Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political communication'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political communication.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Political communication.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Flynn, Gemma. "Political communication of crime." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20456.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary crime communication landscape. While this landscape is considered in its constituent parts, including specific features of current British politics, the evolving media sphere and the voice of the public, this thesis argues for a conceptualization of this realm that grasps its fluid and dynamic character. Original research is conducted through case studies of the 2010 UK General Election, the Phone Hacking Scandal and the 2011 Riots. Discourse analysis is employed in order to enhance our awareness of supralinguistic behaviour and of the play of power in the construction of crime narratives. This is contrasted with influential current accounts of ‘populism’ which, it is argued here, tend to be unduly deterministic and to err towards the dystopian. The research suggests that structural shifts in the media landscape, specifically the recent ubiquity of new media coinciding with an undermining of the singular tabloid narrative, have enabled a redistribution of power in the symbolic construction of crime which can make it harder for political actors to capture the crime question for populist purposes. Furthermore, this shift has empowered the public voice and has infused political debate with a chaotic plurality of views. Nevertheless, the symbolic weight of crime issues remains prominent in this landscape and Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chains (2004) is employed to add a microsociological picture of the escalation from small scale narrative to broad righteous anger. This requires an adaptation of this model to address interactions that occur outside the context of physical co-presence. Such perspectives on the plurality of mediated communication today both broaden and update our grasp of the political communication of crime and in so doing argue for a degree of optimism concerning the scope for democratic debate about criminal justice issues.
2
Wright, Alan. "The idea of political communication." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252700.
Full text
3
PFAU, MICHAEL WALTON. "INOCULATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184179.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined attack and inoculation message strategies in political campaign communication. A total of 341 initial and followup treatment interviews and 392 control interviews were completed among potential voters in a U.S. Senate campaign during October 1986. The study hypothesized that character attack messages directed to supporters of opposing candidates exert more influence than issue attack messages. This prediction was not supported. Contrary to prediction, the results indicated that, during the latter stages of a political campaign featuring known candidates, issue attack messages exert more persuasive impact than character attack messages. However, the primary purpose of this investigation was to apply McGuire's inoculation theory to political campaign communication. The study hypothesized that political campaign messages can be designed to inoculate supporters of candidates against the subsequent attack messages of opposing candidates. This prediction was supported. In addition, the results supported the hypothesis that inoculation confers more resistance to subsequent attack messages among strong political party identifiers as opposed to weak identifiers, nonidentifiers and crossovers. Contrary to prediction, however, the study found that inoculation confers more resistance among Democrat party loyalists as opposed to Republican party loyalists. The results of this investigation extend the scope of inoculation theory to new domain, and at the same time, suggest a new strategic approach for candidates in political campaigns.
4
Ramsey, Reed. "Affect and Political Satire: How Political TV Satire Implicates Internal Political Efficacy and Political Participation." Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3134.
Full textAbstract:
Research has shown that political satire programs offer both important information about contemporary politics and offer very humorous, entertaining content. This study seeks to understand how these satire programs bolster both internal political efficacy and political
participation. 400 college students at two Northern California universities participated in this research. The study found that affinity for political humor can predict levels of internal political efficacy. Exposure to liberal satire was negatively correlated with affinity for political humor and political participation, and exposure to conservative satire was significantly correlated with internal political efficacy. Internal political efficacy was also positively correlated with political participation. Lastly, there was significant difference between Democrats and Republicans in terms of their exposure to political TV satire.
5
Long, Jacob Andrew. "Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595519865595447.
Full text
6
Röxe, Anke. "Political communication and multi-level politics : making the Scottish news agenda." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=197208.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis contributes towards a better understanding of political communication in multi-level settings. For the most part scholars of political communication focus their enquiries on the level of the nation-state. Moreover, they often assume that effective political campaigning and media management are predicated on a high level of centralisation. As a result researchers have by and large failed to theoretically and empirically address the implications of multi-level politics on the study of political communication. Constitutional change in the UK presents an ideal opportunity to consider the relationship between the transfer of power from central government to institutions at the sub-state level on the one side and modern political communication processes on the other (Fawcett 2002). The thesis looks at the case of devolution in Scotland to answer three sets of research questions. Firstly, it enquires how legislative devolution has affected the professionalization of political communication in Scotland. In other words, to what degree have political actors north of the border participated in the trend towards greater use of and reliance on professional communicators in public life before and after the creation of the Scottish Parliament? Secondly, it asks what adjustments political parties, central government and the devolved administration have made to their communication strategies in order to deal with the requirements of message control in multi-level settings? How do political actors organise their agenda building efforts across different localities and which coordination problems arise in this context? Thirdly, the thesis asks who sets the news agenda in Scotland, politicians attached to the UK-wide institutions or their counterparts from the devolved sphere of government?
