Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political corruption – France

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political corruption – France'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political corruption – France"

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "France: Corruption as Resentment." Journal of Law and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1996): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1410470.

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Birch, Sarah, Nicholas J. Allen, and Katja Sarmiento-Mirwaldt. "Anger, Anxiety and Corruption Perceptions: Evidence from France." Political Studies 65, no. 4 (June 9, 2017): 893–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717691294.

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This article assesses the roles of anxiety and anger in shaping people’s perceptions of politicians’ integrity. Drawing on recent work on the role of affect in shaping political judgement, the article develops a theoretical model of the anticipated role of anger and anxiety in structuring reactions to allegations of political misconduct. The model is tested on a unique data set that includes results of an experiment fielded as part of a survey carried out in January 2013 among a representative sample of the French adult population. The analysis finds that those in whom politically dubious actions generate anxiety are more sensitive to contextual details than other respondents, although the role of anger in modulating ethical judgements is less clear-cut, dampening attention to information about negatively assessed behaviour but enhancing attention to information about behaviour that is assessed more positively.
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Engels, Jens Ivo. "Corruption as a Political Issue in Modern Societies: France, Great Britain and the United States in the Long 19th Century." Public Voices 10, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.149.

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The so-called “long 19th century”, from the French Revolution to the First World War, ranks as the crucial phase in the genesis of the modern world. In the Western countries this period was characterized by the differentiation of the public and the private spheres, the birth of the modern bureaucratic state and the delegitimation of early modern practices such as clientelism and patronage. All these fundamental changes are, among other things, usually considered important preconditions for the modern perception of corruption.This paper will concentrate on this crucial phase by means of a comparative analysis of debates in France, Great Britain and the United States, with the aim to elucidate the motives for major anti-corruption movements. The questions are: who fights against corruption and what are the reasons for doing so? I will argue that these concerns were often very different and sometimes accidental. Furthermore, an analysis of political corruption may reveal differences between the political cultures in the countries in question. Thus, the history of corruption serves as a sensor which enables a specific perspective on politics. By taking this question as a starting point the focus is narrowed to political corruption and the debates about corruption, while petty bribery on the part of minor civilservants, as well as the actual practice in the case of extensive political corruption, is left aside.
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FLANDREAU, MARC, and FRÉDÉRIC ZUMER. "Media Manipulation in Interwar France: Evidence from the Archive of Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, 1914–1937." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000454.

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AbstractThis article shows how one can read political history from evidence on corporate corruption. The study exploits newly discovered archival material from Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, a politically connected investment bank. We contribute to current research by replacing existing conjectures with precise qualitative and quantitative evidence. After reviewing previous works and providing a sketch of information repression and media control in France during the interwar period, we argue that the study of patterns of ‘informational criminality’ provides an original entry to the writing of political history and the history of information.
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Shabbir, Ghulam, and Mumtaz Anwar. "Determinants of Corruption in Developing Countries." Pakistan Development Review 46, no. 4II (December 1, 2007): 751–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v46i4iipp.751-764.

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Corruption is a limp in the walk of human progress. It is not a new phenomenon; it is as old as the history of mankind itself. The corruption made itself visible when the institution of the government was established. According to Glynn, et al. (1997), “…..no region, and hardly any country, has been immune from corruption”. Like a cancer, it strikes almost all parts of the society and destroys the functioning of vital organs, means cultural, political and economic structure of society Amundsen (1999). All this was proved by the major corruption scandals of France, Italy, Japan, Philippine, South Korea, Mexico, United States etc. These scandals bring the corruption problem on the agenda of major international institutions like International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Trade Organisation, Transparency International and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
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Rossetti, Carlo. "The Prosecution of Political Corruption: France, Italy and the USA - A Comparative View." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 13, no. 2 (July 2000): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713670512.

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THAIZE CHALLIER, Marie-Christine. "Urban Conflict, Rent Seeking, and Corruption Economic and Political Institutions in a Historical Perspective." Review of European Studies 10, no. 2 (April 22, 2018): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n2p96.

