Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania

Academic literature on the topic 'Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania"

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White, Rob. "Corruption and the Securitisation of Nature." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i4.449.

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This article considers corruption in Australia in relation to the exploitation and preservation of natural resources. In doing so, it examines issues pertaining to a proposed pulp mill and the forestry industry in Tasmania, the development of mining and ports in Queensland, and international agreements pertaining to deep-sea oil drilling in the Timor Sea. Corruption relating to the environment is interpreted in this article as implying both moral corruption and/or direct corruption. Gaining unfair advantage, protecting specific sectoral interests and over-riding existing environmental regulations are all features of the types of corruption associated with the exploitation of natural resources. The result is lack of transparency, a substantial democratic deficit, and expenditure of public monies, time and resources in support of environmentally and socially dubious activities.
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Horgan, Gerard W. "Prorogation and partisanship in Tasmania and South Australia." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 33, no. 2 (November 2013): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2013.845348.

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Beresford, Quentin. "Corporations, Government and Development: The Case of Institutional Corruption in Tasmania." Australian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 2 (May 17, 2010): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361141003736133.

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Burgess, Claire, and Rupert Read. "Extinction Rebellion and environmental activism – the XR interviews." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 11, no. 3 (December 25, 2020): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2020.03.08.

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For this publication on environmental activism and the law, we interviewed representatives of Extinction Rebellion (XR) in the United Kingdom and Australia to explore their views on the goals, tactics and challenges for the movement. This report features interviews conducted in late 2019 with Claire Burgess (then regional coordinator XR Southern Tasmania, Australia) and Rupert Read (spokesperson for XR England and Reader in Philosophy, University of East Anglia). Both interviews, with identical questions, were conducted by Benjamin J Richardson, Professor of Environmental Law, University of Tasmania.
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dela Rama, Marie J., Michael E. Lester, and Warren Staples. "The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC." Laws 11, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11010007.

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Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.
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Moorhead, Simon. "Seas No Longer Divide." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 9, no. 1 (March 18, 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v9n1.396.

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A three-part historic paper by Alan Tulip in the Telecommunication Journal of Australia in 1988 describes the political campaign for the connection of Tasmania to the Australian mainland telecommunications network after World War I, not completed until 1936.
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Poynting, Scott, and David Whyte. "Special Edition: Corruption Downunder - Guest Editors’ Introduction." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i4.455.

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This special issue gathers and enlarges upon papers that were first presented at the interdisciplinary ‘Corruption Downunder’ symposium held at the University of Auckland in November 2015; most of the papers published here stem from the lively and collegial discussions at the symposium. At that time New Zealand was authoritatively measured (by Transparency International) to be Number 2 ‘least corrupt’ nation in the world; it is now tied at Number 1 with Denmark. What this rank, as measured by Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), actually counts for is something that we explore in this special issue. On the face of it, it would seem perverse to be focusing on corruption in such a place as New Zealand. With its larger northern neighbour Australia listed at a respectable 11th out of 175 that same year (2014 data), why would a bunch of academics want to engage in serious discussions about the problem of corruption ‘downunder’? New Zealand has never been ranked outside of the top four, and has been ranked Number 1 in a total of 12 out of 22 years since the survey began. Australia is generally ranked in the top ten and has never been out of the top 13 least corrupt countries since the survey began. To access the full text of the introducton to this special issue on corruption downunder, download the accompanying PDF file.
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Holmes, John. "Coast versus Inland: Two Different Queenslands?" Queensland Review 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000465.

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The statement that ‘Queensland is different’ is entrenched within the folklore of Australian political and social commentary. The case is not persuasive, certainly no more so than the case that Tasmania or South Australia or any other state is ‘different’. Those who have pursued the argument have focused selectively on the modicum of differences reasonably to be expected among the peoples, institutions and socio-political processes and preoccupations of six ‘sovereign’ states.
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Nash, Meredith. "Gender on the ropes: An autoethnographic account of boxing in Tasmania, Australia." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 6 (November 27, 2015): 734–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215615198.