7
Musialowska, Ewa Anna. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN GERMANY AND POLAND." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2008. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1216216577378-73783.
Full textAbstract:
Diese Studie vergleicht die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen. Der Forschungsüberblick macht deutlich, dass international vergleichende Analysen, die etablierte Demokratien und Transformationsländer umfassen, relativ selten durchgeführt werden. Dabei gibt es keine Untersuchungen, die sich mit dem Vergleich der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Deutschland und Polen befassen. Mit der Untersuchung der beiden Länder wird die Dissertation die bestehende Forschungslücke schließen. Die politische Kommunikation wird in dieser Studie aus der Sicht von zwei unterschiedlichen Akteuren – Parteien und Journalisten – gezeigt. --- Kapitel 1: Es ist nicht mehr möglich, die moderne politische Kommunikation als Phänomen zu begreifen, das man auf singuläre nationale Räume beschränken könnte. Vielmehr lässt sich über nationalübergreifende Kommunikationsprozesse sprechen, die sich in den Metathemen Amerikanisierung, Globalisierung und Modernisierung wiederspiegeln. In diesem Zusammenhang ergibt sich die Frage, ob es sich um eine generalisierbare Entwicklung der politischen Kommunikation handelt. Ein Schwerpunkt des Interesses dieser Forschungsarbeit liegt deswegen bei der Frage nach den Gemeinsamkeiten und den Unterschieden in der politischen Kommunikation in beiden Ländern, die durch die Mediatisierungsprozesse beinflusst werden. Vor diesem Hindergrund stellt Kapitel 1 die wichtigsten Trends in der politischen Kommunikation dar. Im nächsten Schritt werden ausgewählte Indikatoren der Mediatisierung (u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität, Emotionalisierung), die dann im empirischen Teil getestet werden, erläutert. Gleichzeitig stellt Kapitel 1 eine Übersicht über international vergleichende Analysen, die sich der Untersuchung der politischen Kommunikation widmen, vor. Der Focus wird dann schließlich auf die Studien in Polen und Deutschland gelegt und die Relevanz der vorliegenden Analyse diskutiert. --- Kapitel 2: Die Dissertation zeigt in welchen politischen Rahmen die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen eingebettet ist. Deswegen wird im Kapitel 2 das politische System der analysierten Länder diskutiert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden drei Elemente des politischen Systems angesprochen: das Parteiensystem, das Wahlsystem und die politische Partizipation. Dadurch wird gezeigt, dass die politische Einbettung spürbare Auswirkungen hat, die den gesellschaftlichen, sozio-ökonomischen und historischen Kontext mitdefinieren. Dies lässt gleichzeitig Unterschiede zwischen einem Transformationsland (Polen) und einer etablierten Demokratie (Deutschland) aufzeigen und Gründe der wichtigsten politischen Tendenzen erklären. --- Kapitel 3: Ebenso wie die Strukturbedingungen des politischen Systems das Handeln politischer Akteure beeinflussen, so wirken die Rahmenbedingungen des Mediensystems auf das Handeln von Journalisten. Aus diesem Grunde wird im Kapitel 3 das Mediensystem in Deutschland und Polen thematisiert. Die Analyse basiert auf der Klassifikation von Hallin & Mancini (2004a). Dabei werden die von den Autoren vorgeschlagenen Indikatoren benutzt, um das Mediensystem in beiden Ländern einzuordnen. Dies ist besonders wichtig, weil die politische Kommunikation immer häufiger von medialer Umgebung abhängig ist. --- Kapitel 4: Die im Kapitel 1, 2 und 3 dargestellten Phänomene und Entwicklungen formen Kapitel 4, das Forschungshypothesen vorstellt. Die formultierten Hypothesen münden in zwei inhaltsanalytischen Untersuchungen, die die politische Kommunikation aus der Perspektive der politischen Parteien und Journalisten präsentieren. Es handelt sich dabei um zwei Fallstudien, die dann im Kapitel 6 und 7 getrennt examiniert werden. --- Kapitel 5: Im nächsten Schritt wird das Forschungsdesign und die Operationalisierung der Hypothesen erläutert. Da die Mediatisierungsprozesse besonders deutlich während der Wahlkampagnen zu ermitteln sind, wird die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen im Kontext von politischen Kampagnen dargestellt. Dies verspricht auch inhaltlich fokussiertes Material für die Untersuchung. Die erste Fallstudie untersucht die Wahlspots der Parteien und zeigt, inwiefern sich die Wahlwerbung in beiden Ländern unterscheidet. Die zweite Fallstudie bietet die Analyse der Medienberichterstattung, um festzustellen, wie die Journalisten in Deutschland und Polen die Wahlkampagnen