Journal articles: 'Political committees'

1

Brodine, Virginia Warner. "The Day before Yesterday: the Committees for Nuclear and Environmental Information." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 8, no. 1 (May 1998): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104829119800800104.

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Barry Commoner's leadership in the formation and early years of the Committee for Nuclear Information is described. The Committee's role as a pioneer in providing the public with information on nuclear questions, then the prime environmental issue requiring political action, is outlined. When it changed its name to the Committee for Environmental Information and broadened its scope, the focus continued to be on those environmental issues requiring political decisions. Although both Committees limited themselves to scientific information and did not advocate particular political solutions, they became embroiled in controversies, some of them significant for breaking through barriers of government silence and corporate misinformation.

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Holcomb, John M. "Corporate Political Action Committees." Proceedings of the International Association for Business and Society 4 (1993): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/iabsproc1993425.

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Odendaal, Andries. "The Political Legitimacy of National Peace Committees." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 7, no. 3 (December 2012): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767601.

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A national peace committee is a multi-stakeholder body mandated to implement key peacebuilding objectives, and coordinate a multi-level network of peace committees called an infrastructure for peace. Based on 10 case studies, the article explores the importance of political legitimacy for the success of NPCs and analyses, in particular, the contribution of their mandate, role clarity, composition and competence.

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Krehbiel, Keith, Kenneth A. Shepsle, and Barry R. Weingast. "Why are Congressional Committees Powerful?" American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 929–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962684.

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In “The Institutional Foundations of Committee Power” (this Review, March 1987) Kenneth Shepsle and Barry Weingast made the case that congressional committees are powerful not so much because of members' deference to them as because of the committees' ex post veto, a potential negative committees might deliver, say, at the conference committee stage of lawmaking. But Keith Krehbiel argues that congressional committees have, in fact, never possessed an uncircumventable ex post veto and are very much constrained by their parent chambers. In response, Shepsle and Weingast defend their model of the foundations of committee power.

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Jamil, Nurul Nazlia. "The Effects of Politically Connected Audit Committees on Audit Fees: Evidence in Malaysia." International Finance and Banking 5, no. 1 (March 13, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ifb.v5i1.12815.

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This study aims to contribute to an understanding of politically connected audit committees on audit fees in an emerging market, using the case of Malaysia. Malaysia offers an interesting and important setting as Malaysian companies are highly concentrated and politically sensitive. In particular, the study seeks to examine the level of political connections represented in the audit committees associated with the level of audit fees incurred by Malaysian public listed companies. For the purpose of this study, a quantitative approach (archival data analysis) has been adopted. Three hypotheses are tested: (1) There is a positive relationship between the proportion of audit committee members who are senior government officers (SGO) and audit fees; (2) There is a positive relationship between the proportions of audit committee members who are politicians and audit fees; (3) There is a positive relationship between audit committee characteristics (independence, size, meeting and financial expertise) and audit fees. The results of the study indicate that politically connected audit committees (identified by members who are either senior government officers or politicians) have a significant association with the incidence of higher audit fees. This suggests that politically connected audit committees are able to capitalize on their connections to influence companies and create direct demand for the auditors to increase their audit effort, as measured by audit fees. One of the issues that emerge from these findings is that companies highly value political connections to obtain external resources given the uncertainties in the business environment. Also, the findings highlight the need for stronger corporate governance to mitigate the higher inherent audit risks in politically connected companies.

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Miller, Mark C. "Courts, Agencies, and Congressional Committees: A Neo-Institutional Perspective." Review of Politics 55, no. 3 (1993): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017630.

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Based on over 75 personal interviews with members of Congress and their staffs, this article examines how three House authorization committees differ in their reactions to federal court decisions versus their reactions to federal agency decisions. In general, Congress holds the courts in higher esteem than it does the agencies. The courts are generally seen as less political than the agencies, and committee reactions to court decisions are seen as much more unusual than reactions to agency decisions. The attitudes of the three committees toward decisions of the other institutions vary in ways consonant with their institutional roles, the committees' political cultures, and the primary goals of the committee members. The domination of lawyer members on the policy oriented Judiciary Committee results in that committee being the most deferential to the courts. The constituency focused Interior Committee is oriented to local interests and members' reelection goals, and it responds to the courts or to agencies only when constituency pressures force it to do so. The power oriented Energy and Commerce Committee treats the courts and the agencies just like any other political actors.

