Journal articles on the topic 'Political corruption – Spain'
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de la Poza, Elena, Lucas Jódar, and Paloma Merello. "Modeling Political Corruption in Spain." Mathematics 9, no. 9 (April 24, 2021): 952. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math9090952.
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Political corruption is a universal phenomenon. Even though it is a cross-country reality, its level of intensity and the manner of its effect vary worldwide. In Spain, the demonstrated political corruption cases that have been echoed by the media in recent years for their economic, judicial and social significance are merely the tip of the iceberg as regards a problem hidden by many interested parties, plus the shortage of the means to fight against it. This study models and quantifies the population at risk of committing political corruption in Spain by identifying and quantifying the drivers that explain political corruption. Having quantified the problem, the model allows changes to be made in parameters, as well as fiscal, economic and legal measures being simulated, to quantify and better understand their impact on Spanish citizenship. Our results suggest increasing women’s leadership positions to mitigate this problem, plus changes in the political Parties’ Law in Spain and increasing the judiciary system’s budget.
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Myśliwiec, Małgorzata, and Krzysztof Stachowicz. "Corruption in Spain and Catalonia after 2008." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0014.
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Abstract The authors decided to deal with the theme of the influence of corruption on the political processes in contemporary Spain and Catalonia. The investigation of this problem requires the reference to both: a political situation in entire state and in the peripheral region, included in the territorial range of Spain. Therefore, the main objective of the article is the attempt to answer three questions: 1) What is the corruptive phenomenon based on and why a public sphere is endangered with it to such a degree?, 2) How did the Spanish citizens react to corruptive processes after 2008?, 3) Did Catalonia, whose politicians regard this region as definitely separate from Spain, differ considerably from a political centre and other regions of the country within intensity of the occurrence of corruptive phenomena after 2008?
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Jiménez, Fernando. "Building Boom and Political Corruption in Spain." South European Society and Politics 14, no. 3 (September 2009): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740903356541.
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Heywood, Paul M. "Corruption in Contemporary Spain." PS: Political Science & Politics 40, no. 04 (October 2007): 695–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096507071119.
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Sánchez, Recio Glicerio, and Calero Francisco Sevillano. "La denuncia della corruzione in Spagna come mezzo di accesso al potere (1989-1996)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032006.
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- This article examines the public denunciation of political life in Spain during the second period of the long years of PSOE government, presided over by Felipe González from 1982 to 1996. During those years, with a consolidated democracy in place, the main opposition party, the conservative PP, called on the socialist leaders to deal with the corruption among those holding political office - particularly from the beginning of 1989. Not only did the denunciation of the various cases of corruption and of the "dirty war" against ETA terrorism occupy the political agenda as a means of challeng-ing and discrediting the government, but it also led to a "corrosion" of the political discourse that had characterized the democratic transition in Spain. With regard to these events in recent political life in Spain, the article emphasizes that political scandal is a slightly different phenomenon from corruption, understood as an abuse of the law that undermines the political system.
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Borrella-Mas, Miguel Ángel, and Martin Rode. "Love is blind: partisan alignment and political corruption in Spain." SERIEs 12, no. 3 (March 8, 2021): 423–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13209-021-00228-6.
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AbstractEver since the spectacular boom and bust cycle of the Spanish real estate industry, endemic corruption at the local level has become a widely recognized problem in the national public discourse. In an effort to expose an under-explored political determinant, this paper investigates the effect of local and regional alignment in fomenting corruption at the Spanish municipal level. To do so, we construct an ample panel dataset on the prevalence of corrupt practices by local politicians, which is employed to test the possible impact of partisan alignment in three consecutive joint municipal and regional elections. Findings show aligned municipalities to be more corrupt than non-aligned ones, an effect that is further associated with absolute majorities at both levels of government and higher capital transfers. By contrast, we also show that “throwing the rascals out” could be an effective strategy for curbing the corrupt practices of aligned municipalities. This indicates that the democratic political process may be effective in corruption control if agreements can be reached to remove corrupt politicians or parties from power.
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Agerberg, Mattias. "The Lesser Evil? Corruption Voting and the Importance of Clean Alternatives." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 253–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852697.
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Surveys show that citizens in all parts of the world have a strong distaste for corruption. At the same time, and contrary to the predictions of democratic theory, politicians involved in the most glaring abuse of public office often continue to receive electoral support. Using an original survey experiment conducted in Spain, this article explores a previously understudied aspect of this apparent paradox: the importance of viable and clean political alternatives. The results suggest that voters do punish political corruption when a clean alternative exists, even when the corrupt candidate is very appealing in other respects. However, when only given corrupt alternatives, respondents become much more likely to tolerate a candidate accused of corruption—even when given a convenient “no-choice” option. I discuss how these results can help us understand corruption voting and why some societies seem to be stuck in a high-corruption equilibrium.
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Ares, Macarena, and Enrique Hernández. "The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801771418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017714185.
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Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences.
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Parrado, Salvador, Carl Dahlström, and Víctor Lapuente. "Mayors and Corruption in Spain: Same Rules, Different Outcomes." South European Society and Politics 23, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2018.1528692.
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Camisón Yagüe, José Ángel, and Silvia Soriano Moreno. "Informes de Resultados de 2016 y 2017 sobre las recomendaciones propuestas por el GRECO para la prevención de la corrupción judicial en España: crónica de incumplimientos." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 41 (May 28, 2018): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.41.2018.22120.
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Este trabajo analiza los Informes de Cumplimiento de 2016 y 2017 del Grupo de Estados contra la Corrupción del Consejo de Europa (GRECO) sobre prevención de la corrupción en España y se centra en el estudio de sus aspectos judiciales. Estos informes alertan sobre los serios peligros, provocados por la injerencia política, que acechan a los Órganos del Poder Judicial y se proyectan en la elección de los Jueces de los Altos Tribunales. Finalmente, estos informes también indican que en España no se cumplen con las recomendaciones que GRECO dirigió al Estado en 2014 a este respecto.This paper analyses the 2016 and 2017 Compliance Reports of Group of States against Corruption of Council of Europe (GRECO) about corruption prevention in Spain and it is focused on the study of its judiciary aspects. These Reports warn about the dangers of corruption in the Organs of Judiciary Government and in the election of Judges for High Courts caused by the political interference and also indicate that in Spain is not accomplished at all with the recommendations that GRECO addressed to the State in 2014.
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Barrio, Astrid. "The Weakness of Populism in Spain." Debats. Revista de cultura, poder i societat 5 (December 30, 2020): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-11.