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This paper documents how I fought for a place as a boxer in a regional Tasmanian boxing gym over a 30 month period. This work builds on existing ethnographic accounts that argue that, for women, becoming a boxer is more than just a matter of developing a fit body and physical skill – it is a continual project of negotiating gendered identity. Using an analytic autoethnographic methodology and drawing on contemporary theories of masculinity, I share my individual experiences as a boxer and, in turn, reveal the complexities of bodywork and gendered identity within Tasmanian amateur boxing culture. My closing discussion analyses the way in which performances of masculinity were precarious, fragmented and anxious.
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Kumar, Saideepa, Peat Leith, Carolina Garcia Imhof, and Rajendra Adhikari. "Expectations of water futures and hydrosocial change linked to irrigation development in Tasmania, Australia." Geoforum 129 (February 2022): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2022.01.009.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania"

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Orr, Graeme David. "Dealing in Votes: Electoral Bribery and its Regulation in Australia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365293.

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Electoral bribery, in formal legal terms, is both a potentially serious offence and, in theory, guaranteed grounds for a candidate losing their seat on a (civil) election petition. Bribery, in the electoral context, is essentially the wrongful inducement through an undue benefit designed to influence electoral conduct. It can be committed by the mere offer to give or receive such a benefit. To the early 20th century, bribery was by and largely conceived of as the crude and quite literal buying of votes, through money or treating. Such practices bedevilled UK elections for several centuries. They appear to have grown out of cultural, possibly feudal expectations of reciprocity, and alongside the outright buying of seats, at a time when seats in Parliament became entrees to power rather than burdens of service. They reached their peak in the 19th century, as the franchise began to expand and modern notions of democracy came into being. This precipitated a 'war' on corruption, whose chief institutional weapons came to be: a mass, secret-ballot franchise; independent election judges; concerns over the cost of electioneering and consequent expenditure limitations; and the professionalisation of campaigning with the rise of centralised parties. This war left a paradigm of bribery in the legal mindframe as individualised transactions directly buying votes. In the more egalitarian climate of late colonial Australia, such vote-buying was less of a problem, although there is evidence of it being a regionalised concern, linked in part to cultural factors such as alcohol consumption and wagering. Despite the lessons of late Victorian England - that vote-buyers tried to hide or diffuse the practice through, eg, employment, payment for conveyances and 'charity' - it seemed assumed in Australia for most of the 20th century that electoral bribery was dead. However campaign practices are ever-evolving in the face of social, technological and electoral system changes. Mass electorates and new media technologies for example placed the focus of electioneering on advertising and media influence; a more plural society invested power in lobby-groups; and preferences came to determine the outcome of Australian elections. Politics, ever the art of deal-making, has thrown up a variety of deals, not between politicians and electors, but between politicians and other political actors, in which electoral support is traded. Examples of these include preference deals, 'dummy' candidates, inducements and payments between campaigns and candidates, (sometimes secret) policy for electoral support trades with lobby groups or the media, media endorsed candidates and a variety of parliamentary deals such as appointments for electoral advantage. If electoral bribery law were taken too literally, even obviously unobjectionable arrangements such as a direct preference swap might be impugned. This could gut the political realm of its freedom. Whilst there is no 'magic bullet' (such as secrecy/openness) which can be added to the elements of the formal definition of electoral bribery to perfect it, it is necessary to attend to the idea of 'political currency' to permit the realm of politics its independence. That is, there are certain goods in politics, such as preferences, which can naturally be traded for each other. Applying this reasoning, the emerging practice of 'vote-swapping' between electors is not to be equated with the selling of votes. Outside the formal interpretation of bribery as a legal offence, it also serves as a powerful rhetorical device in contemporary discussions of electioneering. In particular, as a pejorative to describe pork-barrelling and public policy/expenditure 'bribes'. Indeed in a 1988 New South Wales case, an MP was unseated for excessive largesse on the eve of an election using government grants. The reasons why the law usually permits such activity under the exemption for public policy declarations and action open up consideration of the nature of metaphorical 'vote-buying'. Electors seem to abhor such vote-buying and yet respond positively to it. The tendency for the secret ballot to leave electors unaccountable for their voting choices is an explanation for this. Theorists, particularly from the US, have sought comprehensive, normative explanations and delineations of electoral bribery. These raise interesting questions about the electoral 'market' and its impact on governance, whether the ballot has an uncommodifiable essence, and notions of political equality. We can speculate as to the degree to which elections should be matters of pure self-interest as opposed to exercises in expression and ideology, and whether electoral bribery, crude or metaphorical, encourages disengagement. Ultimately, however, an understanding of electoral bribery is a matter for a detailed attention to the actual interplay of law and electoral politics, as it has evolved in a changing social and institutional framework, rather than for comprehensive normative prescriptions. Electoral bribery in most cases is not reducible to a moral judgement about an abstract notion of corruption, as the common law has always recognised. Nor are narrow, modern notions of corruption as the misuse of public positions for private gain much use when we are dealing with electoral politics, where ambition is an inextricable part of electoral competition. However attending to the idea of both candidacy and the ballot as 'offices' offers the possibility of civilising electoral conduct without denuding electoral politics of its political nature.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Law School
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Kirya, Monica T. "Performing "good governance" : commissions of inquiry and the fight against corruption in Uganda." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47800/.