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Sonin, K., and I. Khovanskaya. "A Political Economy Model of a Research University." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 7 (July 20, 2009): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-7-132-143.

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Hiring decisions are typically made by committees members of which have different capacity to estimate the quality of candidates. Organizational structure and voting rules in the committees determine the incentives and strategies of applicants; thus, construction of a modern university requires a political structure that provides committee members and applicants with optimal incentives. The existing political-economic model of informative voting typically lacks any degree of variance in the organizational structure, while political-economic models of organization typically assume a parsimonious information structure. In this paper, we propose a simple framework to analyze trade-offs in optimal subdivision of universities into departments and subdepartments, and allocation of political power.

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Jones, Bryan D., Frank R. Baumgartner, and Jeffery C. Talbert. "The Destruction of Issue Monopolies in Congress." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 657–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938742.

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Scholars studying congressional committees have noted the potential for members to seek membership on particular committees, leading to bias. Underpinning this line of scholarship is what might be termed a theory of comparative committee statics, characterized by a cross-sectional empirical approach. We present a new approach that focuses on the dynamics of jurisdictional control. By following a series of issues through the committee hearing process, we show that there is indeed significant issue bias in particular committee venues. However, we also find that new committees often claim jurisdiction over issues as they are redefined in the political process. The degree of jurisdictional monopoly enjoyed by different committees has been overlooked in the literature on this topic in spite of its importance in determining the nature of representation of interests in Congress.

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Raymond, Christopher D., and Sergio Bárcena Juárez. "Constituency Preferences and Committee Selection in the Mexican Cámara de Diputados." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 04 (August 28, 2019): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.26.

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ABSTRACTPrevious research examining selection to legislative committees has assumed that the impact of constituency preferences on committee assignments is due to the incentives for individual legislators to use their committee seats to increase their personal chances of re-election. Examining the case of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies (where legislators were, until recently, barred from re-election), this study argues that the impact of constituency preferences on selection to committees also occurs because parties have incentives for their members to use committee assignments to increase the party’s chances of being re-elected. Analysis of assignments to 11 committees over 4 legislative terms provides support for the argument. These findings reinforce previous research arguing that concerns with constituency representation and its impact on re-election also apply to political parties and not solely to individual legislators.

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King, James D., and Helenan S. Robin. "Political Action Committees in State Elections." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.61-77.

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While the number o f state PACs and their campaign contributions have increased substantially over the past decade, much remains unknown regarding their organization and activities. From a survey o f PACs in three states we develop a portrait o f political action committees, which extends beyond contributions. State PACs form around both economic and ideological issues; have very modest organizational structures; solicit funds primarily by direct mail and personal contacts; typically delegate responsibility for making campaign contributions to committees, which adopt accommodationist strategies; and have extended their activities to include voter education and mobilization. A number o f differences among the various types o f PACs are also evident.

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Espino, Rodolfo, and Michael M. Franz. "Retesting Committee Composition Hypotheses for the U.S. Congress." Political Analysis 12, no. 2 (2004): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mph008.

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This study replicates and extends Groseclose's (1994) tests of Congressional committee composition hypotheses for the 99th Congress. Alternative hypotheses pit partisan explanations of committee organization against the informational roles committees can play in producing “good” public policy. Other hypotheses explore the likelihood that committees reflect (rather than diverge from) floor preferences. Predictably, empirical tests of such hypotheses have produced no scholarly consensus. Groseclose (1994) enters the debate by using Monte Carlo simulations to test alternative hypotheses of Congressional committee organization, and in so doing, he makes few assumptions (and specifically avoids problematic ones) about the ideological distribution of committee and floor members. For example, difference of means tests, often used to evaluate the significance of floorcommittee divergence, assume that preferences are distributed normally and that the mean scores of a committee and floor are the correct test statistics. Groseclose asserts that the normality assumption is less convincing for small committees and that the median score is more appropriate.

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12

Mellows-Facer, Adam, Chloe Challender, and Paul Evans. "Select Committees: Agents of Change." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 14, 2019): 903–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz039.