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This paper analyses why Populism has failed to take root in Spain despite a ‘soil’ that has favoured its seeding and growth elsewhere. At first sight, Spain seems to provide the conditions in which Populism can thrive: a deep economic crisis (which began with the financial meltdown in 2008) and a succession of corruption scandals affecting all the main political parties. Even so, Populism has failed to gain a hold in Spain. The traditional Far Right is very weak, and new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos cannot be considered Populist. While Vox displays all the features of a radical right-wing party, it is one from which Populism is absent. We argue that the lack of Populism in Spain can mainly be explained by the highly fractured nature of the country’s politics, with left-right and national fault lines shaping how political competition plays out in the nation.
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Camisón Yagüe, José Ángel. "El informe sobre prevención de la corrupción en España del grupo de estados contra la corrupción del consejo de Europa (2014):aspectos judiciales = Report of Group of States against Corruption of Council of Europe about corruption prevention in Spain." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (June 1, 2014): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14091.
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Este trabajo analiza el Informe del Grupo de Estados contra la Corrupción del Consejo de Europa sobre la prevención de la corrupción en España y se centra en el estudio de sus aspectos judiciales. El informe advierte sobre los peligros de la corrupción en los Órganos de Gobierno del Poder Judicial y en las Altas Magistraturas Judiciales causadas por la interferencia política.This paper analyses the Report of Group of States against Corruption of Council of Europe about corruption prevention in Spain and it is focused on the study of its judiciary aspects. The Report advises about the dangers of corruption in the Organs of Judiciary Government and High Judges Levels caused by the political interference.
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Iglesias Bárez, Mercedes. "Nuevos y viejos problemas en la regulación jurídico-constitucional de partidos políticos en España. Repertorio bibliográfico (2001-2014) = New and old issues of law of political parties in Spain. Bibliographic Repertory (2001-2014)." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 679. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14935.
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The present repertoire gathers the various doctrinal contributions (books, chapters, critical studies...) which have analyzed the new and old issues of law of political parties in Spain in recent years: political representation, political parties finance, political corruption, banning parties…El presente repertorio bibliográfico recoge los diversos estudios (libors, capítulos de libros y artículos de revistas) que han abordado los nuevos y viejos problemas del Derecho de partidos políticos en España en los últimos años: la representación política, financiación de partidos políticos, prohibición de partidos…
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Orlov, A. "KEY PROBLEMS OF MODERN SPAIN." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-1-9-14.
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Adoption in 1978 of the new Constitution became a watershed between two Spains - old, dictatorial and modern, socially oriented, democratic. As a result of shown by leaders of the main political parties, labor unions and pragmatic part of the armed forces responsibility for the future of the country, the compromise solutions of a number of burning issues have been found that created necessary conditions for stable development of Spain for three next decades. Nevertheless over the years there were new problem knots which were distinctly shown during the financial and economic crisis 2008 which painfully struck across Spain, and the long-term depression which followed it. After the national elections to General Courts which took place on December 20, 2015 it became obvious that actually two-party system existing throughout the most part of the post-Franco period in Spain consigned to the past. It was succeeded by four-party system that excessively complicates process of formation of the stable government. In the practical plane there is a question of need to make changes into the existing Constitution of Spain (country federalization, fixing in the Fundamental law of the new civil and political rights and freedoms, revision of bases of an electoral system, reform of the Senate, etc.). The Catalan nationalism / separatism and corruption in the top echelons of power are distinguished from the burning issues of modern Spain. In article the conclusion is drawn that Spain faces a responsible choice today, on what way to go: or to continue the inertial movement on the route offered by the Spanish conservatives or to decide on changes, to initiate something similar to «the second transit» for what can call the left forces.
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Sánchez-Fernández, Juan, and Luis-Alberto Casado-Aranda. "Neural Predictors of Changes in Party Closeness after Exposure to Corruption Messages: An fMRI Study." Brain Sciences 11, no. 2 (January 26, 2021): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci11020158.
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Daily worldwide newspapers are filled with campaigning unveiling political corruption. Despite this information be worrying to many citizens, political researchers have not identified any consistent trend of decline of support among party sympathizers. This study utilizes neuroimaging for the first time to examine the neuropsychological origin of party closeness variation among backers of a liberal (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, PSOE) and a conservative party (Popular Party, PP) in Spain after a month receiving corruption messages among their preferred party. Brain data provide some explanation as to the origin of party closeness reduction among liberal sympathizers: areas involved with negative feelings, disappointment and self-relevance served to predict party closeness reduction 30 days in advance. Implications for liberals and conservatives’ campaigns are discussed.
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Ballesteros, Maria de la Paz Pando. "THE DENUNCIATION OF CORRUPTION IN FRANCHISM. “EL CASO MATESA” IN THE JOURNAL CUADERNOS PARA EL DIÁLOGO." HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS | GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i1.30.
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In view of the worsening experienced by Spain, in recent years, both globally and in Europe , in relation to levels of corruption, in this paper we try to dismantle the idea, still present in some sectors of society, that corruption is an exclusive phenomenon of democratic systems and political pluralism, highlighting the network of corruption that allowed the Franco dictatorship, during which said blight became a widespread social practice, a structural element protected by power and protected by the lack of freedom of expression and communication. We will dwell especially on the fraud carried out by the company MATESA, as well as on the political background that was implicit and that led to a strong government crisis, analyzing it from an original perspective. We will study both the dimensions of fraud, and the media scandal it provoked, as well as the political crisis that resulted from the perspective of the non-collaborationist Christian Democrats, who used this issue to record, through the pages of the Journal Cuadernos for the Dialogue, of the corruption in which the System was based, of the power struggles that confronted the different families of the Regime at the height of 1969, of their position in this respect, as well as of their proposals and alternatives.
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Moreno Zacarés, Javier. "The Iron Triangle of Urban Entrepreneurialism: The Political Economy of Urban Corruption in Spain." Antipode 52, no. 5 (May 11, 2020): 1351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/anti.12637.
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Villoria, Manuel, Gregg G. Van Ryzin, and Cecilia F. Lavena. "Social and Political Consequences of Administrative Corruption: A Study of Public Perceptions in Spain." Public Administration Review 73, no. 1 (December 5, 2012): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2012.02613.x.
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Rodríguez López, Ángel, Gustavo Rodríguez Gutiérrez, and Gracia-María Rubio Martín. "Anti-corruption barriers, financial transparency and accounting quality in political parties: Evidence from Spain." Revista de Contabilidad 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 164–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/rcsar.464091.