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This paper is an empirical analysis to explore the relationships between urban conflict and both rent seeking and corruption. It examines social disturbances in medieval France through a sample of twelve towns examined over the period 1270-1399 in a real context of informational asymmetries, commitment problems, and issues indivisibilities. As regards the economic corruption class, it is found that townspeople rebel more often and more intensely against the extortion of funds carried out by policy makers than against the embezzlement of a part of these funds. As to the political corruption class, the findings highlight that abuse of power against municipalities is identified in more social unrest than influence peddling against these local institutions. Furthermore, it is shown that rent-seeking-related policies (like arbitrary actions limiting property rights, economic rules-based policies, and targeted political measures) have less influence on urban conflict than corrupt policies do. These findings produce insights that apply beyond the historical context and analysis of the paper. Situations presenting over-indebted towns despite overtaxed people disturb also modern democracies.
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Mancini, Paolo, Marco Mazzoni, Alessio Cornia, and Rita Marchetti. "Representations of Corruption in the British, French, and Italian Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 1 (November 11, 2016): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161216674652.

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As part of a larger European Union (EU)-funded project, this paper investigates the coverage of corruption and related topics in three European democracies: France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Based on Freedom House data, these countries are characterized by different levels of press freedom. A large corpus of newspaper articles (107,248 articles) from the period 2004 to 2013 were analyzed using dedicated software. We demonstrate that freedom of press is not the only dimension that affects the ability to and the way in which news media report on corruption. Because of its political partisanship, the Italian press tends to emphasize and dramatize corruption cases involving domestic public administrators and, in particular, politicians. The British coverage is affected mainly by market factors, and the press pays more attention to cases occurring abroad and in sport. The French coverage shares specific features with both the British and the Italian coverage: Newspapers mainly focus on corruption involving business companies and foreign actors, but they also cover cases involving domestic politicians. Media market segmentation, political parallelism, and media instrumentalization determine different representations preventing the establishment of unanimously shared indignation.
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Richey, Sean, and J. Benjamin Taylor. "Google Books Ngrams and Political Science: Two Validity Tests for a Novel Data Source." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519001318.

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ABSTRACTGoogle Books Ngrams data are freely available and contain billions of words used in tens of millions of digitized books, which begin in the 1500s for some languages. We explore the benefits and pitfalls of these data by showing examples from comparative and American politics. Specifically, we show how usage of the phrase “political corruption” in Italian, French, German, and Hebrew books strongly correlates with Transparency International’s well-cited Corruption Index for France, Italy, German, and Israel. We also use Ngrams to show that the explosive growth in usage of the phrases “Asian American,” “Latino,” and “Hispanic” correlates with real-world changes in these populations after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. These applications show that Ngram data correlate strongly with similar data from well-respected sources. This suggests that Ngrams has content validity and can be used as a proxy measure for previously difficult-to-research phenomena and questions.
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Ginsborg, Paul. "Italian Political Culture in Historical Perspective." Modern Italy 1, no. 1 (1995): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454754.

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Much more so than in the recent past, the eyes of Europe and even of the world are on Italy. This attention does not derive from any innovative solutions that Italy may have offered to the grave problems which today face modern states: those of environmental pollution, of unemployment, of racism, of declining political legitimacy. Rather, Italy has attracted intense scrutiny for two principal reasons. First, because certain courageous magistrates, both in Palermo and Milan, have waged an unprecedented and dramatic war against criminal organizations and political corruption, and this in one of the most corrupt democracies in Europe. Their lead has been taken up in France and Spain, and their actions studied by colleagues as far away as Japan and Argentina. Unexpectedly, the Italian state has produced and allowed space for a group of public servants who have earned admiration on a global scale.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political corruption – France"

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Valle, Correa Ramos Amanda do. "Le financement des campagnes présidentielles en France et au Brésil." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCD046/document.