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Abstract Some select committees are increasingly adopting campaigning characteristics, acting not just as scrutineers of government but also as high-profile agents of change in the public and private sectors. The popularity of such committees with members, the media and the public means this trend is likely to continue. This will increase the already evident strains on the committee powers and the wider established framework within which committees operate. This article considers the implications for the future of select committees.

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Kelso, Alexandra. "Political Leadership in Parliament: The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.573.

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Concepts of political leadership have been applied sparingly to parliaments, and not at all to the study of House of Commons select committees in the UK Parliament, where analysis has largely focused on their institutional capacity to scrutinise government and hold it to account. Yet examining these committees through a political leadership lens illuminates the complex role of committee chairs, a role which was significantly reshaped in 2010 with a shift to election of chairs by the whole House. This article analyses select committee chairs through the lens of political leadership, and draws on a series of interviews with chairs in order to delineate the nature of the political leadership they perform. It argues that, as chairs are now increasingly important parliamentary and policy actors, our understanding of them is significantly advanced by conceptualising their role as one of parliamentary political leadership, and that this in turn enriches our analytical toolkit when it comes to the study of parliaments.

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14

Aylett, Philip. "Reform and Consolidation: A New Perspective on Commons Select Committees 1960–1980." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 6, 2019): 742–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz029.

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Abstract The ‘departmental’ select committees of the Commons established from 1979 onwards are often represented as a radical and distinctive departure in the history of parliamentary scrutiny, and a clear improvement on the arrangements of previous decades. The article argues that this view needs to be revised, in light of a substantial shift in thinking about select committee scrutiny from the 1960s. Whereas select committees in 1960 were seen as primarily restricted to financial matters, politicians and others later began successfully to promote committee interventions in wider questions of policy and administration. The introduction of departmental committees should therefore be seen as part of a broader long-term process of committee development.

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Lynch, Philip, and Richard Whitaker. "Select Committees and Brexit: Parliamentary Influence in a Divisive Policy Area." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (August 8, 2019): 923–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz028.

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Abstract In this first comprehensive study of House of Commons departmental select committees and Brexit, we analyse the incidence of divisions (i.e. formal votes) on Brexit-related issues in select committees, showing that unanimity remains the norm with the exception of the Exiting the EU Committee, which is the most divided select committee of recent times. We add to the literature on select committee influence by adapting Russell and Benton’s (2011) methodology to examine government responses to committee recommendations on Brexit. We show that most have been partially accepted but that the level of policy change, rather than divisions on recommendations, is the main factor explaining variation, with greater success for recommendations suggesting a lower degree of change. Committees have also had indirect influence, shaping the agenda and bringing information into the public domain.

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16

Heersink, Boris. "Party Brands and the Democratic and Republican National Committees, 1952–1976." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000020.

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Political scientists have traditionally dismissed the Democratic and Republican National Committees as “service providers”—organizations that provide assistance to candidates in the form of campaign funding and expertise but otherwise lack political power. I argue this perspective has missed a crucial role national committees play in American politics, namely that national party organizations publicize their party's policy positions and, in doing so, attempt to create national party brands. These brands are important to party leaders—especially when the party is in the national minority—since they are fundamental to mobilizing voters in elections. In case studies covering the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) in the period 1952–1976, I show that minority party committees prioritize their branding role and invest considerably in their publicity divisions, inaugurate new publicity programs, and create new communication tools to reach out to voting groups. Additionally, I show that in cases where the party is out of the White House, the national committees have considerable leeway in deciding what party image to publicize. Rather than being mere powerless service providers, I show that party committees have played crucial roles in debates concerning questions of ideology and issue positioning in both parties.

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Crewe, Emma, and Nicholas Sarra. "Chairing UK Select Committees: Walking Between Friends and Foes." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (August 28, 2019): 841–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz036.

