Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political corruption – Lebanon

Academic literature on the topic 'Political corruption – Lebanon'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political corruption – Lebanon"

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Barroso Cortés, Francisco Salvador, and Joseph A. Kéchichian. "The Practice of Corruption in Lebanon." Middle East Policy 27, no. 4 (December 2020): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12530.

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Rahbarqazi, Mahmoudreza, and Raza Mahmoudoghli. "Modeling Social Media Effects on Political Distrust in Lebanon." Communication & Society 34, no. 3 (May 31, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.34.3.89-102.

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The present study aims to examine the indirect effects of social media on political distrust among Lebanese citizens using data based on the Arab Barometer Wave V. The Arab Barometer Wave V was obtained in 2018-2019 via which 2,400 Lebanese citizens were surveyed. Using the Preacher and Hayes Bootstrapping method, the results of the test the hypotheses indicate that, firstly, social media has a positive effect on citizens’ political distrust and causes the increase in their level of distrust in political institutions with the mediator variables corruption perception and poor government performance; and secondly, the results show that although the lack of guaranteed freedoms has a positive effect on increasing political distrust in society, this variable cannot mediate the relationship between social media and political distrust among Lebanese citizens.
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Kostadinova, Tatiana. "Spoils of Truce: Corruption and State-Building in Postwar Lebanon. By Reinoud Leenders. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012. 312p. $45.00." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 3 (September 2013): 882–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001503.

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In his strongly argued, thoroughly researched, and well written study, Reinoud Leenders tells a fascinating story about elite competition over resources in postwar politics. What is most intriguing in this particular book on Lebanon is not the complexity of the political order agreed to in 1989 but the unforeseen consequences of the initially praised new formula of power sharing as trust building. Counterintuitively, a fairer representation of distinct groups turns out to have harmed the public interest through a series of failures to ensure a transparent process of policymaking. Leenders offers a detailed account of the price Lebanon had to pay for the accommodation of social conflict, that is, institutional gridlocks and widespread misuse of state resources by politicians. The lessons implied in Spoils of Truce gain special importance now, when in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, constitutional engineers and practitioners engage in the building of new political institutions in many Middle Eastern and North African countries.
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Poble, D. K. "THE 2019 – 2021 LEBANON CIVIL PROTESTS: CONCISE COMPARISON WITH MOLDOVA AND BELARUS PEACEFUL RALLIES AND ASSEMBLIES." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259135.

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Lebanon, a unique, poly-confessional Eastern Mediterranean country of Arab origin with a long Phoenician history, has seen yet another wave of unrest in the last two years. Around the same period, widespread protests were aroused in two post-soviet countries in Eastern Europe, expressing their outrage at the falsification of vote tallies, corruption, and the political motivation of their governments in the face of a worsening economic situation. The aim of the study was to find out the common and distinctive elements of these civil rallies and assemblies, as well as to predict their possible impact on interregional relations and geopolitical tendencies. The article may indicate some unique features due to the lack of fundamental research studies on the theme rather than analytics and media reports. A concise comparison is made of Lebanon’s, Moldova’s, and Belarus’s situation with respect to their establishment, political and economic crisis, resulting protest actions. Some peculiarities were discovered following the interests of internal and external political groups and their influence. A cautious prognosis was made in order to forecast some further developments in the situation around these countries, including the attitude of the key actors in the region towards the processes inside and outside, trying to tip the scales in their favor.
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AbouAssi, Khaldoun, and Ann O'M Bowman. "Special-purpose authorities: a welcomed alien to decentralization in Lebanon?" International Review of Administrative Sciences 83, no. 3 (September 24, 2015): 503–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852315583775.

