was due to the fact that the politichnyy stage, perceived as external assimilation of manners and knowledge, was absorbed by the idea of enlightenment, which implied interiorization of assimilated knowledge and a corresponding change in human behavior.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political culture Great Britain History 18th century"
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Henderson, Nancy Ann. "British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.
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British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Wrightson, Nicholas Mikus. "Franklin's networks : aspects of British Atlantic print culture, science, and communication c.1730-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670081.
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Crewe, Thomas James. "Political leaders, communication, and celebrity in Britain, c1880-c1900." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709506.
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Hone, Joseph. "The end of the line : literature and party politics at the accession of Queen Anne." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d847a561-130a-42f0-b78f-2463e9e65535.
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This thesis provides the first full-length account of the political and cultural significance of the accession of Queen Anne. It offers a critical reassessment of the politics of the royal image across a spectrum of texts, events, and artefacts - from panegyrics, newspapers, sermons, royal progresses, and processions to medals, coins, and playing cards. Recent scholarship has emphasized the importance of party politics to the literature and culture of the early eighteenth century. This thesis nuances that assumption by arguing: (1) that the principal focus of partisan texts was competing representations of monarchy; and (2) that the explosion of partisanship at the start of the eighteenth century was triggered by unrest about the royal succession. Anne was the last protestant Stuart. She had no surviving children. This thesis explores how authors such as Daniel Defoe, Joseph Addison, Alexander Pope, and a great many lesser known and anonymous writers and propagandists conceptualized the end of the Stuart dynasty. Anne's accession forced writers to conjecture on the future succession. There were two rival claimants to the throne after Anne's death: the protestant Electress Sophia of Hanover and Anne's Catholic half-brother, James Francis Edward. Sophia's claim was statutory, James's hereditary. Factions emerged in support of both claimants. Almost all topical writing took a stance on the issue. Many sided with the government, supporting Hanover. Yet some writers favoured the illegal but hereditary claim of James Francis Edward; they had to express support in covert ways. This succession crisis triggered not only printed polemic, but also swathes of clandestine manuscript literature circulating in the Jacobite underground. The government took a hard line on Jacobite writers and printers; this thesis documents both their persecution and the techniques they used to evade the law. The thesis concludes by suggesting that this oppositional literary culture only disintegrated after the defeat of the Jacobite rebellion, and the consequent settlement of the Hanoverian succession, in late 1716. After this point, royal succession ceased to be a major source of political discontent.
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Duncan, Fiona E. "The development of a Tory ideology and identity, 1760-1832." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/23202.
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This thesis examines the ideas which underpinned early nineteenth century Toryism and their development in the late eighteenth century. It argues that a distinct, coherent, refined Tory identity emerged from the Tory splits between 1827 and 1830. This was preceded by a process of renegotiation and consolidation in Tory ideology and identity from 1760 onwards. The period between the accession of George III, in 1760, and the passage of the First Reform Act, in 1832, witnessed consistent and sustained crises regarding the constitution established in Church and state. The outbreak of revolutions in America and France reinvigorated debates regarding the nature and location of political sovereignty as well as the relationship between the crown and parliament. Lengthy wars against each nation were followed by severe economic depressions, the apparent proliferation of domestic political radicalism, and intermittent, but determined, demands for parliamentary reform. In addition, there were persistent attempts to alter the religious basis of the constitution to accommodate both Protestant pluralism and, from 1801, predominantly Catholic Ireland. This thesis contends that the debates surrounding these issues contributed to the rehabilitation and renegotiation of late-seventeenth-century and early-eighteenth-century Tory ideas. It also contends that, in moments of crisis and reaction, old Toryism converged with the conservative elements of an increasingly fractured Whig tradition in defence of the constitutional status quo. This convergence, apparent in the opening decades of George III’s reign, was consolidated in the context of the French Revolution. Consequently, after 1812, a broad, but loose, ideological consensus emerged, labelled as Tory, underpinned by anti-populism, commitment to the preservation of Christian orthodoxy, and the establishment of the Church of England. However, below this broad ideological umbrella, differences persisted which created tensions, contributing to the divisions between 1827 and 1830, and, through them, the refinement of Tory identity.
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Stewart, Hailey A. "The Power of Perception: Women and Politics at the Early Georgian Court." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699945/.
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The early Georgian period illustrates how the familial dynamic at court affected women’s opportunity to exert political influence. The court represented an important venue that allowed women to declare a political affiliation and to participate in political issues that suited their interests. Appearances often at variance with reality allowed women to manipulate and test their political abilities in order to have the capability to exercise any possible power. Moreover, some women developed political alliances and relationships that supported their own interests. The family structure of the royal household affected how much influence women had. The perception of holding power permitted certain women to behave politically. This thesis will demonstrate that the distinction between appearances and reality becomes vital in assessing women at the early Georgian court by examining some women’s experiences at court during the reigns of the first two Georges. In some cases, the perceived power of a courtier had a real basis, and in other instances, it gave them an opportunity to assess the extent of their political power. Women’s political participation has been underestimated during the early Georgian period, while well-documented post-1760.