darstellen. Die Kompläxität des Geflechtes der auf die politische Kommunikation Einfluss nehmenden Variablen macht den Einsatz komplexer Analyseverfahren erforderlich. Die Wahlspots und die Wahlkampfberichterstattung werden in der Dissertation mit der sozialwissenschaftlichen Methode der Inhaltsanalyse untersucht. Als Methode zur Erhebung sozialer Wirklichkeit ist die Inhaltsanalyse für die Untersuchung besonders geeignet. Ihre Vorteile werden in diesem Kapitel angesprochen. Darüber hinaus werden hier die Codebücher, die für die Analyse der Wahlwerbung und Medienberichterstattung vorbereitet wurden, dargestellt und die Codierungsvorgehensweise präsentiert. Schließlich werden die einzelnen Variablen besprochen und die Ergebnisse der durchgeführten Pretests geliefert. --- Kapitel 6: Im nächsten Schritt werden die Ergebnisse der empirischen Analyse der Wahlspots dargestellt. Die Studie zeigt, wie die politischen Parteien ihre Wahlspots gestalten und inwiefern die Wahlwerbung die Mediatisierungsprozesse wiederspiegelt. Im Kapitel 6 werden die Hypothesen, die im Kapitel 4 formuliert wurden, getestet. Dabei werden die Befunde im Kontext von solchen Aspekten wie u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität und Emotionalisierung dargestellt. --- Kapitel 7: Im Kapitel 7 wird die politische Kommunikation aus der Sicht der Journalisten examiniert. Die empirische Auswertung dient dazu, die im Kapitel 4 formulierten Hypothesen zu prüfen. Die Analyse vergleicht, inwiefern sich die Medien in beiden Ländern auf den Wahlkampf konzentieren und ob sie sich immer häufiger diesem Thema widmen. Darüber hinaus wird die Medienberichterstattung in den Prozessen der Mediatisierung dargestellt. Dabei wird u.a. Personalisierung und Negativität der Berichterstattung präsentiert. Es wird auch gezeigt, inwiefern die Medien ihre politische Präferenzen zeigen. --- Kapitel 8: Im letzten Kapitel werden die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung im Licht der Theorie und formulierten Hypothesen diskutiert. Dabei werden auch die Defizite der Studie und potenzielle Barrieren der vergleichenden Studien präsentiert. Kapitel 8 lenkt dann den Blick in die Zukunft und zeigt, welche Aspekte der politischen Kommunikation untersucht werden sollten. Solche internationalen Vergleiche, besonders wenn sie Transformationsländer und etablierte Demokratien umfassen, können dazu dienen, Gemeinsamkeiten in der Dreiecksbeziehung zwischen politischem System, Medien und Wählerschaft zu ermitteln, um so übergreifenden Entwicklungen auf die Spur zu kommen.
8
Vaccari, Federico. "The political economy of strategic communication." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22362/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis contains three chapters exploring the implications of strategically biased information on political outcomes. The first chapter studies how a politically motivated media outlet misreports information in order to endorse its preferred candidate during an election. The task of identifying the reporting strategy through which an interested outlet can influence the decision of voters is non-trivial as there are many ways in which this can be done. I show that there is only one plausible equilibrium, where the media outlet ``pools'' information in a way that sways the decision of the median voter -- and therefore of a majority of electors. The second chapter investigates how media bias skews electoral competition and produces distortions in the process of policy formation. I develop a model of communication with endogenous policy-making. Candidates running for office know that information passes through the lens of an interested media outlet before reaching the electorate. This generates tension between pandering to the voter with a populist policy, or pleasing the outlet with a biased policy. I show that the implications of media bias are not confined to distortions of the voters' choice at the ballot box, but they propagate back to the process of policy-making. In the third chapter, I study to what extent competing forces in the market for news are beneficial for voters. I explore a model where (i) media outlets compete for influence by providing alternative views of the same stories, and (ii) relevant information spreads quickly, and eventually voters listen to all viewpoints. In equilibrium, both media outlets reveal their private information with positive probability, and misreport otherwise. I find that even though competition triggers more news distortions, it always outperforms monopoly: ``diversity of opinion'' has a value independently of the additional media outlet's bias -- even if it is extremely biased.