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Abstract In this article, we aim to look at the political, social and emotional world created by the UK’s House of Commons select committees and the part played by their chairs. Drawing upon the theoretical traditions of political anthropology (Spencer (2004, Anthropology, Politics and the State: Democracy and Violence in South Asia, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press)), group analytical theory (Foulkes (1948, Group Analytic Psychotherapy: Method and Principles, London, William Heinemann Medical Books)) and pragmatic philosophy (Dewey (1922, Human Nature and Conduct: An Introduction to Social Psychology, New York, NY, Henry Holt and Company)), we view the experience of individuals as relational, created in their interaction with other individuals and groups. The context is that select committees aspire to consider evidence impartially and work cohesively to hold government to account. Our focus is on the political work of the chairs of Commons’ select committees. Committee chairs, members and staff are constrained by the architecture, rules and rituals in their bid to achieve plausibility, but at the same time find the room to express individuality in the ways that they manage emotions and communicate with others through words, silence, bodily movements or facial expressions. By embodying the committee, and mediating between those involved, the work of chair involves walking between friends and enemies—forming alliances, dealing with disagreements and disciplining the unruly—to create the impression that select committees are above party politics.

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18

Makse, Todd. "The Retention of Expertise and Productivity in State Legislative Committees." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 17, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 418–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440017731495.

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Legislative committees rely on the expertise and experience of their members, but instability in committee systems threatens the enhancements in productivity associated with specialization. This can occur in two ways, both of which are more common in state legislative committees than they are in Congress. First, membership retention on committees is generally lower, even after accounting for differing levels of legislative turnover across legislatures. Second, many state legislative committee systems undergo reorganization between sessions, changing the policy jurisdictions, and, therefore, the applicability of members’ previously developed expertise. In this article, I examine the consequences of these two sources of committee instability on legislative output in 14 state legislatures. I find that both membership retention and jurisdictional reorganization significantly affect the number of bills processed through committees and the number of bills ultimately enacted. These linkages are also conditioned on several committee and institutional factors, particularly legislative turnover. Last, I find a weaker but discernible effect of membership retention on committees’ propensity to perform their gatekeeping role.

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Morel, Benjamin. "Variation in the Role and Impact of Standing Committees: The Case of the French Senate." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 4 (May 23, 2019): 734–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz018.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to question the variation in standing committees’ roles and impacts and to explore how the uniqueness of their constitutional role can obscure a variety of approaches and practices. The present study reflects on the diversity of these committees by examining the case of the French Senate. This article demonstrates that the heterogeneity of Senate committees may have consequences for the legislative process. Considering Parliament reform through a re-evaluation of the role of standing committees must therefore involve questioning committee differences. This article considers the different roles committees play in the Senate and examines their influence on the legislative process.

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Shalaby, Marwa M., and Laila Elimam. "Women in Legislative Committees in Arab Parliaments." Comparative Politics 53, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15869554405663.

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Extant studies have predominantly focused on women's numerical presence in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)'s legislatures, yet, research examining the role played by female politicians continues to be limited. To bridge this gap, we study one of the most important, albeit overlooked, bodies within these assemblies: legislative committees. Using an original dataset on committee memberships (n=4580), our data show that females are significantly marginalized from influential committees and tend to be sidelined to social issues and women's committees. To explain this, we develop a theory of provisional gender stereotyping. We argue that the duration of quota implementation shapes women's access to influential committees. We focus on two mechanisms to support our argument: a redistribution of power dynamics within legislative bodies and women's political expertise.

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Prince, David W., and L. Marvin Overby. "Legislative Organization Theory and Committee Preference Outliers in State Senates." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 5, no. 1 (March 2005): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000500500104.

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Recently, several studies of Congress and the state legislatures have found evidence to support the information theory of legislative organization, that is, that legislatures develop committees whose characteristics reflect those of the parent body so as to acquire unbiased policy and political information. However, most of these studies have been conducted on the lower, larger legislative chambers. Senates, as smaller bodies that often follow the lead of legislation originating in their lower chambers, may have less need for unbiased information, perhaps allowing those bodies to develop more outlying, unrepresentative committees. We test this hypothesis in 42 state senates and find that unrepresentative committees also tend to be the exception in these upper chambers. Furthermore, as shown in previous studies of state house committees, the frequency of committee outliers in state senates appears to be idiosyncratic, with cultural, political, and institutional variables being unable to account for their observed patterns. While results support the information theory of legislative organization, evidence of outliers among party delegations on committees in these senates provides some support for the party-dominant theory.

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Kroszner, Randall S., and Thomas S. Stratmann. "Congressional Committees as Reputation-building Mechanisms." Business and Politics 2, no. 1 (April 2000): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1002.