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The aim of this paper is to study the transparency and quality of the Spanish political parties’ accounting information, as well as the factors that determine it, in a temporal context marked by the introduction of the institutional anti-corruption barriers, which harden the obligations in terms of financial transparency. The sample is composed by all the political organizations audited in the Auditors Court (AC) during the period analysed. The econometric model is estimated through the statistical methodologies of the linear Panel Data fixed effects and the ordered logistic regression, both with different types of accounting information. One formed with original accounting data, and another corrected and improved using the AC reports. The results show that the quality of the accounting information of the political parties is deficient and so is the level of the financial transparency. Likewise, the explanatory power of the models estimated with corrected accounting information is more significant, being the ratio of the private and public income, age, debt and the saving rate, variables that strongly affect the quality of the accounting information. Finally, the institutional anti-corruption barriers imposed in terms of financial transparency have not been enough. In fact, last year was the worst in the time series, since there is no party that discloses the quality financial information. Este trabajo estudia la transparencia y la calidad de la información contable de los partidos políticos españoles, así como los factores que condicionan la misma, en un contexto temporal marcado por la implementación una serie de barreras institucionales anticorrupción, que endurecen las obligaciones en materia de transparencia financiera. Se utiliza una muestra exhaustiva compuesta por todas las organizaciones políticas fiscalizadas por el Tribunal de Cuentas (TC) en el período analizado. Se implementan modelos lineales de Datos de Panel con efectos fijos y una regresión logística ordenada, ambos con diferentes tipos de información contable, una información original y otra corregida y mejorada utilizando los Informes del TC. Los resultados muestran que, la calidad de la información contable de los partidos es deficiente y, por lo tanto, también el nivel de transparencia financiera. Asimismo, el poder explicativo de los modelos que se estiman con información contable corregida es mayor, siendo la relación ingresos privados y públicos, la antigüedad, el endeudamiento y la tasa de ahorro, variables que afectan de forma significativa a la calidad de la información contable. Se concluye que las barreras institucionales anticorrupción impuestas en materia de transparencia financiera no han sido suficientes, siendo el último ejercicio evaluado, el peor de la serie estudiada, ya que no existe ningún partido que revele información financiera de calidad.
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Solaz, Hector, Catherine E. De Vries, and Roosmarijn A. de Geus. "In-Group Loyalty and the Punishment of Corruption." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (September 19, 2018): 896–926. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797951.
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This study suggests that in-group loyalty, defined as the degree to which people favor their own group over others, undermines the punishment of corruption. We present evidence from two studies. First, we utilize a real-world corruption scandal involving the ruling party in Spain that broke during survey fieldwork. People exposed to the scandal withhold support from the incumbent, but in-group loyalty based on partisanship weakens this effect. Second, we explore in-group loyalty beyond partisanship through laboratory experiments. These experiments artificially induce group identities, randomly assign the group identity of candidates and shut down any instrumental benefits of in-group loyalty. The experimental evidence suggests that people support corrupt candidates as long as they share a group identity and are willing to sacrifice material payoffs to do so. Our findings have important implications. Most importantly perhaps, they suggest that candidates can get away with corruption by engaging in identity politics.
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Ginsborg, Paul. "Italian Political Culture in Historical Perspective." Modern Italy 1, no. 1 (1995): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454754.
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Much more so than in the recent past, the eyes of Europe and even of the world are on Italy. This attention does not derive from any innovative solutions that Italy may have offered to the grave problems which today face modern states: those of environmental pollution, of unemployment, of racism, of declining political legitimacy. Rather, Italy has attracted intense scrutiny for two principal reasons. First, because certain courageous magistrates, both in Palermo and Milan, have waged an unprecedented and dramatic war against criminal organizations and political corruption, and this in one of the most corrupt democracies in Europe. Their lead has been taken up in France and Spain, and their actions studied by colleagues as far away as Japan and Argentina. Unexpectedly, the Italian state has produced and allowed space for a group of public servants who have earned admiration on a global scale.
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Alonso, Alba, and Emanuela Lombardo. "Gender Equality and De-Democratization Processes: The Case of Spain." Politics and Governance 6, no. 3 (September 14, 2018): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1419.
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Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements’ struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters’ demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.
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Ortiz-González, Azahara, and Rosa Berganza. "Political scandals, media systems, and ideological polarization: the case of the emeritus King Juan Carlos I." Communication & Society 35, no. 4 (October 3, 2022): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.35.4.185-199.
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Research on scandals is a privileged way to explore jointly media and political systems, and the links between them. In this article, we explore how the coverage of political corruption in digital native and paper newspapers has the characteristics of politically oriented scandals (Mancini, 2019), which are more common in polarized pluralist systems, like the Spanish one. To do so, we have studied the scandals related to the former King of Spain, Juan Carlos I. In the research, we have analyzed the evolution of media coverage on the topic between July 1, 2014, and March 1, 2021 in three different paper newspapers (El País, El Mundo and ABC). During this period, 889 journalistic pieces were published in these three newspapers. Also, we have conducted a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a sample of 334 pieces from the last year covered by the research (2020-2021) on El País, El Mundo and ABC and on digital natives El Español and elDiario.es. The results show a political instrumentalization of the scandal, media partisanship (the media support some political parties’ positions) in El País, elDiario.es and ABC; and ideological polarization (analyzed content presents two politically opposed groups) in ABC and elDiario.es.
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Rodriguez, Arturo Zoffmann. "Lenin in Barcelona: the Russian Revolution and the Spanish trienio bolchevista, 1917–1920." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 629–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.170.
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The Russian Revolution inaugurated a period of unprecedented social agitation in Spain, which shared notable structural similarities with Russia. The instability of this period, often referred to as the trienio bolchevista (three Bolshevik years), paved the way for military dictatorship in 1923, and revealed grave defects in the Spanish political and social edifice (the national question, the land question, the inefficiency and corruption of the state, the militancy of the labor movement), which would re-emerge again with even greater virulence in the 1930s. The Russian Revolution provided a powerful stimulus for these upheavals, and the myth of Bolshevism helped spur both revolution from below and counterrevolution from above. This paper will provide a synopsis of the turbulences of these years and will gauge their ulterior significance, setting them in a transnational context. In particular, the paper will assess the specific impact of the Russian Revolution in Spain.
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San Román, Beatriz, and Karen S. Rotabi. "Rescue, red tape, child abduction, illicit adoptions, and discourse: Intercountry adoption attitudes in Spain." International Social Work 62, no. 1 (July 24, 2017): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872817714314.
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Evidence of child abduction for intercountry adoption challenges our notions of altruism. The history of illicit adoptions and child abduction is presented with specific emphasis on Guatemala as a case example. Drawing on data produced in an ethnographic research, the analysis searches to elucidate how those involved in intercountry adoption in Spain (mainly adoptive and prospective adoptive parents) deal with signs of fraud and corruption. The results point out how these discourses usually dismiss the failures of the system and revolve around the idea of rescue. The rights of birth families – and even their mere existence – are usually absent in the discussion.
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Quesada, Mónica García, Fernando Jiménez-Sánchez, and Manuel Villoria. "Building Local Integrity Systems in Southern Europe: the case of urban local corruption in Spain." International Review of Administrative Sciences 79, no. 4 (December 2013): 618–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852313501125.
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Helgason, Agnar Freyr, and Vittorio Mérola. "The impact of real world information shocks on political attitudes: Evidence from the Panama Papers disclosures." Research & Politics 9, no. 4 (October 2022): 205316802211360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221136089.
