Journal articles: 'Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania'

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White, Rob. "Corruption and the Securitisation of Nature." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i4.449.

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This article considers corruption in Australia in relation to the exploitation and preservation of natural resources. In doing so, it examines issues pertaining to a proposed pulp mill and the forestry industry in Tasmania, the development of mining and ports in Queensland, and international agreements pertaining to deep-sea oil drilling in the Timor Sea. Corruption relating to the environment is interpreted in this article as implying both moral corruption and/or direct corruption. Gaining unfair advantage, protecting specific sectoral interests and over-riding existing environmental regulations are all features of the types of corruption associated with the exploitation of natural resources. The result is lack of transparency, a substantial democratic deficit, and expenditure of public monies, time and resources in support of environmentally and socially dubious activities.

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Horgan, Gerard W. "Prorogation and partisanship in Tasmania and South Australia." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 33, no. 2 (November 2013): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2013.845348.

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Beresford, Quentin. "Corporations, Government and Development: The Case of Institutional Corruption in Tasmania." Australian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 2 (May 17, 2010): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361141003736133.

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Burgess, Claire, and Rupert Read. "Extinction Rebellion and environmental activism – the XR interviews." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 11, no. 3 (December 25, 2020): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2020.03.08.

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For this publication on environmental activism and the law, we interviewed representatives of Extinction Rebellion (XR) in the United Kingdom and Australia to explore their views on the goals, tactics and challenges for the movement. This report features interviews conducted in late 2019 with Claire Burgess (then regional coordinator XR Southern Tasmania, Australia) and Rupert Read (spokesperson for XR England and Reader in Philosophy, University of East Anglia). Both interviews, with identical questions, were conducted by Benjamin J Richardson, Professor of Environmental Law, University of Tasmania.

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dela Rama, Marie J., Michael E. Lester, and Warren Staples. "The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC." Laws 11, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11010007.

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Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.

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Moorhead, Simon. "Seas No Longer Divide." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 9, no. 1 (March 18, 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v9n1.396.

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A three-part historic paper by Alan Tulip in the Telecommunication Journal of Australia in 1988 describes the political campaign for the connection of Tasmania to the Australian mainland telecommunications network after World War I, not completed until 1936.

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Poynting, Scott, and David Whyte. "Special Edition: Corruption Downunder - Guest Editors’ Introduction." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i4.455.

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This special issue gathers and enlarges upon papers that were first presented at the interdisciplinary ‘Corruption Downunder’ symposium held at the University of Auckland in November 2015; most of the papers published here stem from the lively and collegial discussions at the symposium. At that time New Zealand was authoritatively measured (by Transparency International) to be Number 2 ‘least corrupt’ nation in the world; it is now tied at Number 1 with Denmark. What this rank, as measured by Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), actually counts for is something that we explore in this special issue. On the face of it, it would seem perverse to be focusing on corruption in such a place as New Zealand. With its larger northern neighbour Australia listed at a respectable 11th out of 175 that same year (2014 data), why would a bunch of academics want to engage in serious discussions about the problem of corruption ‘downunder’? New Zealand has never been ranked outside of the top four, and has been ranked Number 1 in a total of 12 out of 22 years since the survey began. Australia is generally ranked in the top ten and has never been out of the top 13 least corrupt countries since the survey began. To access the full text of the introducton to this special issue on corruption downunder, download the accompanying PDF file.

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Holmes, John. "Coast versus Inland: Two Different Queenslands?" Queensland Review 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000465.

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The statement that ‘Queensland is different’ is entrenched within the folklore of Australian political and social commentary. The case is not persuasive, certainly no more so than the case that Tasmania or South Australia or any other state is ‘different’. Those who have pursued the argument have focused selectively on the modicum of differences reasonably to be expected among the peoples, institutions and socio-political processes and preoccupations of six ‘sovereign’ states.

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Nash, Meredith. "Gender on the ropes: An autoethnographic account of boxing in Tasmania, Australia." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 6 (November 27, 2015): 734–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215615198.

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This paper documents how I fought for a place as a boxer in a regional Tasmanian boxing gym over a 30 month period. This work builds on existing ethnographic accounts that argue that, for women, becoming a boxer is more than just a matter of developing a fit body and physical skill – it is a continual project of negotiating gendered identity. Using an analytic autoethnographic methodology and drawing on contemporary theories of masculinity, I share my individual experiences as a boxer and, in turn, reveal the complexities of bodywork and gendered identity within Tasmanian amateur boxing culture. My closing discussion analyses the way in which performances of masculinity were precarious, fragmented and anxious.

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Kumar, Saideepa, Peat Leith, Carolina Garcia Imhof, and Rajendra Adhikari. "Expectations of water futures and hydrosocial change linked to irrigation development in Tasmania, Australia." Geoforum 129 (February 2022): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2022.01.009.

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Ripoll González, Laura, and Fred Gale. "Place Branding as Participatory Governance? An Interdisciplinary Case Study of Tasmania, Australia." SAGE Open 10, no. 2 (April 2020): 215824402092336. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020923368.