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Interest groups cannot enforce contracts with legislators to work in their favor since fee-for-service agreements would be considered bribery. When such contracts are not available, a system of specialized, standing committees can provide a second-best way to maximize contributions, since such a system facilitates repeated interactions and reputational development between PACs and members of the relevant committees. Using data on PAC contributions by competing financial services interests to members of the House Banking Committee, we find evidence consistent with key implications of our model of committees as reputational-development devises. We then interpret important episodes in the evolution and development of the committee system during the twentieth century from the perspective of our theory. We focus on the revolt against House Speaker Cannon, which resulted in the birth of the modern committee system, and the post-Watergate reforms. We also consider broader implications of this approach for analyzing term limits, corruption, and party strength. JEL classifications: D72, D78, G28.

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Ovtchinnikov, Alexei V., Syed Walid Reza, and Yanhui Wu. "Political Activism and Firm Innovation." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 55, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 989–1024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109019000115.

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We hypothesize that political activism is valuable because it helps reduce political uncertainty, which, in turn, fosters firm innovation. We find that firms that support more politicians, winning politicians, politicians on congressional committees with jurisdictional authority over the firms’ industries, and politicians who join those committees innovate more. We employ a natural experiment to show a causal effect of political activism on innovation. We also show evidence of intra-industry and geographical political activism spillovers.

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Moulds, Sarah. "Scrutinising COVID-19 laws: An early glimpse into the scrutiny work of federal parliamentary committees." Alternative Law Journal 45, no. 3 (August 10, 2020): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20946990.

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Australia’s parliamentary model of rights protection depends in large part on the capacity of the federal Parliament to scrutinise the law-making activities of the Executive government. Emergency law-making undertaken in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the Australian Parliament’s capacity to provide meaningful scrutiny of proposed laws, particularly identifying and addressing the impact of emergency powers on the rights of individuals. In this context, the work of parliamentary committees has become increasingly important. Special committees, such as the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19, have been set up to provide oversight and review of Australia’s response to the pandemic. This article gives an early glimpse into the key features of the COVID-19 Committee and the way it may interact with other committees within the federal system to scrutinise the government's legislative response to the pandemic. It also offers some preliminary thoughts on the capacity of these committees to deliver meaningful rights scrutiny.

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Skinner, Richard M., Seth E. Masket, and David A. Dulio. "527 Committees and the Political Party Network." American Politics Research 40, no. 1 (November 8, 2011): 60–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11420420.

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Davis, Sandra. "Goals & Strategies of Political Action Committees." Polity 21, no. 1 (September 1988): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234929.

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Langlois, Anthony J. "Political Research and Human Research Ethics Committees." Australian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1 (March 2011): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.544287.

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Banthin, Joanna, and Leigh Stelzer. "Political Action Committees: Fact, fancy, and morality." Journal of Business Ethics 5, no. 1 (February 1986): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02116137.

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Eismeier, Theodore J., and Philip H. Pollock. "An organizational analysis of political action committees." Political Behavior 7, no. 2 (June 1985): 192–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00988798.

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Geddes, Marc. "Performing Scrutiny along the Committee Corridor of the UK House of Commons." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 6, 2019): 821–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz037.

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Abstract In what ways do practices, relationships and interpretations of scrutiny affect accountability relationships in legislatures? This article examines this question through a detailed study of select committees in the UK House of Commons. Drawing on a number of qualitative methods, this article argues that we can understand accountability in the House of Commons more effectively if we examine the underlying beliefs and practices about scrutiny by MPs and parliamentary officials. This article makes an important contribution in helping scholars to better understand how committees behave and from where they derive their authority. These affect the priorities of committee-based accountability, the style and focus of committee hearings, and the ability of committees to build consensus, with wider implications for the study of accountability.

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Torrance, David, and Adam Evans. "The Territorial Select Committees, 40 Years On." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 860–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz032.