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Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. "The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.
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Harris, Eleanor M. "The Episcopal congregation of Charlotte Chapel, Edinburgh, 1794-1818." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/19991.
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This thesis reassesses the nature and importance of the Scottish Episcopal Church in Edinburgh and more widely. Based on a microstudy of one chapel community over a twenty-four year period, it addresses a series of questions of religion, identity, gender, culture and civic society in late Enlightenment Edinburgh, Scotland, and Britain, combining ecclesiastical, social and economic history. The study examines the congregation of Charlotte Episcopal Chapel, Rose Street, Edinburgh, from its foundation by English clergyman Daniel Sandford in 1794 to its move to the new Gothic chapel of St John's in 1818. Initially an independent chapel, Daniel Sandford's congregation joined the Scottish Episcopal Church in 1805 and the following year he was made Bishop of Edinburgh, although he contined to combine this role with that of rector to the chapel until his death in 1830. Methodologically, the thesis combines a detailed reassessment of Daniel Sandford's thought and ministry (Chapter Two) with a prosopographical study of 431 individuals connected with the congregation as officials or in the in the chapel registers (Chapter Three). Biography of the leader and prosopography of the community are brought to illuminate and enrich one another to understand the wealth and business networks of the congregation (Chapter Four) and their attitudes to politics, piety and gender (Chapter Five). The thesis argues that Daniel Sandford's Evangelical Episcopalianism was both original in Scotland, and one of the most successful in appealing to educated and influential members of Edinburgh society. The congregation, drawn largely from the newly-built West End of Edinburgh, were bourgeois and British in their composition. The core membership of privileged Scots, rooted in land and law, led, but were also challenged by and forced to adapt to a broad social spread who brought new wealth and influence into the West End through India and the consumer boom. The discussion opens up many avenues for further research including the connections between Scottish Episcopalianism and romanticism, the importance of India and social mobility within the consumer economy in the development of Edinburgh, and Scottish female intellectual culture and its engagement with religion and enlightenment. Understanding the role of enlightened, evangelical Episcopalianism, which is the contribution of this study, will form an important context for these enquiries.
Books on the topic "Political culture Great Britain History 18th century"
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Crowds, culture, and politics in Georgian Britain. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1998.
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Dickinson, H. T. The politics of the people in eighteenth-century Britain. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.
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David, Womersley, Bullard Paddy, and Williams Abigail, eds. "Cultures of Whiggism": New essays on English literature and culture in the long eighteenth century. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2005.
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In practice: Studies in the language and culture of popular politics in modern Britain. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2003.
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The politics of disclosure, 1674-1725: Secret history narratives. London: Pickering & Chatto, 2009.
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The English town, 1680-1840: Government, society and culture. New York: Longman, 1999.
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Omohundro Institute of Early American History & Culture., ed. The persistence of empire: British political culture in the age of the American Revolution. Chapel Hill, N.C: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
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The sense of the people: Politics, culture, and imperialism in England, 1715-1785. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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The sense of the people: Politics, culture, and imperialism in England, 1715-1785. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
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Defoe and the Whig novel: A reading of the major fiction. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political culture Great Britain History 18th century"
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Vinogradov, Igor A. "“Taras Bulba” and Russian History of the 19th–20th Centuries." In Literary Process in Russia of the 18th–19th Centuries. Secular and Spiritual Literature. Issue 3, 97–168. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/lit.pr.2022-3-97-168.
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The article is devoted to the study of readers’ receptions of N.V. Gogol “Taras Bulba” in Russia. This work, imbued with a deep religious and patriotic intention, occupies such a significant place in Russian culture that the reviews of readers and critics, the assessments and interpretations of its researchers, dramatizations in the theater, opera and ballet, etc. allows to analyze not only history of the story’s existence, but also to trace the key moments of Russian life in the second half of the 19th–20th centuries. The interaction of the patriotic story’s spiritual lyricism with the contradictory socio-political processes of the era identifies the most significant features of the poetics of Gogol’s work. Enthusiastically received by contemporaries, including A.S. Pushkin, “Taras Bulba” was subsequently met with hostility from domestic liberalradical and Polish nationalist criticism. Continuing to be one of the favorite works of the domestic and foreign readers, the story after 1917 was removed from the Soviet school curriculum and again restored in rights only during the Great Patriotic War. The article presents a detailed analysis of the assessments and interpretations of “Taras Bulba” for more than a century and a half.
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Archaeology and the 1820 Liberal Revolution: The Past in the Independence of Greece and Latin American Nations." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0010.