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Research in both public administration and place development has identified a need to develop more participatory approaches to governing cities and regions. Scholars have identified place branding as one of several potential policy instruments to enable more participatory place development. Recently, academics working in diverse disciplines, including political studies, public administration, and regional development have suggested that an alternative, bottom-up, more participatory approach to place branding could be employed. Such an interdisciplinary approach would use iterative communication exchanges within a network of diverse stakeholders including residents to better foster stakeholder participation, contribute to sustainable development, and deliver substantive social justice and increased citizen satisfaction. Building on this research and using an exploratory, qualitative, case-study methodology, our aim was to observe and analyze such interactions and communicative exchanges in practice. Drawing on the experience of the Australian state of Tasmania, we studied stakeholder reactions to the participatory place branding approach. We found that although participants were initially skeptical and identified many barriers to implementing participatory place branding, they simultaneously became excited by its possibilities and able to identify how many of the barriers could be transcended.

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Finnane, Mark. "Police corruption and police reform: The Fitzgerald inquiry in Queensland, Australia." Policing and Society 1, no. 2 (September 1990): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.1990.9964611.

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Mironova, Anna, and Alexander Tatarko. "Psychological Causes of Corruption: The Role of Worries." Journal of Economic Sociology 22, no. 1 (2021): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1726-3247-2021-1-11-34.

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This study is devoted to answering two questions: (1) Do individuals’ worries and sufferings correlate with the acceptability of corruption from their perspectives? (2) Does this correlation differ by country in terms of corruption levels? We focus on analyzing the correlation between macro and micro worries, on one hand, and individual acceptability of corrupt behavior, on the other hand. This study is based on the data from the 6th-wave World Value Survey. We identified three groups of countries based on the corruption perception index: countries with low-level corruption (Australia, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Singapore, and Sweden), countries with medium-level corruption (Belarus, China, South Korea, Malaysia, and Romania), and countries with high-level corruption (Russia, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Thailand). For the purposes of our analysis, we used structural equation modeling. We have found that macro and micro worries are significantly correlated with the acceptability of corruption. Our analysis shows that the more the people worry about themselves or their families, the more they accept corruption. The people who worry about society are more likely to disapprove of corruption. However, the significance of these links varies, depending on the group of countries. For the countries with low-level corruption, the correlation is significant only for the link between micro worries and the acceptability of corruption. The countries with high-level corruption show a significant correlation only for the link between macro worries and the acceptability of corruption. For countries with medium-level corruption and for Russia, the acceptability of corruption is significantly correlated with both micro and macro worries.

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Lea, Toby, Matt Anning, Sabine Wagner, Louise Owen, Faline Howes, and Martin Holt. "Barriers to accessing HIV and sexual health services among gay men in Tasmania, Australia." Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 31, no. 2 (March 5, 2019): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2019.1567427.

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Mond, Jonathan, Sarah Skromanis, Terry Purton, Nick Cooling, Frances Fan, Keith Harris, Heather Bridgman, Jennifer Presser, and Bryan Rodgers. "Gambling Behaviour, Problem Gambling and Reasons for Gambling Among International Students in Tasmania, Australia." Journal of Gambling Studies 35, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10899-018-09819-8.

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Moon, Jeremy. "From local economic initiatives to marriages a la mode?: Western Australia and Tasmania in comparative perspective." Australian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (March 1991): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269108402136.

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Julian, Roberta, Isabelle Bartkowiak-Théron, Jackie Hallam, and Clarissa Hughes. "Exploring law enforcement and public health as a collective impact initiative: lessons learned from Tasmania as a case study." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 3, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-03-2017-0014.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the potential benefits as well as some of the practical barriers to the implementation of a collective impact initiative in law enforcement and public health (LEPH) in Tasmania, Australia. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on a review of programs, agencies and initiatives that are at the intersection of LEPH in Tasmania, through an analysis of the findings in evaluation reports, and the views of practitioners identified at a workshop on LEPH held at a national AOD conference and facilitated by the authors. Findings The strengths of collective impact initiatives, particularly in LEPH, are presented and some weaknesses identified. Some major obstacles to the consolidation of LEPH initiatives include siloed ways of working and budgets, lack of leadership and political will. Some progress has been made in addressing these weaknesses, although addressing complex social problems by moving beyond inter-agency collaboration toward an integrated model of service provision remains challenging. Practical implications The authors argue that there are practical benefits to the adoption of a collective impact model to address problems in Tasmania that lie at the nexus between LEPH. In reviewing existing collaborations, the authors demonstrate the value of a structural mapping process to identify ways forward for government and non-government agencies that are inclined to go further in merging the two disciplinary areas. The authors offer some suggestions with respect to identifying the preconditions for a collective impact model and how to build on these to initiate action. Originality/value A significant proportion of the literature on LEPH remains at a conceptual and theoretical level. This contribution highlights some practical issues while looking at existing examples of collaboration across LEPH at a state level in Australia, and starts mapping a way forward for constructing more integrative LEPH initiatives.

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Sharman, Campbell, Graham Smith, and Jeremy Moon. "The party system and change of regime: The structure of partisan choice in Tasmania and western Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (November 1991): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269108402159.