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This thesis investigates the role of temporary, ad hoc commissions of inquiry appointed to investigate corruption in Uganda from 1999 to the present. It is based on a qualitative research study that involved analysing the relevant literature, official documents such as inquiry reports, newspaper reports and web-based materials; as well as interviews and focus group discussions. The study locates itself in an analysis of and inter-relationship between two dynamics - of global 'good' governance, and of the influence of neo-patrimonial politics that characterise local governance - on the appointment, processes and outcomes of commissions of inquiry into corruption in Uganda. In looking at these factors, the thesis aims at explaining why the institution of the ad hoc commission of inquiry has emerged as the anti-corruption "instrument of choice" during this period of Uganda's history. The findings suggest that the global anti-corruption framework signified by the good governance agenda is hindered by various factors such as the self-interest of donors, the moral hazard inherent in aid and the illegitimacy of conditionality; all of which contribute to the weak enforcement of governance-related conditionalities. This in turn causes aid-recipient countries such as Uganda to do only the minimum necessary to keep up appearances in implementing governance reforms. National anti-corruption is further hindered by the government's tendency to undermine anti-corruption by selective or non-enforcement of the law, the rationale being to insulate the patronage networks that form the basis of its political support from being dismantled by the prosecution of key patrons involved in corruption. Thus, the need to appear to be a "good governor" whilst protecting patrons from possible prosecution necessitates a symbolic approach to anti-corruption that nonetheless seems authentic. Ad hoc commissions of inquiry chaired by judges, which facilitate a highly publicised inquisitorial truth-finding process, therefore emerge as the ideal way of tackling corruption because they facilitate "a trial in which no-one is sent to jail." Commissions of inquiry into corruption in Uganda have therefore played a complex and multiple role in anti-corruption and governance in Uganda. They enabled the government to prove its credentials as a good governor especially at a time when it was being discredited for its reluctance to adopt a multi-party system of government. They also served to appease a public that was appalled by the various corruption scandals perpetrated by a regime that had claimed to introduce "a fundamental change and not a mere change of guards" in Uganda's politics. Nevertheless, while they enabled the regime to consolidate power by appeasing donors and the public, they also constituted significant democratic moments in Uganda‘s history by allowing the public- acting through judges and the media- to participate in holding their leaders accountable for their actions in a manner hitherto unseen in a country whose history had been characterised by dictatorial rule.
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Brenton, Scott. "Political scandals : when the personal becomes political." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149624.

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Willans, PS. "The political economy of currency transaction taxes." Thesis, 2006. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/1034/2/Political_Economy_of_Currency_Transaction_Taxes_WHOLE.pdf.

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The speculative currency transaction markets are the largest capital markets in the world with an estimated US$2 trillion being traded every day. By comparison the daily global transactions related to international trade, goods and services represent only a small proportion of capital trades. Speculative flight in times of capital crises has triggered major social and economic disruptions such as those in Mexico (1994), East Asia (1997-98) Russia (1998), Brazil (1999), Turkey (2000) and Argentina (2001). Smaller crises occur regularly including currency speculation losses by the Reserve Bank of Australia in 2002 and corporate disruptions from trading losses incurred by the National Bank of Australia in 2004. Recently (May 2006) hedge funds withdrew vast quantities of capital from Iceland and New Zealand causing major disruptions to financial systems in both countries. Each disruption causes trauma to small and institutional investors and to civil society. The proliferation of transactions and the rise in accommodating and secretive offshore tax havens has created a global shadow economy, which has essentially reconfigured capitalism in modern times. This paper examines the political economy of financial market reform and the financial architecture required to implement a currency transaction tax. The thesis defends an argument in support of global currency transaction taxes based on proposals originally made by Keynes, Tobin, Spahn and Schmidt. There is an urgent need to account for the effects created by the speculative and volatile global shadow economy. Recent developments in hedge fund regulation measures demonstrate that the lobbying power of new financial players create major problems for policymakers and global financial security.
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Books on the topic "Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania"

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Tiffen, Rodney. Scandals: Media, politics & corruption in contemporary Australia. Sydney, Australia: UNSW Press, 1999.