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The Panama Papers disclosures in April 2016 revealed information about tax avoidance and fraud among political elites and the wealthy on a global scale. But did the disclosures affect relevant political attitudes and behavior, including perceptions of corruption, redistributive preferences, and voting intentions? We leverage nationally representative surveys that were in the field at the time in two heavily impacted countries, France and Spain, and treat the disclosures as a natural experiment, comparing respondents questioned just before and just after the disclosures. Our design highlights the difficulty, at times, of interpreting natural experiments, given the potentially compounded treatments that arise as events unfold over time, and the common inability to properly determine views prior to the treatment. That said, the analysis indicates that the disclosures had limited effects on the domains most likely affected by such a scandal, consistent with them being interpreted based on existing beliefs and identities. Our results thus contradict prior findings which suggest that the Panama Papers had substantial effects on redistributive attitudes, and shed further light on voters’ learning and updating around uncertain, yet emotionally laden, political facts.
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Villar-Navascués, Rubén, Sandra Ricart, Salvador Gil-Guirado, Antonio M. Rico-Amorós, and Ana Arahuetes. "Why (Not) Desalination? Exploring Driving Factors from Irrigation Communities’ Perception in South-East Spain." Water 12, no. 9 (August 27, 2020): 2408. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w12092408.
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Desalination for sustaining agricultural production is conceived as an alternative water source in some Mediterranean countries faced with climatological and hydrological constraints. Although high costs are often cited as limiting factors, how farmers discern desalinated water has not been discussed in-depth in the literature. This paper aims to deepen how desalination is perceived by irrigators, what driving factors are affecting irrigation communities’ decision-making processes, and what learnings can be drawn from their experiences regarding desalination acceptance or rejection. Eleven irrigation communities have been selected from Alicante and Murcia regions (South-East Spain), which account for more than 60,000 irrigators and 120,000 ha. Questionnaires were conducted between March and December 2019. Results highlighted the main advantages (water availability and supply security) and disadvantages (high price affecting profitable crop options, high-energy consumption, water quality standards, the production capacity of desalination plants, no seasonal variation in water production, and shortages due to technical problems) of using desalinated water. Additionally, through the analysis of regional and national press news, it can be concluded that socio-political aspects, such as corruption, cost overruns, and political disputes are also considered.
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Ruíz-Rico Ruíz, Gerardo. "El control sobre la financiación de los partidos políticos: un desafío permanente para el legislador = The control of the financing system of the political parties: a continuous challenge for the Legislator in Spain." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14920.
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The control of the corruption is a fundamental aim in a democratic system. The Spanish legislation approved for the financing model of the political parties is eing reformed continuously. Nowadays the spreading corruption has forced a new legislative reform of the 2007 Act, while they are other projects in the Parliament in order to control the economic and financial activities of the parties and to guarantee the transparency in the internal functioning.El control sobre la corrupción política es un objetivo esencial para un sistema democrático. La legislación Española sobre financiación de partidos políticos se encuentra en permanente estado de revisión. La extensión del fenómeno de la corrupción política ha obligado a reformar ya la ley aprobada en el 2007, mientras se plantean iniciativas en el Parlamento para controlar la actividad económica y financiera de los partidos políticos, y asegurar la transparencia en su funcionamiento.
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Araujo, Joaquim Filipe Ferraz Esteves de, and Francisca Tejedo-Romero. "Local government transparency index: determinants of municipalities’ rankings." International Journal of Public Sector Management 29, no. 4 (May 9, 2016): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-11-2015-0199.
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Purpose – Cases of corruption, embezzlement, theft and fraud, abuse of discretion, favoritism, nepotism, clientelism, and abuse of power in governments have led to a growing demand from society to access public information. In response to this demand, governments have been forced to be more transparent in the conduct of their activities. The information transparency index (TI) may be conditioned by economic and political characteristics of local governments affecting the information provided. What factors influenced the index of municipal transparency? Literature about transparency is largely based on the explanations of the agency theory and the legitimacy theory. Based on the postulates of both theories, the purpose of this paper is twofold. First, study the index transparency in Spanish municipalities, and, second, determine the main features that are affecting the index of transparency. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected from Transparency International Spain ranking and from official sources. Univariate and multivariate analysis are performed for the treatment of data. Findings – The results shows that political factors like electoral turnout, political ideology, and political competition have a significant effect on the index of transparency. Gender has no significant effect on the index of transparency. Originality/value – This study is a contribution to the growing body literature of transparency in order to understand what explains the variations of the TI among municipalities.
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Hernández-Aguado, Ildefonso, and Elisa Chilet-Rosell. "Pathways of undue influence in health policy-making: a main actor’s perspective." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 72, no. 2 (October 27, 2017): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2017-209677.
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BackgroundIt is crucial to know the extent to which influences lead to policy capture—by which the policy-making process is shifted away from the public interest towards narrow private interests. Using the case study of Spain, our aim was to identify interactions between public administration, civil society and private companies that could influence health policies.Methods54 semistructured interviews with key actors related to health policy. The interviews were used to gather information on main policy actors as well as on direct and subtle influences that could modify health policies. The analysis identified and described, from the interviewed persons’ experiences, both the inappropriate influences exerted on the actors and those that they exerted.ResultsInappropriate influences were identified at all levels of administration and policy. They included actions for personal benefits, pressure for blocking health policies and pressure from high levels of government in favour of private corporations. The private sector played a significant role in these strategies through bribery, personal gifts, revolving doors, negative campaigns and by blocking unfavourable political positions or determining the knowledge agenda. The interviewees reported subtle forms of influence (social events, offers of technical support, invitations, etc) that contributed to the intellectual and cultural capture of health officials.ConclusionThe health policy decision-making processes in Spain are subject to influences by stakeholders that determine a degree of policy capture, which is avoidable. The private sector uses different strategies, from subtle influences to outright corruption, taking advantage in many cases of flexible legislation.
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Brydan, David. "Book Review: A People Betrayed: A History of Corruption, Political Incompetence and Social Division in Modern Spain, 1874-2018 by Paul Preston." Journal of Contemporary History 57, no. 1 (January 2022): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220094221084149.
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Flores Juberías, Carlos, and Jorge García-Contell Muñoz. "La introducción en España de la limitación de mandatos: una aproximación crítica // The introduction of term limits in Spain: A critical approach." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 575. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20710.