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Stobbs, Nigel. "The Law and Policy Context of Extradition from Australia to the People’s Republic of China." Victoria University Law and Justice Journal 7, no. 1 (June 11, 2018): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15209/vulj.v7i1.1049.

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One cost of China’s remarkable economic growth since 1978 has been levels of corruption among some public officials, significant enough to seriously erode public confidence in government and the Communist Party of China, and even threaten certain areas of domestic economic growth. Anti-corruption strategies seek to locate and repatriate corrupt officials, who have fled overseas as ‘economic fugitives’. In furtherance of these strategies, China has sought to ratify a number of bilateral extradition treaties, including the Treaty on Extradition between Australia and the People’s Republic of China, which Australia signed in 2007, but abandoned its only attempt to ratify in March 2017, due to domestic political pressure and strident criticism of its terms. Ratification is important to China, not only to supplement its pursuit of economic fugitives, but also to help enhance its soft power and diplomatic prestige internationally, and the political legitimacy of the Communist Party domestically. It is important to Australia as a means of demonstrating goodwill, to preserve crucial law enforcement collaboration, and to protect its markets with its largest trading partner. This paper argues that the current treaty impasse cannot be appropriately resolved either by ratifying the treaty in its current form or by requesting amendments that are unlikely to be acceptable to China. It considers several other interim alternatives and assesses their potential to reconcile China’s need to save face and Australia’s need to honour its commitment to the Rule of Law and preserve its international human rights reputation.

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Rawlinson, Paddy. "Immunity and Impunity: Corruption in the State-Pharma Nexus." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i4.447.

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Critical criminology repeatedly has drawn attention to the state-corporate nexus as a site of corruption and other forms of criminality, a scenario exacerbated by the intensification of neoliberalism in areas such as health. The state-pharmaceutical relationship, which increasingly influences health policy, is no exception. That is especially so when pharmaceutical products such as vaccines, a burgeoning sector of the industry, are mandated in direct violation of the principle of informed consent. Such policies have provoked suspicion and dissent as critics question the integrity of the state-pharma alliance and its impact on vaccine safety. However, rather than encouraging open debate, draconian modes of governance have been implemented to repress and silence any form of criticism, thereby protecting the activities of the state and pharmaceutical industry from independent scrutiny. The article examines this relationship in the context of recent legislation in Australia to intensify its mandatory regime around vaccines. It argues that attempts to undermine freedom of speech, and to systematically excoriate those who criticise or dissent from mandatory vaccine programs, function as a corrupting process and, by extension, serve to provoke the notion that corruption does indeed exist within the state-pharma alliance.

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Olaniyi, Adeniran Adetayo. "Anti-Corruption Policy Strategies for Nigeria towards National Development: Evidence from Least Corrupt Countries." American International Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 2 (June 22, 2019): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v4i2.328.

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Anti-corruption policy strategies in Finland and Singapore were examined, and lessons were drawn for Nigeria. Finland and Singapore were chosen because they are among the least fifth corrupt countries in the world from 2010 to 2017, and they have different norms. Another reason is that the norm in Finland is fairly similar to the norms of Sweden, Denmark, Norway, New Zealand, and Australia which are also among the least corrupt countries in the world, while the norm of Singapore is fairly similar to Hong Kong and Japan which are also among the least corrupt countries in the world. It was revealed that the case of Nigerian society is similar to that of Singaporean society. In Finland, it was observed that anti-corruption measures and institutions are weak as it does not have a separate unit dedicated to investigate or prosecute corruption-related offences, but there is a guiding principle such that anti-corruption measures are integrated into general good governance policy grounded on the rule of law. Also in Singapore, anti-corruption was achieved through anti-corruption policy that has been in existence since the year 1959, although there was a situation of deplorable condition and widespread corrupt practices, but the new government in the late 1950s set up a strategy which resulted that top political leaders set themselves as role models for civil servants and showing zero tolerance for corrupt behaviour. Finally, recommendations were suggested.

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Grant, Ruby, and Briohny Walker. "Older Lesbians’ experiences of ageing in place in rural Tasmania, Australia: An exploratory qualitative investigation." Health & Social Care in the Community 28, no. 6 (May 22, 2020): 2199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hsc.13032.

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Farrell, David M., Malcolm Mackerras, and Ian McAllister. "Designing Electoral Institutions: STV Systems and Their Consequences." Political Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1996): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00755.x.

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Although championed by advocates of proportional representation, the single transferable vote form of PR has been used consistently in only a small number of countries – principally Australia, Ireland and Malta. This paper examines the origins and development of STV and its implications for the political systems that use it. The results show that STV varies so widely in its form and application, differing on no less than five major characteristics, that it is impossible to identify any single generic type. These differences are also reflected in the party strategies that are used to maximize the vote under STV. A regression analysis of the various types of STV shows that Malta is the most proportional system, followed by Ireland and Tasmania. Ireland has the largest party system among the countries that use STV, net of other factors.

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McDonald, Chris, Andrea Kirk-Brown, Lionel Frost, Pieter Van Dijk, and Al Rainnie. "Partnerships and integrated responses to rural decline: The role of collective efficacy and political capital in Northwest Tasmania, Australia." Journal of Rural Studies 32 (October 2013): 346–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2013.08.003.