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Countries in transition face numerous political and economic challenges often exacerbated by persistent corruption and internecine religious conflict. In Lebanon, existing local governments have proven ineffective at providing many public services, especially those with spillover effects and externalities. This article proposes a structural change: the introduction of special-purpose local authorities to provide a single service transcending the boundaries of individual local governments. This proposal promises an innovative and practical solution to some existing problems; moreover, it will disentangle some of the complexities in the social and political milieus of a country typified by intense conflict. Points for practitioners This article proposes a policy recommendation to address one of the many challenges facing decentralization in Lebanon. Existing local governments have proven ineffective at providing many public services, especially those with spillover effects and externalities. Special-purpose local authorities are introduced as an innovative and practical solution to some existing problems; an approach that will disentangle some of the complexities in the social and political milieus of a country typified by intense conflict. The article provides certain decision points that are useful for policy makers and practitioners as they consider possible resolutions to existing challenges, potential implementation obstacles, and mitigating factors.
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Dib, Kamal. "Predator Neoliberalism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.3.

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Lebanon, a multi-confessional state, is undergoing a deep socioeconomic change that could trigger a review of its constitutional arrangement. The tiny republic on the Mediterranean was born in 1920 as a liberal democracy with a market economy, where the Christians had the upper hand in politics and the economy. In 1975, Lebanon witnessed a major war that lasted for fifteen years, and a new political system emerged in 1989, dubbed the Ta’ef Accord. The new constitutional arrangement, also known as the “second republic,” transferred major powers to the Muslims. Under the new republic, illiberal policies were adopted in reconstruction, public finance, and monetary policy, coupled with unprecedented corruption at the highest levels. On 17 October 2019, the country exploded in a social revolution which could precipitate the death of the second republic or the demise of the country as another victim of predator neoliberalism.
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Leenders, Reinoud. "Response to Tatiana Kostadinova's review of Spoils of Truce: Corruption and State-Building in Postwar Lebanon." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 3 (September 2013): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002028.

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Tatiana Kostadinova's critical remarks and questions are spot on. Some of them had been on my mind while researching the book, and they all deserve to be raised. I would argue that the possible ways by which my case study could be viewed as relevant to more generalizing approaches to corruption are twofold.
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Armouch, Sarah, Reem Talhouk, and Vasilis Vlachokyriakos. "Revolting from Abroad: The Formation of a Lebanese Transnational Public." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 6, CSCW2 (November 7, 2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3555131.

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Nowadays social movements are driven by networks of people who resort to social media platforms to rally, self-organise and coordinate action around a shared cause, which can be referred to as the formation of publics. Due to years of political instability, conflicts, corruption, sectarianism, economic collapse and declining living conditions, in October 2019 Lebanon witnessed uprisings which transcended into a wider social movement. As the movement unfolded, Lebanese diaspora members living across the world formed their own publics in support of the Lebanese revolution that interfaced with the local Lebanon-based publics. As such, a broader transnational public emerged as a result of the coordinated online and offline efforts between diaspora actors and local actors, which had a crucial role in mitigating the aftermath of the compounded crises that hit Lebanon. In this paper, through observation and interviews with Lebanese diaspora members, we contribute a socio-technical understanding of the formation of a transnational public, with a particular focus on the underlying infrastructures that enabled its creation. Furthermore, we surface the challenges in relation to sustaining such a diaspora public and its interfacing with local publics in Lebanon. We contribute empirical insights that highlight how different technological tools and platforms, coupled with social processes built within diaspora groups and with local actors, led to the formation of such a multilayered transnational public.
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Muhareb, Mahmoud. "The Zionist Disinformation Campaign in Syria and Lebanon during the Palestinian Revolt, 1936–1939." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 2 (2013): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.2.6.

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Based on declassified reports in the Central Zionist Archives, this article brings to light a virtually unknown disinformation project implemented by the Jewish Agency (the governing body of the Yishuv before 1948) in the Arab world during the 1936-39 Palestinian revolt. Operating via a JA front organization—an Arabic-language news agency set up in Cairo—and out of the Jerusalem-based JA Political department’s intelligence services, the project involved inter alia the planting of fabricated articles in the Lebanese and Syrian press with the aim of influencing public opinion. Whatever the project’s impact, the article provides insights into the Zionist leadership’s thinking, internal debates, and operating methods, and shows the degree of corruption that existed in certain segments of the Arab elite.
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BouChabke, Soha, and Gloria Haddad. "Ineffectiveness, Poor Coordination, and Corruption in Humanitarian Aid: The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 32, no. 4 (June 18, 2021): 894–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-021-00366-2.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political corruption – Lebanon"

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Leenders, Reinoldus Edgarus Caecilius. "The politics of corruption in post-war Lebanon." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407160.