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Resumen: Pese a que la Constitución española no contiene previsión alguna respecto a lo que coloquialmente conocemos ya como la limitación de mandatos, y a que tampoco hasta hoy ha considerado oportuno el legislador introducir en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico estatal este tipo de restricciones, lo cierto es que de un tiempo a esta parte la cuestión ha ido ganando gradualmente relevancia en el debate político, habiendo sido regulada ya en varias comunidades autónomas, siendo objeto de debate en otras, y figurando como parte del acuerdo político de investidura sobre el que se sustenta el actual Gobierno de la nación. En este trabajo empezaremos pasando revista al estado de la cuestión en España, así como a los numerosos cambios constitucionales que a lo largo de las dos últimas décadas se han verificado a este respecto en los países latinoamericanos, marco tradicional de esta práctica; para acto seguido debatir en torno a la conveniencia y a la constitucionalidad de la introducción en España de la limitación de mandatos, en su doble dimensión: respecto de los miembros del legislativo, y respecto del responsable máximo del poder ejecutivo. En esta línea analizaremos con especial detalle la idoneidad del instituto para erradicar la corrupción y asegurar la renovación de las elites políticas, la adecuación del mismo a los perfiles netamente parlamentarios de nuestro sistema, y su compatibilidad con los derechos consagrados en nuestra Carta Magna.Summary:1. Some considerations on the topicality of the debate in Spain. 2. The changing reception of the limitation of mandates in comparative constitutionalism. 3. Would be useful introduce the limitation of mandates in Spain? 4. Would be constitutional introduce the limitation of mandates in Spain? 5. Conclusions.AbstractDespite the fact that the Spanish Constitution does not contain any provisions regarding what we colloquially know as term limits, nor has Parliament deemed it appropriate to introduce such restrictions in our legal system, the fact is that for some years now the issue has being gaining relevance in the Spanish political debate, having already been regulated in several autonomous communities, being discussed in others, and appearing as part of the political agreement on which the current Government of the nation is based. In this paper we will begin by reviewing the state of the question in Spain, as well as the numerous constitutional amendments introduced in this respect in several Latin American countries —the traditional framework of this practice— during the last two decades; only to follow with the discussion of the convenience and the constitutionality of the introduction of term limits in Spain, in its twofold dimension: in relation to the members of the legislature and to the head of theexecutive branch. More specifically, we will pay close look to the suitability of the institute to eradicate corruption and ensure the renewal of political elites, to its adequacy to the declared parliamentary nature of our system, and to its compatibility with the rights enshrined in our Basic Law.
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Briggs, Daniel, Jorge Ramiro Pérez Suárez, and Raquel Rebeca Cordero Verdugo. "From crime science to the crime of science." Safer Communities 17, no. 1 (January 8, 2018): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sc-04-2017-0012.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide an honest and critical reflection with regard to the damage neoliberalised education systems have had on the “crime science” of criminology in Spain. Design/methodology/approach This paper is a viewpoint based on our experience of teaching criminology and researching crime problems in Spain. Findings We argue that the neoliberalisation of education systems results in a “crime of science” in the sense that this produces rampant competition between university institutions which is amplified by the emergence of internal and external corporate enterprises who compete against each other in commodifying knowledge around crime which is largely focussed on a combination of statistical measurements and zonal mapping. This results in the reproduction of misleading conceptions about how crime occurs because the research is not grounded in offenders’ experiences and pays no attention to the political economy, power and corruption and the oscillating relationship between agent and social structure. This has negative implications for the development of critical knowledge which should equip we to reconceptualise how and why social problems occur. Practical implications These infractions have major implications on how we are able to report on crime problems. Social implications As researchers/students, the authors are only able “diagnose problems” and answer questions and lose the capacity to question the answers as well as question the way the authors question. Originality/value We do not think that many criminologists would be prepared to write these words (unless it was being published in a high-impact factor journal).
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Fernández, Jesús Manuel Villegas, and Victoria Rodríguez-Blanco. "The Independence of the Judiciary: Meaning and Threats." Juridica International 31 (October 25, 2022): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/ji.2022.31.06.
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What an ‘independent’ judiciary means in a democratic society is a complex question, bringing in such elements as the governing of high courts, recruitment of judges, and their susceptibility to disciplinary action. Those subjects are not isolated items but components of a wider system, with its functioning ruled by political principles. Therefore, it is essential to identify the ideological conceptions beneath the diverse theses offered. The paper examines recent events in Poland and Spain that offer valuable data to illustrate the problem. In synthesis, two broad theoretical tendencies emerge: on one side, judges ought to be controlled by politicians, at least to a certain extent, in aims of safeguarding the democratic foundations of the Constitutional legal frame; on the other side, the emphasis is on judicial self-government as a means of preserving courts from corruption associated with pressure exerted by political, economic, or social lobbies. The paper presents a proposed solution to the controversy, involving characterisation of the minimum standards for a free judiciary in a democratic legal order, and for detecting the risks inherent to both politicisation and corporatism. The model is constructed by means of legal methodology that entails comparison among legal systems of different sorts in light of international documents, among them reports by the Council of Europe. A particularly significant contrast is visible in the distance between Continental and Common Law traditions, illuminated via consideration also of the United States.
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Remeikienė, Rita, Gasparėnienė Ligita, Aleksandra Fedajev, Evaldas Raistenskis, and Anatolijs Krivins. "Links between crime and economic development: EU classification." Equilibrium 17, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 909–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/eq.2022.031.
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Research background: Although some authors propose that economic growth should reduce crime rates as wider opportunities to earn money in a legal way diminish the incentives to commit illegal activities and lead to rising costs of the latter, the results of many studies indicate that an increase in crime rates is also possible under the conditions of economic growth. There are also differing views on the relationship between various economic indicators and crime rates as well as the nature of the relationship between the above-mentioned phenomena in the long and short run. Purpose of the article: After classifying the EU member states by their crime and economic indicators, the main objective of the article is to assess the relationship between the crime and economic development and identify the causes of this relationship. Methods: Systematic and comparative literature analysis, the Promethee and Entropy methods, Spearman?s correlation coefficient. Findings & value added: The Promethee method, together with the Entropy method, were used to estimate the weights of the EU member states with respect to their crime and economic development indicators. The most pronounced differences were recorded in Portugal, Spain, and the Slovak Republic. The rankings estimated for the EU member states revealed that although economic situation affects crime rate, it can also be affected by the differences in cultural and political development. Scientific novelty lies in complementing the theory of the shadow economy with the results showing that compared to other crimes, corruption has the greatest weight when examining the relationship between economic development and crime. The practical significance of the research lies in classifying the EU member states into 4 groups with consideration of the relationship between crime and economic development, which may help public authorities to devise the target measures for the effective fight against crime given the nature of the relationship between crime and economic development.
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Biglino Campos, Paloma. "Crisis de la representación, legitimidad de ejercicio y formas de responsabilidad // Crisis of reperesentation, legitimacy of exercise and types of resposability." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20707.