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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.

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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.

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Mudwari, Nabaraj, Kim Beasy, Carol Murphy, and Monica Cuskelly. "Views of Adolescent Bhutanese Refugees on Home Learning During School Shutdown Across the Period of COVID-19." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 4 (October 10, 2021): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/828.

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The coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic is now a global crisis, resulting in the intermittent closure of many schools, worldwide. The school closures are believed to have affected adolescents’ education, particularly for vulnerable adolescents including those from a refugee-background. The study explores the home learning experiences of adolescent Bhutanese refugees in Tasmania, Australia and draws on social capital theory to interpret findings. Interviews with adolescent Bhutanese refugees revealed four overarching themes: disengagement from learning, the experience of isolation, the complexity of family relationships and motivation through relationships. This article makes an important practical and theoretical contribution to home learning through challenging Putnam’s binary distinction between bonding and bridging and suggesting alternative conceptualisations based on the role of bonding in the creation of bridging social capital. These findings have potential implications for the development of mitigation measures to support refugee-background students under extraordinary circumstances.

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Turner, Stephanie. "Negotiating Nostalgia: The Rhetoricity of Thylacine Representation in Tasmanian Tourism." Society & Animals 17, no. 2 (2009): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853009x418055.

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AbstractThe recently extinct thylacine, endemic to Australia, has become a potent cultural icon in the state of Tasmania, with implications for Australian ecotourism and Tasmanian conservation strategies. While the thylacine's iconicity has been analyzed by naturalists and cultural historians, its significance in Tasmanian tourism has yet to be examined. Thylacine representations in tourism-related writings and images, because of their high degree of ambivalence, function as a rich site of conflicting values regarding national identity and native species protection. Drawing on cultural studies of the thylacine and constructivist theories of tourism, this study identifies and documents three polarities in thylacine representation: the thylacine as wild yet domesticated, present yet absent, and an Australian national—yet distinctly regional—subject. A close reading of contradictory textual and visual elements in tourist guides, travel writing, specialized maps, and museum exhibits illuminates ongoing debates about Australian econationalism in the global tourism economy.

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Tenbensel, Tim. "Book Review: Peter Perry, Political Corruption in Australia: A Very Wicked Place? (Ashgate, Aldershot, 2001), pp. 131, £39.95." Political Science 54, no. 2 (December 2002): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870205400212.

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John Westwater, Jason, Myfanwy Murphy, Christine Handley, and Lucy McGregor. "A Mixed Methods Exploration of Single Session Family Therapy in a Child and Adolescent Mental Health Service in Tasmania, Australia." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy 41, no. 3 (September 2020): 258–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/anzf.1420.

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Milosavljevic, Boris. "„Philosophy is dead”: Kajica Milanov on dialectical and historical materialism." Theoria, Beograd 65, no. 2 (2022): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2202017m.

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Kajica Milanov (1905-1986) was educated in Vienna, Belgrade and Berlin. He taught philosophy at the Faculty of Philosophy (University of Belgrade). During World War II Milanov was in German captivity. Afther the war Milanov was asked to teach philosophy in the spirit of Marxism. Because of the political pressure he had to emigrate to Austria, and eventually to Australia (1949). In 1954 Milanov became a Lecturer at the Department of Philosophy in Hobart, University of Tasmania (UTAS). At that time the most notorious scandal in the history of Australian philosophy broke out (Orr case). In that troubled period Milanov managed to keep alive studies at the Philosophy department (1956-1969), with which he has been credited today. He continued to work at the same department as a Senior Lecturer until 1975. Milanov had authored several books and special publications.

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Jose, Kim, Catherine L. Taylor, Alison Venn, Rachael Jones, David Preen, Paula Wyndow, M’Lynda Stubbs, and Emily Hansen. "How outreach facilitates family engagement with universal early childhood health and education services in Tasmania, Australia: An ethnographic study." Early Childhood Research Quarterly 53 (2020): 391–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2020.05.006.

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Delfabbro, Paul, Elizabeth Fernandez, Jessica McCormick, and Lisa Kettler. "Reunification in a complete entry cohort: A longitudinal study of children entering out-of-home care in Tasmania, Australia." Children and Youth Services Review 35, no. 9 (September 2013): 1592–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2013.06.012.

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Freeman, Carol. "Imaging Extinction: Disclosure and Revision in Photographs of the Thylacine (Tasmanian tiger)." Society & Animals 15, no. 3 (2007): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853007x217186.

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AbstractThe thylacine was a shy and elusive nonhuman animal who survived in small numbers on the island of Tasmania, Australia, when European settlers arrived in 1803. After a deliberate campaign of eradication, the species disappeared 130 years later. Visual and verbal constructions in the nineteenth century labeled the thylacine a ferocious predator, but photographs of individuals in British and American zoos that were used to illustrate early twentieth-century zoological works presented a very different impression of the animal. The publication of these photographs, however, had little effect on the relentless progress of extermination. This essay focuses on the relationship between photographs of thylacines and the process of extinction, between images and words, and between pictures of dead animals and live ones. The procedures, claims, and limitations of photography are crucial to the messages generated by these images and to the role they played in the representation of the species. This essay explains why the medium of photography and pleas for preservation could not save the thylacine.