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EGAN, Martyn. "Clandestine circulation : social reproduction in the shadow of the state." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/33887.

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Defence date: 9 December 2014
Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute; Professor Johannes Hjellbrekke, University of Bergen; Doctor Reinoud Leenders, King's College London.
How should social science conceptualise the informal exchange of illicit favours in the context of the modern state? And what relation does such exchange have to the reproduction of the social structure? This thesis presents a new framework for the analysis of such phenomena based upon the theoretical methodology of Pierre Bourdieu. Using Bourdieu's conceptual tools of habitus, field and capital, the kinds of informal exchange typically analysed through the paradigms of clientelism, corruption, or "informal institution" are reconstructed as a new research object - the clandestine circulation of capital - and related to the broader "economy of practices" necessary to reproduce the social structure. In a considered development of Bourdieu's initial use of the term (which related to the clandestine circulation of cultural capital), the thesis demonstrates how the clandestine circulation of other forms and guises of capital can also subvert the normative intentions of merit and equality implicit in the formal institutions of the modern state. The thesis reconciles and expands upon various of Bourdieu's theoretical writings to develop a theory identifying both the objective resources of such circulation and the principles structuring it as a social practice. This new theory is then applied in detail to the field site of urban Beirut (the capital of Lebanon), and specifically in relation to the phenomenon of wasta (an Arabic word used to refer to all kinds of social influence). Through a detailed empirical study of the field site, the thesis attempts to demonstrate how clandestine circulation operates as a mechanism for the transformation and accumulation of capitals, and hence comes to play a determinant role in the reproduction of the social order, in a manner intimately connected to the specific nature of the Lebanese state.
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Books on the topic "Political corruption – Lebanon"

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Spoils of truce: Corruption and state-building in postwar Lebanon. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012.

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The Lebanese connection: Corruption, civil war, and the international drug traffic. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2012.

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Eddé, Henri. Le Liban d'où je viens. Paris: Buchet-Chastel, 1997.

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Iṣlāḥ al-sāsah: Al-Ḥizb al-Waṭanī wa-al-Ikhwān wa-al-lībrālīyūn. al-Jīzah: Nahḍat Miṣr lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2010.

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Leenders, Reinoud. Spoils of Truce: Corruption and State-Building in Postwar Lebanon. Cornell University Press, 2012.

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6

O'Doherty, Mark. Healing Lebanon - a Study of Human Rights Violations, Corruption, Inequality and Political Instability in the Lebanese Republic. Lulu Press, Inc., 2020.

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Baylouny, Anne Marie. When Blame Backfires. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751516.001.0001.

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The recent influx of Syrian refugees into Jordan and Lebanon has stimulated domestic political action against these countries' governments. This is the dramatic argument at the heart of this book. The book examines the effects on Jordan and Lebanon of hosting huge numbers of Syrian refugees. How has the populace reacted to the real and perceived negative effects of the refugees? The book shows how the demographic changes that result from mass immigration put stress on existing problems in these two countries, worsening them to the point of affecting daily lives. One might expect that, as a result, refugees and minorities would become the focus of citizen anger. But as the book demonstrates, this is not always the case. What the book exposes, instead, is that many of the problems that might be associated with refugees are in fact endemic to the normal routine of citizens' lives. The refugee crisis exacerbated an already dire situation rather than created it, and Jordanians and Lebanese started to protest not only against the presence of refugees but against the incompetence and corruption of their own governments as well. From small-scale protests about goods and public services, citizens progressed to organized and formal national movements calling for economic change and rights to public services not previously provided. This dramatic shift in protest and political discontent was, the book shows, the direct result of the arrival of Syrian refugees.
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Ciorciari, John D. Sovereignty Sharing in Fragile States. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613669.001.0001.