9
Jannusch, Amber. "Politics among friends : political persuasion through the lens of sequential inferential paradigm." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1339.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to investigate actual communication and real world interactions among friends, in order to add to our understanding of political persuasion. Opinions and attitudes are affected by more than deliberate persuasive attempts, and politics are more than just elections and candidate speeches. What people say or do on an everyday basis with friends can be just as - if not more - influential, particularly as a meaning-making endeavor to establish, test, or solidify attitudes. An alternative approach to political communication should address the ongoing interactive nature of meaningmaking and the role of relationships in political persuasion. Thus this study uses discourse analysis through the lens of Sequential Inferential Paradigm to examine a conversation among friends about a political topic, finding that the structure of the conversation and the relationship between the participants are important considerations of influence.
10
BIASETTON, NOEMI. "SUPERSTORM. Political Communication and Communication Design in the Age of Information." Doctoral thesis, Università IUAV di Venezia, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11578/320026.
Full textAbstract:
The present research is founded on the hypothesis that communication design is struggling to find a new agency in the contemporary Western political landscape, causing a stalemate which prevents design from interacting with this field. The second hypothesis is that this stalemate may be caused by a clash between the discourse of design and the tightened relationship between new media technologies and political communication.
In order to understand the reasons behind this stalemate, the research is structured as a cross-disciplinary historical and cultural research that outlines the relationship between communication design, political communication and new media technologies over the last sixty years (1960–2020) from the point of view of design culture and through the chronicle of the Superstorm. In the context of this research, the Superstorm is utilized as a conceptual and narrative metaphor to illustrate the evolution of the relationship between political communication and new media technologies, which since the 1960s began to intertwine and give life to the Western political visual culture as it is known today.
At last, the present study identifies possible directions, points of discussion and new coordinates which the design discourse might adopt in order to formulate a new understanding of the position that designers can assume towards the Superstorm and, eventually, face its relentless effects.
11
Lin, Jing-Ling Jenny. "Richard Weaver's Theory of Argument and Beyond: Argument Types, Political Position, and Political Presumption-A Study of Taiwan's Political Discourse." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392370881.
Full text
12
Calderon, Roberto. "S.PA.C.E.S. socio political adaptative communication enabled spaces." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/12432.
Full textAbstract:
The Socio-Political Adaptative Communication Enabled Spaces (SPACES) research proposes a model for conceptualizing, understanding and constructing Cyborg Environments. A Cyborg Environment is an autopoietic system of inter-acting humans and space cyborgs -- entities that have enhanced their senses through technology -- based on a politics of action and embodiment that results in social systems that allow for communication to take place. The present document presents this conceptual model, its foundation in Architecture, Human Computer Interaction and Cognitive Science and a set of experiments conducted to test its validity.
13
Bali, Ahmed Gharib Abdullah Omar. "Political communication and the media in Kurdistan." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2016. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/11820/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how the Kurdish media communicate political issues in relation to corruption, reform, government performance, and citizens' trust. In particular it investigates how young people understand and respond to political issues across the media and how their social and political backgrounds affect their evaluation of the government’s performance and the role of elections in the political process. This investigation is combined with how media professionals view editorial policy of news coverage of political issues and freedom to access the public sector. This thesis employs a combination of methods: content and framing analysis to examine five media platforms; focus groups, interviews and semi-structured interviews to elicit the views of young people and media editors; a thematic analysis is employed to assess the data gathered from both young people and media editors. Overall, the findings indicated that both the ruling party’s media and the opposition media, particularly the television channels, focus on using magnifying frames and localising frames in their coverage of the political issues with varying degrees. Each of them reflects the same reality differently which in turn leads to the viewers and readers become divided into two categories. This diversity of framing news coverage is due to the media discourse of the ruling party and opposition media and the political background of the young people as well. This research has revealed the need, especially from young people, for the establishment of a national media that strike a balance between the opposition and ruling parties and offer coverage of political issues without the direct influence of political parties.
14
Karthikeyan, Nithesh Chandher. "Analysis of visual political communication on YouTube." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447660.