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Przygoda, Miroslaw. "The Role and Importance of Australia in the South Pacific Region." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 3 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.13.4005.

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Australia is a country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent and the island of Tasmania. The country also includes numerous smaller islands in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. Australia is the sixth-largest country in the world by total area. It also has the world’s 12th-largest economy and fifth-highest per capita income. On 1 January 1901, a federation of six separate British self-governing states was formed after a decade of planning, consultation and voting. This established the Commonwealth of Australia as a dominion of the British Empire. In 1931 the status of the dominions was made equal to that of Great Britain, which is considered the symbolic date of Australia gaining full independence. Before World War II and in the course of it, the Commonwealth of Australia was closely tied to the government in London. However, the fall of the British Empire in the Asia Pacific made Australian authorities rethink their existence in the new reality. In the late 80s, Australia’s formal ties with London were further loosened, as planned. Since that time the role and significance of the continent has been growing. A vibrant economy and favourable location drive the country’s growing importance, which the government in Canberra strongly focuses on. Economic success and effective policies have made Australia become one of the crucial elements of sustainable balance in the South Pacific region. However, the country’s political and economic influence goes far beyond its borders. Australia’s importance to and influence on neighbouring countries is clearly visible across East and Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean basin, and the Antarctic. Therefore it is worth to take a closer look at the drivers of the huge success of this unique country and its inhabitants.

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Le Ho Trung, Hieu, Jennifer B. Verances, and Hung Tran Van. "Asean is in the Movement of Combating Corruption: Should New - Generation Ftas Be a Promising Forum for Anti-Corruption Enforcement of Asean in International Business?" Vietnamese Journal of Legal Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjls-2021-0005.

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Abstract For a long time, corruption has been a shrilling concern for ASEAN member states for the reason of being one of the primary causes restricting the integration of these nations into international trade and efforts at globalization. In fact, over the last few years, ASEAN has undertaken a myriad of policies and improved the regional legal framework to combat corruption such as the signing of UNCAC and new free trade agreements and the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community. Notwithstanding this, according to the statistics of global organizations, the levels of anti-corruption in ASEAN countries, except Singapore and Brunei, are relatively low. This mainly derives from the fact that the national legal framework in each of the member states has not satisfied fully when the political regime lacks democracy, governmental authority is insufficiently impartial and the awareness of citizens about corruption is still moderate. Simultaneously, the international agreements to which ASEAN member states signed are only the model for domestic enforcement mechanisms, and seem to be silent on international enforcement of anti-corruption. To date, the WTO is known as a global agency for international business, to which all ASEAN countries have acceded. Under the WTO, there is no official mechanism for enforcement of anti-corruption; nevertheless, this organization acknowledges, encourages and states indirectly this issue via transparency, accountability or governance in their agreements (Government Procurement Agreement and Trade Facilitation Agreement). Under the Doha negotiation round, WTO member states failed to gain consensus to dismantle tariffs, resulting in the emergence of a myriad of bilateral and regional trade agreements out of the scope of the WTO. These have gradually developed to be so-called new-generation free trade agreements in the hope of mitigating the traditional trade barriers as well as lessening non-tariff ones, such as governance and transparency. The recent development of new-generation FTAs between ASEAN and/or ASEAN member(s) and the external trading partners that pay high attention to anti-corruption issues, i.e., EU, Australia, Canada, Japan, US, may create a promising forum for anti-corruption enforcement of ASEAN in international business in the future. This article will elaborate on all aforementioned issues before a reasonable conclusion is delivered.

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Halai, V. O. "Foreign experience of implementing ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of private and public sector organizations." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 2 (May 11, 2024): 408–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.02.69.

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The author analyzed and systematized the experience of foreign countries regarding the peculiarities of the implementation of ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of private and public sector organizations. Senior management when implementing anticorruption standards, regardless of the form of ownership of the organization, when making management decisions, should be guided by their own ethical beliefs regarding their actions, display of integrity, ethics, influence on employees of lower management levels regarding the example of the prevalence of anti-corruption standards when making management decisions. The importance of the Codes of Ethics in encouraging the top management of the USA, EU, and Great Britain in the formation of organizational ethics and the reputation of international companies was established, and the strategic importance of leadership in the prevention of corruption in the formation of anti-corruption programs and the fight against corruption risks was determined in his work on leadership in the prevention of corruption. The experience of the USA, the EU, and Great Britain has shown that compliance with ethical behavior by the middle and lower ranks and, accordingly, the reduction of corruption risks, is mainly implemented taking into account the example set by the management in conducting the company's business. It has been found that the main ways of creating an ethical atmosphere are: establishment of values and principles of the organization, approval of Codes of Ethics, internal control, accountability, regular informing and holding of training events by the management with its mandatory participation regarding ethical values, trust in the management and its personal compliance on issues of corporate ethics in the absence of an ethics officer position. The practice of management implementation of ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of public authorities in Australia has shown that the ways of such implementation can be: the introduction of external control procedures open to the public, as well as confidential reporting procedures for senior management. The experience of Liberia, Kenya, and Georgia regarding leadership and corruption in the management of companies and in the public service as one of the main causes of civil wars is analyzed. Positive practices regarding the use of anti-corruption policy and the establishment of the role of leaders in the management of African countries have become the implementation of anti-corruption policy and strategy in the top management of countries, decentralization of power and the practice of identifying and returning illegally obtained funds of government officials to state accounts. The author summarizes effective ways of implementing ethical values in public sector organizations, using the example of Georgia, namely: political loyalty of management in the field of management in the fight against corruption; implementation of e-governance and e-services, long-term investments in building a corporate ethical culture, implementation of a mechanism for direct access to information on combating bribery to the company's top management, and encouraging employees to report suspicious activity related to corruption. Using the example of Estonia, the peculiarities of the role of management in overcoming corruption, the implementation of anti-corruption initiatives, certain trends regarding the role of the leadership of the law enforcement sphere in anti-corruption policy have been established. Estonian legislation has formed trends regarding the identification of the role of management in the formation of anticorruption culture in law enforcement agencies through organizational views on corruption and the views of managers on overcoming corruption, in particular: the openness of top management to discussing anti-corruption issues in relation to their own organizations; focus on the organizational culture of non-perception of corruption starting from the top management level; integration into everyday practice of existing ethical standards; prevention of corruption risks associated with senior officials of organizations.