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This book examines “sovereignty-sharing” in fragile states, focusing on ventures in which domestic and international actors share authority to provide basic public services and build the rule of law. It examines how and why these ventures are created, designed, and implemented and what determines their perceived legitimacy and effectiveness. The book shows that sovereignty sharing can help address governance gaps under certain conditions, but that apportioning core sovereign functions remains difficult, as national and international partners bring different capacities, norms, and policy priorities. It demonstrates that the political foundations of sovereignty-sharing arrangements are crucial for effective performance, which in turn drives popular support. The book considers case studies of hybrid tribunals in Sierra Leone, Cambodia, and Lebanon; joint policing in Timor-Leste; and anti-corruption initiatives in Guatemala and Liberia. It offers the first comparative assessment of these remarkable efforts to repair ruptures in the rule of law.
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Gelvin, James L. The New Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190653996.001.0001.

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Since Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, galvanizing the Arab uprisings that continue today, the entire Middle East landscape has changed in ways that were unimaginable years before. In spite of the early hype about a so-called "Arab Spring" and the prominence observers gave to calls for the downfall of regimes and an end to their abuses, most of the protests and uprisings born of Bouazizi's self-immolation have had disastrous results across the whole Middle East. While the old powers reasserted their control with violence in Egypt and Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria have virtually ceased to exist as states, torn apart by civil wars. In other states, namely Morocco and Algeria, the forces of reaction were able to maintain their hold on power, while in the "hybrid democracies" of Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq, protests against government inefficiency, corruption, and arrogance have done little to bring about the sort of changes protesters have demanded. Simultaneously, ISIS, along with other jihadi groups (al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda affiliates, Ansar al-Shariahs, etc.) has thrived in an environment marked by state breakdown. This book explains these changes, outlining the social, political, and economic contours of what some have termed "the new Middle East." One of the leading scholars of modern Middle Eastern history, James L. Gelvin lucidly distills the political and economic reasons behind the dramatic news arriving each day from Syria and the rest of the Middle East. He shows how and why bad governance, stagnant economies, poor healthcare, climate change, population growth, refugee crises, food and water insecurity, and war increasingly threaten human security in the region.
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Book chapters on the topic "Political corruption – Lebanon"

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Nassif, Nadim. "Developing a National Elite Sport Policy in an Arab Country." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 147–64. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0009.

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Lebanon has never qualified to the FIFA World Cup, and has only won four medals at the Olympic Games since it started participating in 1948. This chapter investigates why Lebanon is failing in international sport and argues that the promotion of elite sport has never been a priority for the Lebanese government. It also reviews the academic literature on elite sport success, and discusses political, economic, demographic, and cultural factors that contribute to Lebanon’s failure in international sport. It is argued that the meagre annual budget allocated to the Ministry of Sport by the Lebanese government is a necessary but insufficient explanation for Lebanon’s failure in international sport. The Ministry of Youth and Sport issued their “Sport Strategy 2010–2020,” but never implemented the policies proposed. Beyond the government there is the problem that corruption is prevalent in the national sport federations. This chapter highlights how administrators are occupying key positions based on their political affiliations, rather than on their skills and capacities.
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Reiche, Danyel. "Legacies of Mega-Sporting Events in Developing Countries." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 165–82. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0010.

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This chapter engages with the scholarship that emphasizes the benefits of mega-sporting events to host countries, from increasing their international prestige and influence on global politics, through to mobilizing national pride, and serving as a tool of economic development. This chapter also investigates the benefits gained by Lebanon as a result of hosting four regional mega-sporting events since the civil war ended in 1990. Additionally, it examines the similarities and differences between these four events by exploring, in particular, the tangible and intangible legacies. Apart from a review of academic and press articles, primary data was collected by interviewing key stakeholders in the Lebanese sports sector who were involved in the events. Our conclusion is that while the events provided Lebanon with some short-term promotional benefits, they introduced a heavy financial burden, especially in relation to stadium and sports hall construction. Resources to maintain those facilities became a source for corruption.
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