Full textAbstract:
Though images are ubiquitous in everyday life and have always been part of politics, research on the visual aspects of political communication recently gained momentum, especially with the rise of social media. This opens up a platform to analyze the role of visuals in communicating political ideas. Images are a key part of the communication process, shaping peoples’ attitudes and policy preferences on political ideas. Generally iconic themes dominate representation of political ideas, for example iconic themes like polar bears represent the issues of climate change and environmental policies. This thesis focuses on finding such distant iconic themes in visuals of growing social media platforms like YouTube using deep learning. The initial analysis revealed the poor performance of the existing state-of-the-art networks on image classification in detecting the simple iconic theme of Polar bear in visuals. This arises a need for a new approach to improve the performance in detecting visual themes. The thesis proposes a method to develop a custom network by transferring the knowledge of the state-of-the-art networks using transfer learning. The result shows that the custom network has a better recall on predicting Polar bears than the state-of-the-art networks and the impact of training methods on predicting visualthemes on YouTube data.
15
Del, Castillo Ernesto. "The role of art in political communication." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024869.
Full text
16
Nitz, Michael Earl 1967. "Schema theory: An application to political communication." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291606.
Full textAbstract:
Political schema research (Kinder, Peters, Abelson, & Fiske, 1980; Miller, Wattenberg, & Malanchuk, 1986) has centered on the schemas voters use to select presidents. Unfortunately, political researchers have all but neglected the state and local level. Consequently, this thesis focuses on the schemas voters use to select governors to determine if these schemas differ from schemas used to select presidents. This thesis also tests the relationship between political sophistication and the use of certain schemas to select a governor. Surveys were administered to 563 adults waiting for jury duty. Results indicate the schemas voters use to select governors differ from those used to select presidents. Political sophistication is positively related to usage of issues and performance schemas. Further research should explore political schemas at state and local levels.
17
Banis, Alvianos, and Jonas Johansson. "Political Communication Strategies Applied on Business Organizations." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-38244.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to describe the current communication techniques and strategies used by political parties resulting in these parties achieving significant growth, understand the components of those communication techniques in order to isolate the factors attributing to this achieved success and develop a model that can be replicated from a business organization in order to achieve similar beneficial results.The study revealed that there is a clear connection between political parties and business organizations, broadening the research fields of both entities respectively. Furthermore, the findings were categorized based on potential value, with practices such as “thriving on dissatisfaction”, “taking advantage of emotions”, “showing visible structures as an organization / political party”, “intentional use of weak signals”, “leader’s direct connection to audience” and “formulating receiver interpretation of signals” appearing to have high potential in achieving success if implemented correctly in the communication strategy.
18
Hickey, Emily Grace. "Essays in Congressional Communication." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10787.
Full text
19
Freeth, M. D. H. "Politician-reporter interactions in the New Zealand Parliament : a study in political communication." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Mass Communication, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1770.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between government politicians and reporters in the Parliamentary Press Gallery may be conceptualised as a process of interaction, by actors with divergent but overlapping purposes, from which political communication emerges as news. Interactions may be characterised as role-regulated and involving mutual adaptation by the actors. Divergence of purpose implies a constant potential for conflict in interaction. Mutual purposes and adaptation enhance co-operative interaction. Analysis of role concepts held by the politicians and the reporters provides some insight into the nature of conflict and co-operation in interaction. Constant sources of conflict may be indicated by differences over news definitions applied by the reporters and the publicity interests of the politicians. Adaptation by each towards the other can be seen in the operation of routine channels for the passage of information and in shared understandings surrounding other, informal information flows. Specific elements in the relationship can be identified as assisting mutual adaptation. Mechanisms exist for the management of overt conflict. Adaptation may raise issues relevant to the normative role of the press. Co-optation of the reporters for the communication purposes of the politicians is contrary to notions of a "strong" press, providing critical scrutiny of government as well as conveying information accurately from it to the public.
20
Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.
Full textAbstract:
In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters.This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
21
Gabryszewska, Maria. "Gender, Party, and Political Communication in the 114th Congress." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3744.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting.
I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.
22
Karlsson, Martin. "Covering distance : essays on representation and political communication." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32019.
Full textAbstract:
Political representatives’ democratic legitimacy rests on their ability to cover the distance between themselves and citizens. Representatives must avoid being perceived as distant and aloof from the needs and wishes of those they represent. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding of how new forms of communication with citizens, through participatory initiatives as well as political blogging, are used by politicians in their roles as representatives. Underlying this aim is the question of whether new forms of communication can contribute to reducing the distance between representatives and citizens. The central argument of this thesis is that such types of communication aid representative democracy only to the extent that they offer representatives efficient channels for performing functions related to political representation. This study presents a theoretical framework that identifies potential functions of communication between representatives and citizens for political representation. Its empirical analyses, presented in five articles, find that representatives widely communicate with citizens through participatory initiatives and political blogging to aid their roles as political representatives. Furthermore, results show that representatives’ communication is significantly determined by strategic, practical, and normative factors. The representatives are found to act strategically as communication practices are adapted to accommodate their particular situations, needs and normative orientations. Keywords:
23
Walton, Jennifer Lee. "POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143492027.