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Tiffen, Rodney. Scandals: Media, politics & corruption in contemporary Australia. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1999.

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Tasmania. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on Integrity. Three year review - final report. [Hobart?]: Parliament of Tasmania, 2015.

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Ergas, Henry. Should Australia encourage developing countries to adopt competition laws? Canberra, A.C.T: Australia-Japan Research Centre, Australian National University, 2008.

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Ergas, Henry. Should Australia encourage developing countries to adopt competition laws? Canberra, A.C.T: Australia-Japan Research Centre, Australian National University, 2008.

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Centre, Australia-Japan Research, ed. Should Australia encourage developing countries to adopt competition laws? Canberra, A.C.T: Australia-Japan Research Centre, Australian National University, 2008.

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Western Australia. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on the Anti-Corruption Commission. National conference of Parliamentary oversight committees of anti-corruption/crime bodies. Perth, W.A: Legislative Council and the Legislative Assembly, Parliament of Western Australia, 2003.

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O'Brien, William Smith. To solitude consigned: The Tasmanian journal of William Smith O'Brien, 1849-1853 : with an introduction to William Smith O'Brien's career, a summary of his voyage to Van Dieman's Land and an epilogue on his last ten years after leaving Tasmania ... Also including O'Brien's pocket diaries for 1852 and 1853. Edited by Davis Richard P. Sydney: Crossing Press, 1995.

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Weiss, Linda. National insecurity: The Howard government's betrayal of Australia. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2007.

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Friedrich, John. Codename Iago: The story of John Friedrich. Port Melbourne, Vic: W. Heinemann Australia, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political corruption – Australia – Tasmania"

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Khoman, Sirilaksana, Luke Nottage, and Sakda Thanitcul. "Foreign Investment, Corruption, Investment Treaties and Arbitration in Thailand." In Corruption and Illegality in Asian Investment Arbitration, 393–421. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-9303-1_15.

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AbstractThailand’s economy has developed strongly by consistently attracting foreign investment especially since the 1980s, despite political upheavals and persistent corruption amidst ongoing challenges. It has also expanded the numbers and scope of its investment treaties, including more options for investor–state dispute settlement arbitrations to enforce substantive commitments to foreign investors, resulting in a few treaty-based arbitrations as well as some contract-based arbitrations involving foreign investors. A few, and possibly the Kingsgate v. Thailand claim under the Thailand–Australia Free Trade Agreement since 2017, have involved allegations and investigations concerning corruption and other serious illegal behaviour. As reiterated in the conclusion, corruption investigations and court proceedings are necessarily very lengthy, sometimes more so than the time taken to generate and enforce final awards in large (especially treaty-based) investment arbitrations. To reduce the consequent risk of enforcing an award that later proves to be based on seriously corrupt conduct, one solution may be for investment treaty arbitrators to apply the same higher standard of proof that corruption investigators and criminal courts need to apply, although this will mean more delays and perhaps costs in arbitration. Secondly, more transparency could be added to Thailand-related investment arbitration proceedings, so that the public at least knows that corruption is being alleged.
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Perry, Peter John. "‘Colonial’ Australia." In Political Corruption in Australia, 50–74. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-4.

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Perry, Peter John. "Convict Australia 1." In Political Corruption in Australia, 33–49. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-3.

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Perry, Peter John. "Introduction." In Political Corruption in Australia, 1–18. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-1.

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Perry, Peter John. "Geographical and Historical Dimensions 1." In Political Corruption in Australia, 19–32. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-2.

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Perry, Peter John. "Corruption Concealed – A Complacent Commonwealth." In Political Corruption in Australia, 75–89. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-5.

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Perry, Peter John. "Contemporary." In Political Corruption in Australia, 90–102. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-6.

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Perry, Peter John. "Causes and Characteristics." In Political Corruption in Australia, 103–14. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-7.

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Perry, Peter John. "A Consequential Conclusion." In Political Corruption in Australia, 115–30. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-8.

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Perry, Peter John. "Updates." In Political Corruption in Australia, 131–35. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207063-9.

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