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Prenzler, Tim. "The Decay of Reform: Police and Politics in Post-Fitzgerald Queensland." Queensland Review 4, no. 2 (October 1997): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001501.

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The 1989 Fitzgerald Report into police and governmental corruption in Queensland has been a model for public sector reform in Australia. It is especially timely to consider the impact of those reforms in light of the current overhaul of the largest police agency in Australia, the New South Wales Police Service, and of continuing problems with public sector probity in other states. Queensland made significant advances in improving electoral and administrative processes, and creating external independent oversight of the police. Nonetheless, unforeseen gaps in the Fitzgerald agenda allowed reactionary forces to dilute the reform process. Three primary areas remain ‘unreconstructed’. Reform has not been firmly established from the top down, beginning with progressing the system of representative democracy and opening up cabinet. Additionally, the Police Service appears to have successfully resisted the prescribed re-orientation away from law enforcement to community policing. Detection and control of misconduct also remain weak. A more interventionist Criminal Justice Commission is needed, with more proactive strategies for developing compliance with ethical standards.

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Hogg, Russell. "‘Only a pawn in their game’: crime, risk and politics in the case of Robert Fardon." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v3i3.152.

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In 2003 Robert Fardon was the first prisoner to be detained under the Dangerous Prisoners (Sexual Offenders) Act 2003 (Qld), the first of the new generation preventive detention laws enacted in Australia and directed at keeping sex offenders in prison or under supervision beyond the expiry of their sentences where a court decides, on the basis of psychiatric assessments, that unconditional release would create an unacceptable risk to the community. A careful examination of Fardon’s case shows the extent to which the administration of the regime was from the outset governed by politics and political calculation rather than the logic of risk management and community protection. In 2003 Robert Fardon was the first person detained under the Dangerous Prisoners (Sexual Offenders) Act 2003 (Qld) (hereafter DPSOA), a newly enacted Queensland law aimed at the preventive detention of sex offenders. It was the first of a new generation of such laws introduced in Australia, now also in force in NSW, Western Australia and Victoria. The laws have been widely criticized by lawyers, academics and others (Keyzer and McSherry 2009; Edgely 2007). In this article I want to focus on the details of how the Queensland law was administered in Fardon’s case, he being perhaps the most well-known prisoner detained under such laws and certainly the longest held. It will show, I hope, that seemingly abstract rule of law principles invoked by other critics are not simply abstract: they afford a crucial practical safeguard against the corruption of criminal justice in which the ends both of community protection and of justice give way to opportunistic exploitation of ‘the mythic resonance of crime and punishment for electoral purposes’ (Scheingold 1998: 888).

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Williams, Colin C. "Explaining the Informal Economy: an Exploratory Evaluation of Competing Perspectives." Hors-thème 70, no. 4 (January 28, 2016): 741–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034902ar.

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The aim of this paper is to conduct an exploratory analysis of the wider economic and social conditions associated with larger informal economies. To do this, three competing perspectives are evaluated critically which variously assert that cross-national variations in the size of the informal economy are associated with: under-development (modernization perspective); high taxes, corruption and state interference (neo-liberal perspective), or inadequate state intervention to protect workers (political economy perspective). Analyzing the variable size of the informal economy across 33 developed and transition economies, namely 28 European countries and five other OECD nations (Australia, Canada, Japan, New zealand and the USA), the finding is that larger informal economies are associated with under-development as measured by lower levels of GNI per capita, employment participation rates, average wages and the institutional strength and quality of the bureaucracy, higher levels of perceived public sector corruption, lower levels of expenditure on social protection and labour market intervention to protect vulnerable groups, but also restrictions on the use of temporary employment contracts and TWAs. The outcome is a tentative call to combine a range of tenets from all three perspectives in a new more nuanced and finer-grained understanding of how the cross-national variations in the size of the informal economy are associated with broader economic and social conditions. The paper concludes by discussing the implications for theory and policy, including the need for further analysis of the different impacts on the size of the informal economy of a wider range of indicators of modernization, corruption, taxation and types of state intervention.