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Resumen: La crisis económica que comenzó en 2008 ha puesto en peligro la definición de España contenida en el artículo 1.1 de la Constitución. Los recortes en gastos sociales y los casos de corrupción han acabado por afectar al sistema democrático, ya que se reprocha que nuestros dirigentes no hayan demostrado suficiente sensibilidad a las demandas sociales. La crisis afecta más a la manera en que los representantes ejercen sus funciones que a la forma en que son elegidos o a la manera en que toman decisiones. Por ello, la mejor manera de hacerle frente es potenciando el principio de responsabilidad de los poderes públicos, proclamado en el artículo 9.3 de la Constitución. Este punto de vista resulta útil para examinar la funcionalidad de las instituciones de democracia directa y proponer algunas reformas. Ahora bien, enfocar la crisis como una quiebra de la legitimidad de ejercicio sirve, sobre todo, para enfocar los límites que afectan a la representación. Aunque siempre es posible modificar el sistema electoral, hay que recordar que ningún sistema asegura que los representantes ejerzan su función de manera adecuada. Para garantizar que las asambleas representativas, los miembros que las componen y los partidos políticos que los proponen como candidatos sean más sensibles ante las demandas ciudadanas, es conveniente repensar las formas de control social, político y jurídico que existen en nuestro ordenamiento y que están destinadas, precisamente, a activar las distintas formas de responsabilidad inherentes a la democracia.Summary:I. Looking back. I.1 The constitutional model: an advanced social democracy. I.2 The era of lead: from the economic crisis to the institutional crisis. I.3 Crisis of democracy and legitimacy of results. II. Greatness and miseries of direct participation. II.1 Arguments against direct democracy. II.2 A not so direct democracy: political parties as intermediaries. II.3 Institutions of direct democracy and responsibility of public powers. III. Elections, parties and representatives. III.1 The starting point: a pragmatic view of representation. III.2 Reforms of electoral system and reforms of electoral procedure. IV. The responsibility of representatives. IV.1 Responsibility and types of control. IV.2 Diffuse responsibility of representatives and social control. IV.3 Political responsibility and recall. IV.4 The juridical responsibility of representatives.Abstract:The economic crisis that began in 2008 has put in question the definition of Spain stated in Art 1.1 of the Constitution. Cutbacks in social spending and cases of corruption have finally harmed the democratic system because representatives are blamed for not being sensitive enough to citizens’ demands. The crisis affects more the way in which representatives exercise their functions than the way in which they are elected or take decisions. For this reason, the best method to address the crisis is to enhance the principle of responsibility of public powers. This criterion serves to review the institutions of direct and participatory democracy which exist in our system, and for proposing some improvements. However, the principle is especially useful for approachingthe problems that affect the exercise of representation. It is always possible to improve the electoral system. However, no electoral system guarantees that representatives exercise their function properly. There are other ways to ensure that representative assemblies, their members and political parties are more receptive to citizens’ demands. This paper proposes to strengthen the social, political and juridical controls that make effective the responsibility of representatives because these type of controls are the other face of democracy.
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UHU, Revistas científicas. "Icelandic and Spanish citizens before the crisis: Size Matters...and institutions too." Revista de Economía Mundial, no. 43 (December 12, 2022): 205–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/rem.v0i43.7482.
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In this paper, a comparative analysis between the main political citizen attitudes before the crisis in Iceland and Spain is carried out. After a brief review of political and economical antecendents, it was concluded that in Spain, as well as in Iceland, the key explanatory factors of the deep economic imbalances are located at the institutional sphere. The excesses are related in both cases to political clientelism and to diverse corruptions practices, in such a way that even the alarming signs that preceded “the official date” of the economic crisis, no convenient measures were adopted in time. In this context, the crisis has played a catalyst role, accelerating the demands aimed at achieving a better performance of the democratic system in both countries. Distrust in politicians and in political parties, as well as in other formal institutions, has not been translated neither in lack of confidence in the democracy system per se, nor in poltical apathy. Moreover, the discontent has been in both cases translated into both formulae of more political informal participation and of a greater support to more direct democracy, though through differents channels and with different results. In the discussion, diverse hypotheses are explored in order to explain the main findings in the comparative analysis. On the one hand, some of the variables associated to small-states literature are taken into account, in order to argue the main differences found out between the Spanish and Icelandic cases. On the other, diverse hypotheses from the political science literature are considered in search of a plausible explanation of the major parallelisms found.
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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "The Specter of Las Casas: José Antonio Saco and the Persistence of Spanish Colonialism in Cuba." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008846.
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The empire of absolutist Spain haunted the debates over the empire of liberal Spain. To take one example, José Arias y Miranda, an unemployed civil servant who would later work as the librarian for the Ministerio de Ultramar (Overseas Ministry), responded to the Real Academia de la Historia's query on the effects of the American empire on Spain's economy and society in words that would have been familiar to a seventeenth-century arbitrista. After reviewing America's drain on the sparse Spanish population and the corrupting effects of gold, silver, and land on Spanish work habits, Arias y Miranda concluded ‘that America was […] the determining cause of Spain's decadence’.
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Precupețu, Iuliana, and Cosmina-Elena Pop. "Utilization of healthcare services and perceptions of corruption in Romania." Revista Calitatea Vieții 31, no. 3 (2020): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46841/rcv.2020.03.02.
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In Romania, perceptions of corruption in both general practice (GP) services and hospital/specialized care are very high, situating the country in the third place in the EU. In this paper, we set out to explore the association between socioeconomic status, utilization of healthcare, social exclusion on the one hand, and perception of corruption in healthcare services in Romania, on the other hand. We mainly try to understand if perceptions of corruption are dependent on utilization of healthcare, seen as a proxy for personal experience. We use European Quality of Life Survey, the 2016 wave for Romania, and we carry out descriptive and explanatory linear regression analysis in order to shed light on perceptions of corruption in the Romanian medical system. Results show a slightly different picture between perceptions of corruption in primary services and views of the phenomenon in hospital care. Corruption in GP provisions appears to be an educated guess, depending on higher socioeconomic status. Insights on this type of corruption are not dependent on utilization of healthcare. Perceptions of corruption in hospital services are associated with the level of economic resources and are dependent on personal experience. Keywords: perceptions of corruption; utilization of health care corruption in medical services.
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Rodrííguez O., Jaime E. "New Spain and the 1808 Crisis of the Spanish Monarchy." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24, no. 2 (2008): 245–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2008.24.2.245.