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Nationalism did not end with Napoleon’s downfall, despite the intention of those who outplayed him in 1815. Events evolved in such a way that there would be no way back. The changes in administration, legislation, and institutionalization established in many European countries, and by extension in their colonies, during the Napoleonic period brought efficiency to the state apparatus and statesmen could not afford to return to the old structures. Initially, however, the coalition of countries that defeated the French general set about reconstructing the political structures that had reigned in the period before the French Revolution. In a series of congresses starting in Vienna, the most powerful states in Europe—Russia, Prussia, and Austria, later joined by Britain and post-Napoleonic France—set about reinstating absolutist monarchies as the only acceptable political system. They also agreed to a series of alliances resulting in the domination of the monarchical system in European politics for at least three decades. These powers joined forces to fight all three consecutive liberal revolutions that raged across Europe and the Americas, in 1820, 1830, and 1848, each saturated with nationalist ideals. The events which provide the focus for this chapter belong to the first of those revolutions, that of 1820 (see also Chapter 11), and resulted in the creation of several new countries: Greece and the new Latin American states. In all, nationalism was at the rhetorical basis of the claims for independence. The past, accordingly, played an important role in the formation of the historical imagination which was crucial to the demand for self-determination. The antiquities appropriated by the Greek and by Latin American countries were still in line with those which had been favoured during the French Revolution: those of the Great Civilizations. However, in revolutionary France this type of archaeology had resulted in an association with symbols and material culture whose provenance was to a very limited extent in their own territory (Chapter 11) or was not on French soil but in distant countries such as Italy, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire (Chapter 3).
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Dawson, Graham, and Stephen Hopkins. "Introduction: The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain: impacts, engagements, legacies and memories." In The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The introduction, and the book more generally, addresses a paradox: that the Northern Ireland conflict, commonly known as ‘the Troubles’, has had profound and shaping impacts upon politics, culture and the lives of many thousands of people in Great Britain, producing lasting legacies that continue to resonate nearly half a century after the eruption of political violence in 1968-9; but that engagements with the conflict, and with its ‘post-conflict’ transformation, from within Britain have been limited, lacking, frequently problematic, often troubled, in ways that are not fully grasped or considered. The book, then, has four main aims: to investigate the history of responses to, engagements with, and memories of the Northern Irish conflict in Britain; to explore absences and weaknesses or silences in this history; to promote a wider academic and public debate in Britain concerning the significance of this history, and the lessons to be learned from the post-conflict efforts to ‘deal with the past’ in Northern Ireland; and to provoke reflection on the significance of opening up hitherto unexamined histories and memories of the Troubles, and the ways in which ongoing conflicts between competing understandings of the past might be addressed and negotiated.
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Matonin, Vasiliy N., and Natalya N. Bedina. "The Fatherland Theme in the 18th Century Patriotic Discourse (On the Example of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving on the Great God-Given Victory at Poltava)." In Hermeneutics of Old Russian Literature: Issue 20, 423–75. А.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/horl.1607-6192-2021-20-423-475.
Full textAbstract:
The material for the article is the 18th century manuscript of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving… The authors discovered it in the Chequevo village of the Onega district in the Arkhangelsk region. The manuscript was kept near the books marked with Chequeo peasant library seal. The Abbot of the Solovetsky monastery, Archimandrite Ioannikiy, was one of the founders of this library. He was a native of the Polye village, which was part of the Chequevo. So it can be assumed that the manuscript came to the library from the Solovetsky monastery — the spiritual and cultural center of the Russian North. Divine Service of Thanksgiving... is a handwritten copy from the first printed edition of the solemn service, created immediately after the Russian troop’s victory in the Poltava battle in 1709. The author of the text is Archbishop Theophilactus (Lopatinsky). The history of the manuscript reveals the awareness of the Northern peasantry’s involvement in the Russia naval success and in the fate of the Fatherland. As a result of Peter’s the Great reform activities, Arkhangelsk lost its strategic importance for the state development, but the Emperor’s connection with the Northern peasantry formed an important part of the marginal self- consciousness of the Pomors. In the 18th century Patriotic discourse, the wars waged by Russia are assessed as liberating. In the text of the Service, the images of the Russian army, Tsar Peter I and the people are endowed with such characteristics as humility, smallness, infirmity, loyalty to the true faith and trust in the grace of God. The enemy image is based on comparisons with the vanity builders of the Babylon tower, arrogant Goliath, arrogant and fierce Pharaoh, thousands of Assyrian army, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar, the traitor Judas. Researchers characterize the author of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving... as one of the most consistent zealots of Orthodoxy, a hidden opponent of Peter’s Church reforms and a passionate enemy of Protestantism. In the Russia and Sweden state ideology, there is a common trend: the protection and collection of lands around the empire center. The common language of Baroque European culture is typical for Swedish and Russian glorifications of the Northern war time. It involves the use of Parallels with biblical images, the combination game with emblematic signs, and ultimately — the search for the highest meaning of historical events. The presence of an enemy superior in numbers and power is one of the most important conditions for the peoples’ self-consciousness formation. The national power identity basis was not the economic and political might of the state, but it was the idea of protecting the Fatherland, its independence, Fatherland honor and glory. Peter’s Imperial ambitions grow organically from the Moscow kingdom ideology (“Moscow is the third Rome”), where the “goal of world history” was realized (A. Toynbee). In the 18th century Patriotic discourse, the interpretation of the war had a religious character despite the secularization of public consciousness. The Fatherland theme was based on traditional spiritual foundations implemented in the emerging Imperial ideology.