Full text
24
Shen, Fei. "An economic theory of political communication effects how the economy conditions political learning /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1243880056.
Full text
25
Lundh, Daniel. "Contructing the "New Moderates" - a case study in political communication." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-80535.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, the“NewModerates” communications strategy used by The Moderate Party and the representation of social practices and social conditions by Alliance for Sweden-coalition in the 2006 and 2010 Swedish election campaigns are analyzed.The campaigns are placed in the context of current research on modern political communication and analyzed through Fairclough´s Critical Discourse Analysis framework.The results indicate that The Moderate Party wanted to encourage voters to reassess their opinion of the party through the “NewModerates”-strategy, by indicating considerable changes in their policies.Official guidelines for which discursive and social practices should be utilized in party communication to achieve these goals were issued.The Moderate Party positioned themselves against The Social Democratic Party, partially by referring to themselves as the “new worker’s party” of Sweden.
26
Faza, Andres L. "British Cultural Narrative in Winston Churchill's Political Communication." Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5421.
Full textAbstract:
This study uses Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech, delivered to the House of Commons following the evacuation of Dunkirk, France in June 1940, as a source text by which to examine Churchill's use of British cultural narratives in political communication. Narrative and heuristic theories are proposed as means by which listeners process such messages. A number of rhetorical devices are defined, in order to inform a discussion of the narratives identified, particularly the means by which those narratives were rhetorically embedded in the text. After a careful examination of the source text, the narratives of knighthood and chivalric values, as well as King Arthur and the Arthurian legend, specifically as presented in Tennyson's Idylls of the King, were identified as primary cultural narratives from which Churchill draws much meaning. A thorough critical history of each of these narratives is undertaken, revealing sentiments of oath-bound civic duty tracing back to Britain's historical founding as a culture and a nation, following the fall of Rome in the fifth century, and persisting up until Churchill's use of those sentiments in his historic 1940 speech.
27
Jo, Donghee. "Essays in political economy of media and communication." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118043.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Economics, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 155-164).
This thesis consists of three chapters on the role of media and communication in forming political opinions of news consumers and politicians. In the first chapter, I study the causal link between the public's self-selective exposure to like-minded partisan media and polarization. I first present a parsimonious model to formalize a traditionally neglected channel through which media selection leads to reduced polarization. In a world where the media heavily distorts signals with its own partisan preferences, familiarity with media biases is vitally important. By choosing like-minded partisan media, news consumers are exposed to familiar news sources. This may enable them to arrive at better estimates of the underlying truth, which can contribute to an alleviation of polarization. The predictions of this model are supported by experimental evidence collected from a South Korean mobile news application that I created and used to set up an RCT. The users of the app were given access to curated articles on key political issues and were regularly asked about their views on those issues. Some randomly selected users were allowed to select the news source from which to read an article; others were given randomly selected articles. The users who selected their news sources showed larger changes in their policy views and were less likely to have radical policy views-an alleviation of polarization-in comparison with those who read randomly provided articles. The belief updating and media selection patterns are consistent with the model's predictions, suggesting that the mechanism explained in the model is plausible. The findings suggest that the designers of news curation algorithms and their regulators should consider the readers' familiarity with news sources and its consequences on polarization. The second chapter, coauthored with Matt Lowe, investigates whether there would be less polarization if politicians were physically integrated. This chapter tackles this question by exploiting random seating in Iceland's national Parliament. Since almost all voting is along party lines, we use a text-based measure of language similarity to proxy for the similarity of beliefs between any two politicians. Using this measure, we find an in-coalition effect: language similarity is greater for two politicians that share the same political coalition (government coalition or opposition) than for two politicians that do not, suggesting that the measure captures meaningful partisan differences in language. Next, we find that when two MPs randomly sit next to each other, their language similarity in the next parliamentary session (when no longer sitting together) is significantly higher, an effect that is roughly 16 to 25 percent of the size of the in-coalition effect. The persistence of effects suggests that politicians are learning from their neighbors, not just facing transient social pressure. However, this learning does not reflect the exchange of ideas across the aisle.- The effects are large for neighbors in the same coalition group, at 29 to 53 percent of the in-coalition effect, with no evidence of learning from neighbors in the other group. Based on this evidence, integration of legislative chambers would likely slow down, but not prevent, the ingroup homogenization of political language. The third chapter examines how the news media affects news consumers' perceptions about the importance of political issues via their editorial choices of which articles to emphasize, and how such an agenda setting effectcan influence readers' political attitudes. This chapter reports on a preliminary analysis of a pilot study of a randomized controlled trial conducted on Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk). There are two potential causal mechanisms through which editorial choices of article prominence can influence subjective issue importance-(i) readers' behavioral biases such as cognitive fatigue and short-term memory congestion can lead to selection of salient articles at prominent positions (salience), (ii) prominence of articles reflects the subjective issue importance of news editors, which can guide the readers to select to read such articles (guidance). I find both salience and guidance mechanisms to influence article selection. There is suggestive evidence that article selection, and subsequent exposure to the content, results in changes in readers' subjective issue importance. This pilot study successfully reveals important-yet surmountable-limitations of the study; lessons from the pilot study will be incorporated in the full-scale experiment.