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This article examines New Spain's reaction to the 1808 crisis of the Spanish Monarchy. It considers the proposal of the Ayuntamiento of Mexico to establish a congress of cities, the reaction of some peninsulares, the juntas generales, and the golpe de Estado of 1808. Although the Americans expressed loyalty to the Spanish Monarchy while insisting on their rights, many Europeans considered their actions as little better than treason. These peninsulares also feared that Viceroy Joséé de Iturrigaray, whom they believed to be corrupt, sought to separate New Spain from the composite Spanish Monarchy and make himself king. The article demonstrates that the Americans desired home rule not independence. They viewed themselves as loyal citizens who were responding to an extraordinary threat to the Monarchy. The Americans and their European allies, including Viceroy Iturrigaray, based their arguments for a congress of cities on traditional Hispanic political principles. It also demonstrates that, despite the accusations made by his enemies, Viceroy Iturrigaray was neither a traitor nor corrupt. Este artíículo examina la reaccióón de la Nueva Españña frente a la crisis de la Monarquíía españñola en 1808. Se considera la propuesta del Ayuntamiento de Mééxico de establecer un congreso de ciudades, la reaccióón de algunos peninsulares, las juntas generales, y el golpe de Estado de 1808. Aunque los americanos expresaran lealtad a la Monarquíía españñola insistiendo en sus derechos, muchos europeos consideraron sus acciones como una traicióón. Estos peninsulares tambiéén temieron que el Virrey Joséé de Iturrigaray, que ellos creyeron que era corrupto, procurara separar a la Nueva Españña de la Monarquíía españñola y autonombrarse rey. El artíículo demuestra que los americanos deseaban autonomíía y no independencia. Ellos se veíían a síí mismos como ciudadanos leales que respondíían a una amenaza extraordinaria contra la Monarquíía. Los americanos y sus aliados europeos, incluso el Virrey Iturrigaray, basaron sus argumentos para un congreso de ciudades en principios polííticos hispanos tradicionales. Tambiéén se demuestra que, a pesar de las acusaciones hechas por sus enemigos, el Virrey Iturrigaray no era ni traidor ni corrupto.
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Wiratraman, Herlambang P. "GOOD GOVERNANCE DAN PEMBARUAN HUKUM DI INDONESIA: REFLEKSI DALAM PENELITIAN SOSIO-LEGAL." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 2, no. 1 (March 29, 2013): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.2.1.2013.21-34.
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In the last decade post Soeharto, Good Governance (GG) has been often heard like a `mantra'. GG seems easily uttered talkative, formalized, and grew into a dominant political ideals as well as major constitutional and public administration discourse which have rooted in law, policy, and higher education. Like a rooster crowing in the morning, he continued to speak out in the mornings, wide box spawn 'governance, such as 'good forestry governance, 'good financial governance, 'good university governance, and many others. GG, in that context, seems like an appropriate nutrition to overcome the weakness of the Indonesian legal system, corrupt bureaucracy, and the predatoric political leadership. In this regard, it should be viewed more closely, what is actually superiority owned when GG is talked? Obviously, the law is one of the tools to ensure the operation of the mantra in its implementation, and based on master research conducted in 2005-2006, focusing on the issue of the Law Reform by applying a socio-legal approach. As a result, this study gave the fact which is different or even contrary to the ideals of political buildings or formalized or materialized law and policy. For example, one study showed that the GG in the context of legal reform in Indonesia actually very sinister and weakening the guarantee of human rights. Law, especially product of legislation and institutions, as well as its machinery transmission are dominant in advocating free market (free market friendly legal reform). Perhaps, the conclusions is not popular in the middle of the noisy speech spelling of GG and its projects. However, Indonesia today shows the continuation of massive corruption, violation of human rights, impunity and all the non protection situation in the Indonesian legal system.Keywords: Good Governance, Law reform, Sosio Legal approach
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Sosenski, Susana. "Sexual Abuse of Girls in Post-Revolutionary Mexico." Girlhood Studies 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2021.140105.
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In this article, I analyze certain ideas circulating in early twentieth-century Mexico about the sexual abuse of young and adolescent girls, and how ideas about the prohibited, permitted, or legitimate uses of their bodies were sustained by complex webs of corruption and injustice. Not only criminals but also families, lawyers, judges, and police officers commonly considered the bodies of young girls from working-class families as legitimate spaces of sexual violence. Some newspapers also propagated this idea. Prevailing notions about the gender and sexuality of young and adolescent girls fed into family-based concepts of honor and chastity that were reproduced in practices and narratives related to the abuse of children’s bodies, and this contributed to the perpetuation of a rape culture among Mexicans.
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Acasandre, Andreea. "Community quality of life. A case study of the new Popești Leordeni, Ilfov." Revista Calitatea Vieții 31, no. 4 (2020): 335–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46841/rcv.2020.04.03.
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This paper is concerned with the analysis of some worrying present tendencies of urban sprawl in the large, important economic centers of Romania. It focuses on the tendency of building new residential apartments on the outskirts of the big cities. Most of these developments target young people that belong to a still-developing middle class. Big problems emerge, however, when real estate investors take advantage of the buyers’ lack of experience and of the authorities’ poor management, offering small, badly-built apartments in new residential areas which are designed around only one function: housing. The absence of complementary functions that could support the development of communities gravely impairs the inhabitants’ quality of life. At the local level, I was able to identify two main problems: the absence of the necessary infrastructure to support such a massive increase in population, and the absence of local amenities. On a larger scale, the consequences are significant as well: chronic traffic jams due to the large number of people who commute to Bucharest daily, for work. Even though at first Popeşti-Leordeni (a satellite-town of Romania’s capital) was considered a good housing option, the people living there are rapidly becoming highly unsatisfied with their quality of life. In their opinion, the biggest problems of this urban area are the absence of green spaces, of leisure services, of parking options, and of means of public transportation. To these complaints, the inhabitants add dissatisfaction with the general problems caused by the endless building sites, which also represent one of the main causes for the lack of cleanliness, bad roads, noise and pollution plaguing the area. This paper, based both on the analysis of statistical data and on empirical research, aims to show that Popeşti-Leordeni, especially the New Popeşti neighborhood, is an example of bad housing caused by corruption, investors’ greed, bad management on the part of the authorities, and the young buyers’ inexperience. Keywords: quality of life; urban sprawl; satellite-town; mono-functionality; community.
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Martins, Alvaro F., Bruno R. da Cunha, Quentin S. Hanley, Sebastián Gonçalves, Matjaž Perc, and Haroldo V. Ribeiro. "Universality of political corruption networks." Scientific Reports 12, no. 1 (April 27, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-10909-2.
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AbstractCorruption crimes demand highly coordinated actions among criminal agents to succeed. But research dedicated to corruption networks is still in its infancy and indeed little is known about the properties of these networks. Here we present a comprehensive investigation of corruption networks related to political scandals in Spain and Brazil over nearly three decades. We show that corruption networks of both countries share universal structural and dynamical properties, including similar degree distributions, clustering and assortativity coefficients, modular structure, and a growth process that is marked by the coalescence of network components due to a few recidivist criminals. We propose a simple model that not only reproduces these empirical properties but reveals also that corruption networks operate near a critical recidivism rate below which the network is entirely fragmented and above which it is overly connected. Our research thus indicates that actions focused on decreasing corruption recidivism may substantially mitigate this type of organized crime.
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Corral-Cumbreras, Marta, and Thomas-Edward Powell. "The effect of consumption of corruption-related news on political cynicism." Communication & Society, November 7, 2019, 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.32.34240.