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Cette thèse se propose d’analyser toutes les questions liées au financement descampagnes électorales en vue des élections présidentielles. En effet, l’éclosion desaffaires de corruption politique, ayant révélé l’influence de l’argent dans la viepolitique, le financement des campagnes électorales a fait l’objet de débats dansplusieurs démocraties. Une comparaison entre la France et le Brésil, deuxdémocraties ou les systèmes électoraux différent, tente de montrer que le pouvoir del’argent peut influencer les élections, spécialement celles du président de laRépublique. Cette recherche aborde donc des questions relatives à laréglementation et au contrôle du financement des campagnes électorales à la Hautefonction publique. Y sont décrits de manière exhaustive avec pour modèlecomparative, les points positifs ainsi que les faiblesses des deux systèmes face à unmême ‘’ennemi’’ : l’influence de l’argent dans la vie politique
This thesis intends to analyse all matters regarding financing election campaigns inpresidential elections. Actually, after political corruption outbreaks, revealing theinfluence money has on politics, financing of the election campaigns turned out to bethe object of discussion in many democracies. A comparison between France andBrazil, two democracies with two different electoral systems, intends to show how thepower of money can influence election, mainly in presidential campaigns. Thisresearch address issues relating to regulation and control of election campaignsfinancials of the highest public role. They are exhaustively described, having ascomparative models France and Brazil, strong points as well as weak points of bothsystems facing the same enemy: the influence of money in the political life
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Payet, François. "Politique et pouvoirs locaux dans un cirque : Cilaos (1945 à 2001)." Thesis, La Réunion, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LARE0020/document.

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Cette thèse s'appuie sur des recherches documentaires effectuées aux Archives Départementales de La Réunion (Journaux et documents administratifs locaux). Elle est la première étude sur une longue durée sur la vie politique à Cilaos, dernière commune née sur l'île française de La Réunion en 1965. Sur ce territoire particulier, qu'est le cirque de Cilaos, les acteurs politiques ont un rôle primordial pour son développement. Dans ce site, où les remparts forment une arène politique, tous les coups sont permis (fraude, alliance improbable, copinage). C'est ainsi un laboratoire idéal pour une étude de l'évolution de ses élections locales (et ses mœurs) et du développement socio-économique par ces acteurs. L'un d'eux est une pièce majeur de ce jeu de pouvoirs, surnommé le « Lion », Irénée Accot. Il œuvre à l'émancipation politique de sa commune face à sa ville-mère Saint-Louis. À sa mort, son héritage idéologique est lourd à porter pour ses potentiels dauphins. Après une période de remise en cause, l'un d'eux parvient à renouer avec ce glorieux passé, Paul Técher
This thesis is based on documentary researches in the Departmental archives of Reunion (Newspapers and local administrative documents). It is the first study over a long length on the political life in Cilaos, last municipality born on the French island of Reunion in 1965. On this specific territory, that is the “circus” of Cilaos, the political actors have a key role for its development. In this site, where ramparts form a political arena, all the blows are allowed (fraud, unlikely alliance, favoritism). It is so an ideal laboratory for a study of the evolution of its local elections (and its morals) and of the socio-economic development by these actors. One of them is a play major of this game of powers, dubbed the "Lion", Irénée Accot. He works in the political emancipation of his municipality in front of his city-mother Saint-Louis. Upon his death, his ideological inheritance is so hard to carry for his potential dolphins. After a period of adjournment, one of them manages to reconnect with this glorious last, Paul Técher
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Vaz, Céline. "Le franquisme et la production de la ville : politiques du logement et de l’urbanisme, mondes professionnels et savoirs urbains en Espagne des années 1930 aux années 1970." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100196.

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Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnels
Francoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions
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PUJAS, Veronique. "Les scandales politiques en France, en Italie et en Espagne : constructions, usages et conflits de legitimite." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5354.

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Defence date: 18 January 1999
Examining board: Prof. Paul Heywood (Université de Nottingham) ; Prof. Yves Mény (Directeur de thèse, IUE, Centre Robert Schuman, Directeur) ; Prof. Jean-Louis Quermonne (Emeritus, IEP, Paris) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Books on the topic "Political corruption – France"

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La corruption en France: La République en danger. Paris]: François Bourin, 2012.

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Gaetner, Gilles. L' argent facile: Dictionnaire de la corruption en France. Paris: Stock, 1992.

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La France est-elle une république bananière? [Paris]: Larousse, 2009.

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Toscer, Olivier. La France est-elle une république bananière? [Paris]: Larousse, 2009.

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(Organization), Agir ici, and Survie (Organization), eds. France-Cameroun, croisement dangereux! Paris: Harmattan, 1996.