by Donghee Jo.
Ph. D.
28
Ostrove, Geoffrey Benjamin. "Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10142280.
Full textAbstract:
By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market.
Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.
29
Schneider, Florian. "Visual political communication in popular Chinese television series." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14525/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that the content of popular Chinese TV dramas helps construct and reenforce social and political reality in China by defining what is true. With the increasing liberalisation of the Chinese TV drama market, this construction process is becoming more and more complex: it is not merely influenced by the political interests of state and party institutions, but also by the commercial interests of producers and broadcasters, as well as by the viewing habits and interests of audiences. Consequently, Chinese TV dramas create ideas concerning Chinese society which are simultaneously popular and politically 'healthy'. Based on qualitative interviews with Chinese media experts and production crew members conducted in 2007, my research shows how various actors and institutional factors influence the production of political discourses in Chinese TV dramas. This thesis also offers a qualitative analysis of how the discourses on two political concepts (governance and security) are depicted in three particularly popular dramas, one historical epic, one crime drama, and one teen drama. This analysis shows that these programs all link their political message to patriotic sentiments or conservative gender discourses, and that this is not the result of political directives but instead of market dynamics and of audiences' viewing preferences. In this sense, the present research shows how the apparent liberalisation of the drama market in reality imposes a whole framework of new cultural, political, and economic restrictions, which in tum leads to the production of TV content that is firmly rooted in hegemonic discourses. This discourse is then not primarily reproduced because it is politically opportune, but because, it is popular.
30
Ostrove, Geoffrey. "Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20514.
Full textAbstract:
By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market.
Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.
31
Pezzoli, Beatrice <1987>. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION THROUGH WORDS AND GESTURES: OBAMA'S CASE." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3245.
Full textAbstract:
Questo progetto è finalizzato allo studio e analisi della comunicazione politica, non intesa come propaganda, ma le tecniche di comunicazione da parte dei leaders politici. In questo lavoro, è stato preso in analisi il caso del Presidente Americano Barack H. Obama. Obama è stato considerato il grande oratore. Perchè proprio lui? quali sono i suoi metodi così efficaci? Quali sono i segreti della sua comunicazione verbale e non verbale? Per quale motivo i suoi discorsi sono così apprezzati da tutti? queste sono alcune delle domande a cui si cerca di dare una risposta. Inoltre, si vedrà come e se i leaders politici italiani cercano di imitarlo e se ne hanno le possibilità.
32
Vernon, James. "Politics and the people : a study of English political culture and communication, 1808-68." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303531.
Full text
33
Willey, Elaine Ann. "Explaining the Vote: Claiming Credit and Managing Blame in the United States Senate." Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1015617172.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 175 p.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Kathleen M. McGraw, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 167-175).
34
Loose, Krista (Krista M. ). "Three papers on congressional communication and representation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107538.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 125-134).