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Mustafa, Ghulam, Aysha Javed, and Muhammad Arsalan. "Parliamentary Democracy in Developing Countries: Comparative Study of Pakistan and Bangladesh (2008 to 2013)." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v3i1.1345.

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Purpose: Parliamentary democracy is one of the unique forms of democracy. It is practiced in various countries of the world successfully. Like Australia, Canada exercises it in very effective manner. Pakistan and Bangladesh both countries are practicing parliamentary democracy. This research paper made comparison between Pakistan and Bangladesh and also find out reasons that weakened the democratic system in both developing countries like non democratic attitude of their political leaders, poverty, corruption, injustices, lack of education, dictatorship and terrorism that destabilized the parliamentary system in both countries. Design/Methodology/Approach: Historiography serves as an ideal approach here, given the subjects of the cases being used in this study. It employs a critical, selective reading of sources that synthesize particular bits of information into a narrative description or analysis of a subject. Findings: In Pakistan parliamentary democracy restores in 2008 and eighteen amendments is the good initiate to strength the democratic trend. In fact, in the first time in the history of Pakistan a democratic government complete it tenure. Politics of reconciliation play very vital role in Pakistan. In contrast, in Bangladesh parliamentary democracy restore since 1991but the political leaders highly mistrusted each other and involve in corruption activities. Abolishment of caretaker government is another critical issue in Bangladesh. Implications/Originality/Value: Both countries tried to achieve the parliamentary democracy but both countries should struggle more for institutionalization of parliament for strong the parliamentary democracy in both countries.

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Hedge, John. "The patchwork approach to the regulation of fraccing and unconventional gas in Australia." APPEA Journal 56, no. 1 (2016): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj15013.

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With hydraulic fracturing, shale gas, tight gas and coal seam gas continuing to be a target for environmental and landholder groups, and an issue politicians of all stripes continue to grapple with (in both cases, often without understanding the nuances of what those various terms mean), the legal framework under which they are regulated is changing rapidly. From the moratoriums in Victoria and Tasmania through to the more open regimes operating in Queensland, SA, WA and the NT, the regulatory responses have varied wildly across Australia. This has resulted in investment outcomes being focused in those states and territories where the regulatory framework for unconventional gas is more welcoming. There are also regimes undergoing development as this paper was being written, as is presently occurring in the NT with the release of the Onshore Oil and Gas Guiding Principles, the pause and reset that is occurring in NSW with the implementation of the NSW Gas Plan, and the recent WA and anticipated SA responses to recent parliamentary inquiries. This paper provides a comparative analysis of where the legal frameworks in the various states and territories presently stand on some of the key issues for unconventionals, and considers likely future developments in those legal frameworks. Regarding future developments, the paper covers both the short-term outlook based on announced inquiries, policies and processes, and whether there is hope in the medium to longer term—with some political will, the assistance of further scientific inquiries and a longer period of practical experience with unconventional gas operations Australia—of the convergence towards a more consistent regulatory approach across Australia.

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Petrie, Nicholas, and Peta S. Cook. "Catering to sex, sexual, and gender diversity: An exploratory study on the effects of LGBTI awareness training on aged care staff in Tasmania, Australia." Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2018.1548329.

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Fitzpatrick, Matthew. "New South Wales in Africa? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.

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In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.

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Pearman, Graeme I., Paul J. Fraser, and John R. Garratt. "CSIRO High-precision Measurement of Atmospheric CO2 Concentration in Australia. Part 2: Cape Grim, Surface CO2 Measurements and Carbon Cycle Modelling." Historical Records of Australian Science 28, no. 2 (2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr17015.

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A companion paper discusses the history of, and rationale for, the development of a CSIRO programme of atmospheric carbondioxide (CO2) concentration measurements in Australia based on aircraft air sampling, field and laboratory measurements.1 Here, we describe parallel efforts to establish a permanent, ground-based atmospheric Baseline Station at Cape Grim, north-west Tasmania, the political activity required for its establishment, and the work undertaken to select a site commensurate with its long-term objectives. Additional CO2 measurements undertaken to complement the aircraft and Cape Grim measurements are discussed. The development of the Australian Baseline Station was part of an emerging international effort to obtain high-precision measurements of trace gas and aerosol composition of the atmosphere, and to quantify any changes in composition that might be occurring and their possible impact on global climate.We discuss the early development of global carbon cycle models, including the representations of atmospheric transport, and the interpretation of modern atmospheric CO2 data and historic air samples encapsulated in Antarctic ice and firn. The accumulated knowledge from these research activities, together with that collected by international colleagues, forms the basis of our understanding of changes occurring in CO2 concentration. It has contributed to an understanding of the mechanisms of the past and present biogeochemical cycling of CO2, providing predictions of future changes in CO2 concentration.

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Townsend, Michelle. "Educational outcomes of children on guardianship or custody orders: A pilot study: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare." Children Australia 32, no. 3 (2007): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200011603.