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(Organization), Agir ici, and Survie (Organization), eds. France, Zaïre, Congo, 1960-1977: Échec aux mercenaires. Paris: Agir ici, 1997.

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Bettencourt boulevard, ou, Une histoire de France: Pièce en trente morceaux. Paris: L'Arche, 2014.

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L' argent et la politique en France. Paris: Economica, 1997.

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Monique, Pinçon-Charlot, ed. Le président des riches: Enquête sur l'oligarchie dans la France de Nicolas Sarkozy. Paris: Découverte, 2010.

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Collard, Gilbert. Les contes immoraux du rapport de la Cour des comptes. Paris: M. Lafon, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political corruption – France"

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Evans, Jocelyn A. J. "Political Corruption in France." In Corruption in Contemporary Politics, 79–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919991_7.

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Kreuzer, Marcus. "Democratisation and Changing Methods of Electoral Corruption in France from 1815 to 1914." In Political Corruption in Europe and Latin America, 97–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24588-8_5.

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Prieto, Moisés. "Corrupt and Rapacious: Colonial Spanish-American Past Through the Eyes of Early Nineteenth-Century Contemporaries. A Contribution from the History of Emotions." In Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, 105–39. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0255-9_5.

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AbstractAround 1800, merchants, scientists and adventurers travelled to Latin America with different purposes. Their multifaceted interests in a world region, experiencing a threshold of independence from Spanish colonial rule, inspired new historical and political works about the continent’s recent past. The Enlightenment provided not only the philosophical armamentarium against corruption, but it also paved the way to a new expression of sentiments and to the loss of fear when addressing injustice. Some examples of these are Hipólito Villaroel’s list of grievances and Humboldt’s Political essay. These two authors provide some thoughts on the political landscape of New Spain (now Mexico), while the two Swiss physicians Rengger and Longchamp describe the ruthless and odd dictator Francia of independent Paraguay as a champion of anti-corruption. Finally, Argentine dictator Rosas—and his robberies as described by Rivera Indarte, Sarmiento and other anonymous authors—represent the embodiment of corruption through pure larceny, for whose crimes the Spanish colonial past apparently no longer served as a comparison.
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Pujas, Véronique, and Martin Rhodes. "Party Finance and Political Scandal: Comparing Italy, Spain, and France." In Political Corruption, 739–60. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315126647-59.

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Ibrahim, Jibrin. "Political party corruption in Nigeria and in France." In France and Nigeria : issues in comparative studies, 137–50. IFRA-Nigeria, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ifra.4022.

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"The Development of Political Clientelism in 20th-century France: Party Networks and Patterns of ‘Voter Loyalization’." In Comparing Political Corruption and Clientelism, 191–220. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315259734-17.

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Whatmore, Richard. "The Power of Place." In Terrorists, Anarchists, and Republicans, 3–24. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691168777.003.0001.

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This chapter describes the origins of the Society of United Irishmen. This organization was inspired by republicanism. To many observers, creating a republic in Ireland presented an opportunity to create a nation in a unified sense, overcoming through shared commitment to republican ideas of equality the divisions that were responsible for the political corruption and economic backwardness of the country. This was what had happened in France, where a diverse and divided nation was becoming a unified, and singularly powerful, republican patrie. Indeed, the links between the United Irishmen and French republicans were especially strong from 1792, with many prominent figures in the movement spending time in Paris.
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Vetter, Lisa Pace. "Lifting the “Claud-Lorraine Tint” over the Republic." In The Political Thought of America's Founding Feminists. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479853342.003.0002.

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Frances Wright makes several major contributions to political theory. She served as an essential transitional figure from republicanism to early American socialism. Wright outlined a comprehensive system of reform based on an epistemological method of inquiry. Although Alexis de Tocqueville is credited with anticipating aspects of what would become critical race theory, her devastating critique of slavery in America precedes his by several years and includes elements of critical race theory as well. Unlike Tocqueville, Wright also applies those principles to the plight of American women, which prefigures aspects of critical feminist theory. Wright presents an early version of intersectionality by portraying the oppression of women, the enslavement of African Americans, and the injustice of economic inequality as intertwined through institutionalized corruption.
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"The Religious Right and Its Critics." In American Religion, American Politics, edited by Joseph Kip Kosek. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300203516.003.0007.