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Disenchantment with politicians and politics –also called political cynicism– is understood as a phenomenon that deteriorates the functioning of democracy. One of the factors that can impact this disenchantment is the appearance of corruption within the political sphere. Prior research has studied the relationship between corruption and trust in politics; this study aims to investigate the link between corruption-related news and political cynicism in Spain. The study uses an experimental approach to investigate the impact of news reporting corruption on the political cynicism of Spanish citizens and to argue that the consumption of corruption-related news increases cynical attitudes and political cynicism. The present study also investigates whether the involvement of renowned politicians, along with the perceived level of corruption that is reported, has an impact on political cynicism. The results show that political cynicism does not depend solely on consumption of corruptionrelated news; the involvement of renowned politicians in corruption cases and differences in education levels also play a key role in increasing cynicism. Based on the results of the participants assigned to the control group, the study also reveals that Spanish citizens express a baseline level of cynicism that is already very high.
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Torcal, Mariano, and Pablo Christmann. "Responsiveness, Performance and Corruption: Reasons for the Decline of Political Trust." Frontiers in Political Science 3 (July 22, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.676672.
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We test the importance of responsiveness, performance and corruption to explain the evolution of political trust in Spain between 1997 and 2019. To this end, the study analyses two longitudinal datasets, namely, a repeated cross-sectional dataset from the Spanish samples of Eurobarometer and an individual-level panel survey conducted during a period of economic recovery in 2015. The study finds that perceptions about political corruption and responsiveness matter greatly in shaping political trust and to a lesser extent economic performance. Although the Great Recession is likely responsible for the sharp decline in trust towards political parties and the parliament between 2008 and 2012, the analysis suggests that trust in representative institutions remains low even after the Recession because of a series of devastating corruption incidents and a perceived lack of responsiveness of the political system. On the other hand, the study finds indications that trust in the judicial system might have been mainly affected by perceptions of corruption.
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Wiesehomeier, Nina, and Tània Verge. "Corruption, Opportunity Networks, and Gender." Public Opinion Quarterly, December 6, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa030.
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Abstract Given the gender stereotype that women are more ethical than men, people should assess female politicians as being less corruptible. Yet information about access to networks suggests that opportunities to engage in unethical behavior may counter this perception. Using a conjoint analysis in a nationally representative survey in Spain, a country shaken by corruption scandals, we asked respondents to identify the more corruptible politician between two hypothetical local councilors by imagining an investor willing to offer a bribe to advance business interests. Results indicate that female politicians do symbolically stand for honesty. However, this assessment is offset by embeddedness cues signaling a woman politician’s access to opportunity networks. We discuss our findings in light of instrumentalist arguments for an increase of women in politics as a means to combat corruption.
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Comín, Francisco. "La corrupción permanente: el fraude fiscal en España." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, January 29, 2018, 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2018.4046.
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Resumen: La transición del régimen absolutista al Estado liberal no acabó con la corrupción pública ni con el fraude fiscal asociado, a pesar de las impecables constituciones y las reformas fiscales. Las prácticas fiscales fraudulentas del Antiguo Régimen persistieron en el sistema tributario del Estado liberal, implantado en la reforma tributaria de 1845 y mantenido hasta la reforma tributaria de 1977. Aquel sistema tributario sufrió cambios, por la incorporación de nuevos tributos y cuerpos inspectores; asimismo, cambió su configuración política de régimen constitucional con sufragio censitario o universal a unas dictaduras personales, que agravaron la corrupción pública y el fraude fiscal. Pues bien, tampoco la instauración de una democracia moderna y del sistema tributario del Estado del Bienestar ha acabado con el fraude fiscal, porque las inercias históricas en el comportamiento de los contribuyentes (reforzadas en la dictadura de Franco) son duraderas, y porque también lo es la corrupción política, difícil de erradicar en España. No obstante, la democracia ha ido cercando las prácticas fraudulentas.Palabras clave: fraude fiscal, elusión fiscal, Estado Liberal, Estado del Bienestar, corrupción políticaAbstract: The transition from the absolutist regime to the liberal state did not end public corruption to tax fraud and tax avoidance, despite legally impeccable constitutions and fiscal reforms. The fraudulent tax practices of the Ancien Regime persisted in the tax system of the liberal state, established by the tax reform of 1845 and maintained until the tax reform of 1977. That tax system underwent legal changes, by the incorporation of new taxes and inspection bodies. It also changed the political configuration o the liberal State from constitutional regimes with census or universal suffrage to personal dictatorships, which aggravated and reinforced public corruption and tax fraud. However, neither the establishment of a modern democracy nor the tax system of the Welfare State has put an end to fiscal fraud in Spain, because the historical inertia in the behaviour of taxpayers is long-lasting, and because political corruption is difficult to eradicate in Spain. This explains why democracy maintains a low penalization of tax fraud, particularly of high incomes taxpayers and self-employed workers. However, democracy has been surrounding fraudulent practices.Keywords: tax fraud, tax avoidance, liberal state, Welfare State, political corruption.
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Corral-Broto, Pablo. "Historia de la corrupción ambiental en España, 1939-1979. ¿Franquismo o industrialización?" HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, January 29, 2018, 646. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2018.4051.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: El artículo abre un debate acerca de la corrupción ambiental en la historia de España. El estudio se centra en la España franquista, a partir de una perspectiva regional y social. Los estudios sobre transiciones metabólicas han demostrado que los patrones industriales en la economía rusa y en las economías occidentales no dependieron de las condiciones económicas y políticas (Krausmann et al, 2016). La historia ambiental social no dispone todavía de estudios capaces de realizar este tipo de comparaciones. Este artículo pretende pues definir la corrupción ambiental del Franquismo, como paso imprescindible antes de realizar comparaciones que dejamos aquí planteadas a modo de hipótesis. Los resultados demuestran que la corrupción ambiental franquista se ejerció mediante tres estrategias: una compleja laxitud y maleabilidad legislativa en la aplicación y reforma de la ley, la creación de duda por parte de ciertos expertos proclives a la industria y la represión y una justicia arbitraria.Palabras clave: Franquismo, medio ambiente, contaminación industrial, historia ambiental, España.Abstract: This article opens a debate about environmental corruption in the history of Spain. The study focused on Franco’ Spain, from a regional and social history perspective. Studies of metabolic transitions have shown that industrial patterns in the Russian economy and Western economies did not depend on economic and political conditions (Krausmann et al, 2016). Social environmental history does not yet have studies capable of making such comparisons. This article aims to define the environmental corruption of Francoism, as an essential step before making comparisons that we leave here presented as hypotheses. The results show that Francoist environmental corruption was exercised through three strategies: a complex laxity and legislative malleability in law enforcement and reform, the creation of doubt certain by certain experts with industrial interests and arbitrary repression and justice.Keywords: Francoism, environment, industrial pollution, environmental history, Spain.