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The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) has recently released a report on the educational outcomes for children and young people on guardianship or custody orders. This report, four years in the making, represents one of the first comprehensive Australian assessments based on educational performance data from multiple jurisdictions for children on guardianship or custody orders. Developed for the National Child Protection and Support Services data group, the study was funded by the Community and Disability Services Ministers’ Advisory Council (AIHW 2007).This pilot study examines how children on guardianship/custody orders are performing compared with all Australian children in education department-based testing for reading and numeracy in years 3, 5 and 7. Mean test scores were examined in addition to the achievement of national benchmarks for reading and numeracy. These nationally agreed benchmarks are designed to assess whether children have achieved the minimum standards for years 3, 5 and 7 (AIHW 2007). Data on 895 children on guardianship or custody orders were collected from five jurisdictions - Queensland, Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory - for August 2003 (AIHW 2007). The data were linked through collaborative efforts by state and territory education and community services departments.

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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.

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WANG, ZHENGXU. "Citizens' Satisfaction with Government Performance in Six Asian-Pacific Giants." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990132.

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AbstractAssessment of the quality of governance has so far relied on socioeconomic statistics and expert opinions, while largely neglecting citizens’ perceptions. Using AsiaBarometer 2008 data, this paper examines the factors affecting citizens’ satisfaction with their government in six Asian-Pacific countries: America, Australia, China, India, Japan, and Russia. I found citizen satisfaction with the public services they receive, such as education, healthcare, and public safety, matters most in their assessment of government performance. Individual satisfaction with income, job, and housing also matters. The respondent will disapprove government performance if he or she thinks corruption is serious in government, or elected officials stop caring about citizens once voting is finished. In terms of macro variables, economic condition of a country seems to matters significantly. Especially, if a country's economy is growing fast, citizens are much more likely to be satisfied with government performance. Large within-country variations exist in countries such as China and India, where citizens of different cities or regions may give rather different assessments of government, suggesting many contextual variables not captured by this study. Lastly, citizens’ satisfaction with government performance seems to be highly divergent from international organizations’ evaluation of governance quality, such as the World Bank Governance Index. This raises both methodological and normative issues regarding the proper approaches to measuring good governance.

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McDonald, Chris, Andrea Kirk-Brown, Lionel Frost, Pieter Van Dijk, and Al Rainnie. "Corrigendum to “Partnerships and integrated responses to rural decline: The role of collective efficacy and political capital in Northwest Tasmania, Australia” [J. Rural Stud. 32 (2013) 346–356]." Journal of Rural Studies 34 (April 2014): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2013.12.001.

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Hogan, Trevor. "Reviews : Robyn Eckersley, Environmentalism and Political Theory: Toward an Ecocentric Approach (State University of New York/UCL Press, 1992); Robert E. Goodin, Green Political Theory (Polity Press, 1992); Peter Hay and Robyn Eckersley (eds), Ecopolitical Theory: Essaysfrom Australia, (Board of Environmental Studies, University of Tasmania, 1992); Peter Hay, Robyn Eckersley and Geoff Holloway (eds) Environmental Politics in Australia and New Zealand (Board of Environmental Studies, University of Tasmania, 1989); Drew Hutton (ed.), Green Politics in Australia (Angus and Robertson, 1987); Michael Muetzelfeldt (ed.), Society, State and Politics in Australia (Pluto Press, 1992)." Thesis Eleven 38, no. 1 (May 1994): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369403800114.

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Vandenberg, Miriam, Si Fan, Nick Cooling, Keith M. Harris, and James Chin. "Skilled migration: a structural determinant of health." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2019): 262–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-08-2018-0053.

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Purpose Attention on world migration has mostly focused on economic and inter-personal impacts, leaving a large gap in our understanding of how migration can affect migrants’ health. The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the interdependent experiences of skilled migrants, as they undertake the latter part of their journey of skilled migration and resettle into their adopted homeland, can be conceptualised as a structural determinant of health. Design/methodology/approach In this qualitative study, semi-structured interviews collected data on skilled migrants’ experiences, including health impacts, related to their migration to Tasmania, Australia. A social determinants of health (SDOH) framework and Bourdieu’s theory of practice were applied to interpret the findings. Findings In total, 16 skilled migrants, from several nations and occupations, provided wide-ranging accounts of social inclusion and exclusion, and frequently reported experiencing psychological stress. There were also some reports of improved mental health. The migration process shapes life’s chances and choices. Many migrants reported access to important social, economic and cultural resources, however, good health was also impeded by equally significant systemic barriers. Research limitations/implications The sample is small and confined to a geographically isolated location, and did not include all types of skilled migrants. Practical implications Countries resettling skilled migrants should modify systems to promote rather than inhibit wellbeing, e.g. government and industry partnerships to facilitate employability and enhance access to supportive information about the migration process. Originality/value This is the first known study to link Bourdieu’s theory to SDOH relevant to skilled migrants. This approach helped reveal the prominence of structural factors beyond the control of migrants but potentially modifiable by the host country. This study illustrates the importance of examining both positive and negative health outcomes associated with migration, and how these factors relate to theory and policy.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania'

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