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The conservative ascendancy of the 1970s and 1980s marked a substantial reversal of American political power. The religious right also mobilized as never before. In particular, groups that had once looked with suspicion at the corruptions and compromises inherent in politics now decided to join the fray. Although they were never unified, these groups agreed on a few central issues; they were strong anticommunists and supported a powerful military to counteract the influence of the Soviet Union. This chapter presents the following documents: Engel v. Vitale (1962), Phyllis Schlafly's The Power of the Positive Woman (1977), Francis Schaeffer's A Christian Manifesto (1981), John Shelby Spong's “Blessing Gay and Lesbian Commitments” (1988), and Employment Division v. Smith (1990).
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Wolff, Nathan. "Introduction Bureaucratic Vistas." In Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age, 2–23. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831693.003.0007.

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This chapter sheds new light on the US Gilded Age (roughly the final three decades of the nineteenth century), revealing it—and its literature—to be a period defined as much by cynicism about corruption as by actual political venality. It sets out three of the book’s overarching interventions: first, calling us to expand our vocabulary of “political emotion” beyond sympathy to a wider range of disagreeable and in-between feelings; second, providing frameworks for analyzing the relation, rather than the opposition, between reason and emotion in political contexts (in particular, via the affective tenor of late-nineteenth-century bureaucratic discourse); third, claiming that we must supplement accounts of nineteenth-century US literature’s utopian moods with a view of those quotidian feelings—so often negative—that define encounters with existing political institutions, as foregrounded by Gilded Age fiction. Authors discussed include Frances Hodgson Burnett, Herman Melville, Mark Twain, and Walt Whitman.
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Reports on the topic "Political corruption – France"

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Broadberry, Stephen, Nicholas Crafts, Leigh Gardner, Rocco Macchiavello, Anandi Mani, and Christopher Woodruff. Unlocking Development: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Mark Harrison. The Social Market Foundation, November 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-904899-98-3.

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The world’s poor are ‘trapped’ in poverty. How can we unlock development so that poor countries can sustain economic growth over long periods of time? Our report considers this problem on three levels, the national economy, the private sector, and citizenship. At the core of each chapter is new research by CAGE members and associates. Chapter 1 addresses the factors underlying sustainable growth of the national economy. Chapter 2 looks for the sources of business capacity and sustainable growth of the private sector. Chapter 3 links citizenship to economic development, showing how political voice can enable women to participate more freely in society and the economy. In all three chapters we show how economic development relies on the rule of law, including a framework of laws and their enforcement that is applied to all and accessible by all. We show how, without such a framework, the sustainable growth of national economies and their businesses is threatened when laws fail to resolve conflicts. This failure is often accompanied by corruption or violence. So, we discuss what can be done to promote the rule of law; to make economic growth more stable and sustainable; to enhance the capacity of business organisations that are most likely to attract, grow and create jobs; and to enable women to play a full part in economic development as citizens, providers, and entrepreneurs. Foreword by Frances Cairncross; Introduced by Nicholas Crafts.
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Carter, Becky. Gender Inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood Region. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.062.

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This rapid review examines evidence on the structural causes and drivers of gender inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood region and how these gender inequalities contribute to instability in the region. While the Eastern Neighbourhood region performs relatively well on gender equality compared with the rest of the world, women and girls continue to face systemic political and economic marginalisation and are vulnerable to gender-based violence. Research on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova identifies the key underlying cause to be a set of traditional patriarchal gender norms, intersecting with conservative religious identities and harmful customary practices. These norms do not operate in isolation: the literature highlights that gender inequalities are caused by the interplay of multiple factors (with women’s unequal economic resources having a critical effect), while overlapping disadvantages affect lived experiences of inequalities. Other key factors are the region’s protracted conflicts; legal reform gaps and implementation challenges; socio-economic factors (including the impact of COVID-19); and governance trends (systemic corruption, growing conservatism, and negative narratives influenced by regional geopolitics). Together these limit women and girls’ empowerment; men and boys are also affected negatively in different ways, while LGBT+ people have become a particular target for societal discrimination in the region. Global evidence – showing that more gender unequal societies correlate with increased instability – provides a frame of reference for the region’s persistent gender inequalities.
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