This project evaluates how elected officials communicate with their constituents and whether voters can tell if their interests are being represented. Specifically, I examine whether political communication strategies may inadvertently lead to suboptimal representation. In my first paper, I evaluate whether members of Congress use criticism of Congress as a means to connect with their constituents, using approximately 10,000 campaign advertisements aired throughout the 2000s. In both this observational evidence and through an original experimental study, I show that when members criticize Congress, this message has little impact on attitudes toward Congress in general or the member in particular. However, survey respondents view a member who criticizes Congress as more "like them," potentially introducing a distracting valence issue into elections. In my second paper, I find clear evidence that legislative behavior does not change as a consequence of the rise or fall of military presence in a district. However, members' communication with their constituents does change. Members who gain bases are more likely to emphasize military issues in their emails than they were prior to the redistricting, while those who lose bases reduce their mentions of military-related subjects. While members are not lying about their work in Congress, they are nonetheless painting a misleading picture of the scope of their efforts on behalf of district interests. In my third paper, I show that, despite incentives not to mention other politicians, members of Congress do talk about their peers in DC in about 30 percent of their political communications. I claim this is a means of ideological signalling, where members cite others who share their ideological space. Additionally, I demonstrate through a series of survey experiments that the public makes reasoned judgments about the ideology of a member who talks about another politician. Members thus have the opportunity to shape how constituents view their representative through references to other politicians. In these three papers, I show that members can use sometimes subtle techniques to influence their relationship with the district.
by Krista Loose.
Talking about congress: the limited effect of congressional advertising on congressional approval -- representing their former district: do members do it and do they admit it? -- Politicians as positions: citing others as a cue to ideology.
Ph. D.
35
Jasmin, Jean-Christophe. "Communication et Éthique chez Kierkegaard." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28708.
Full text
36
Landreville, Kristen D. "“What Was That Supposed To Mean?”: Mass-Mediated Ambiguous Political Messages, Uncertainty Arousal, and Political Discussion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276198165.
Full text
37
Crewe, Thomas James. "Political leaders, communication, and celebrity in Britain, c1880-c1900." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709506.
Full text
38
Hoffman, Anna. "The John Oliver Effect: Political Satire and Political Participation Through Social Networks." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1450381528.
Full text
39
Ponder, James D. "The Social Nature of Politics: Testing the Relationship between Individual Differences, Motives for Using Media for Political Information, and Political Discussion Partners." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351355352.
Full text
40
McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
Full textAbstract:
In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
41
Groeling, Tim. "When politicians attack : the causes, contours, and consequences of partisan political communication /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3027048.
Full text
42
Hill, Megan Rose. "Star Spangled Awesome? Exposing American Exceptionalism Through Political Satire." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1371125781.
Full text
43
Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies.
This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.
44
Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
45
Liu, Yung-I. "The Influence of Communication Context on Political Cognition in Presidential Campaigns: A Geospatial Analysis." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211994930.
Full text
46
Wabnik, Alisa Ilene 1970. "When politics means having to say you're sorry: An empirical test of the effectiveness of political apologies." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291607.
Full textAbstract:
Politicians are notorious for finding themselves in the middle of scandals that endanger their reputations and careers. How do they get out of it? This study tested four account strategies politicians could use: denials, excuses, justifications, and apologies. Language expectancy theory was applied to test several hypotheses. Results partially supported the concept of apologies as positive expectancy violations, but did not reveal differences among account types in terms of voters' positive impressions, blame attributions, and intent to vote for the politician. Situation, which was not expected to be a relevant factor, did result in large variability. The implications of this study for future research were also explored.
47
Marchi, Regina M. "Altar images US Day of the Dead as political communication /." Diss., Connected to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3187818.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Mar. 6, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
48
Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
49
McKoy, Keith George. "Political communication strategies : transport policy making and implementation in Manchester." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2013. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/20044/.
Full textAbstract:
The research examines the nature of political communication and assesses how marketing strategies are used by transport policy practitioners, and their perceptions of the role played by communications and marketing methods in the policy making process. The research also evaluates the phenomena of the increased use of 'political marketing and communications strategies' within national and local transport policy frameworks, and evaluates whether these have become more widespread and sophisticated in order to better signal policy intentions, as well as to market and promote controversial policies to both the media and public. An area that remains under-researched is the extent to which public relations mechanisms are being developed within local government. And how these mechanisms are being used in order to strategically influence the media in order to shape or manipulate public opinion in pursuit of their policy goals. It is therefore necessary, to analyse media and transport planning discourse, in particular the increasing use of public relations strategies by transport policy practitioners as a system for communicating messages and symbols to a wider public through more sophisticated mechanisms in order to contest transport issues within the media. The Manchester Transport Innovation Fund (TIF) was used as the main case study because it provided an opportunity to look at a high profile and highly contested transport policy initiative.
50
Reineke, Jason Bernard. "Support for censorship, family communication, family values, and political ideology." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1216823927.
Full text