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Abstract The territorial departmental select committees have largely escaped academic scrutiny since their establishment in 1979 (for Scotland and Wales) and 1994 (Northern Ireland). This article charts the history of territorial representation in Westminster, including the creation of grand committees for Scotland and Wales and a Northern Ireland Standing Committee, before explaining the forces that led to the creation of territorial departmental select committees. The article then explores the work of these committees after their formation, and explores how they have responded to the devolution dispensations in their respective nations. A key theme of this article is the influence of constitutional developments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland on territorial committees at Westminster. Indeed, as this article highlights, the different timings of establishment, the asymmetric levels of (in)stability in the various devolution dispensations and prolonged suspensions of devolution in Northern Ireland have had an impact on the role of the respective territorial select committees.

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Winter, Eyal. "Voting and Vetoing." American Political Science Review 90, no. 4 (December 1996): 813–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945844.

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The consequences of veto power in committees is analyzed using the approach of noncooperative bargaining theory. It is first shown that in equilibrium nonveto players do not share in the benefits gained by the decision making of the committee, that is, in every equilibrium outcome of the bargaining game, nonveto players earn zero. Some measures for reducing the excessive power of veto members in committees are analyzed. Specifically, I study the effects of imposing a deadline on negotiations and of expanding the committee by increasing the number of nonveto players. Quantitative results are given for the case of the UN Security Council.

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McKay, Stephen, Mark Goodwin, and Stephen Holden Bates. "A Means to an End and an End in Itself: Select Committee Membership, Parliamentary Roles and Parliamentary Careers, 1979–Present." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz038.

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Abstract Committees are important vehicles for parliamentary careers both as means to a (ministerial) end and as an end in themselves. This article explores the relationship between select committee membership and parliamentary career by analysing committee membership and frontbench appointments for the 2130 Members of Parliament (MPs) first elected since 1979. We focus on two of Donald Searing’s four informal backbench roles—Policy Advocates and Parliament Men and Women—and three of the four formal leadership roles—Whips, Junior Ministers and Ministers. The membership patterns of select committees suggest that MPs approach this aspect of their parliamentary work in different ways concomitant with the roles of Generalist and Specialist Policy Advocates and Good House of Commons Men and Women. The membership patterns also suggest that different groups of MPs—by party, gender and ethnicity—often (choose or are forced to) approach committee work in different ways. We also find membership of some committees is more strongly associated with leadership roles than others.

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MINO, JEAN-CHRISTOPHE, LAURE COPEL, and JEAN-MICHEL ZUCKER. "A French Perspective on Hospital Ethics Committees." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 17, no. 3 (May 21, 2008): 300–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180108080365.

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In this article we highlight the main points of the development of bioethics and ethics committees in France. We argue that the French cultural context of medicine and its current political transformations favor new models of hospital ethics committee and we provide an example of such a model developed at Paris's Institut Curie, the oldest French cancer treatment and research centre.

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Cai, Ru, and Xinping Zhang. "An Empirical Study on the Impact of Individual Local Political Elites and Decision-Making Collective on Educational Fiscal Expenditure in China." Best Evidence in Chinese Education 7, no. 2 (March 30, 2021): 961–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/bece.21.or023.

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Under the current decentralization system in China, individual characteristics of the local political elites and collective characteristics of the standing committees of the local party have an impact on local education fiscal policy. Yet published research on the similarities and differences between the collective influence of the Standing committee and the individual influence of the political elite are lacking. To address this gap in the literature, our study discussed the impact of local political elites represented by the mayor and the secretary and the collective of standing committees of the local party on education fiscal expenditure. We construct multiple regression models and analyze the R2 Change of variables is based on the cross-sectional data from 2015 of 283 prefecture-level administrative units in China. We find that both political elites and the standing committees have significant impacts on fiscal expenditure in education, and that the influence of the latter is greater than that of the former. The effect of individual characteristics and collective characteristics on education fiscal expenditure is not completely consistent across prefectures. China's prefectural governments implement China's unique principle of democratic centralism when they make decisions on local spending for education and the collective decision-making under the leadership of the committee plays an important role in education fiscal expenditure. Based on this, we put forward policy suggestions to further develop the principle of democratic centralism and to optimize optimizing the local government education supply and evaluation mechanism.

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Francis, Katherine, and Brittany Bramlett. "Precongressional Careers and Committees: The Impact of Congruence." American Politics Research 45, no. 5 (February 3, 2017): 755–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16686554.

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We explore the impact that precongressional careers have on the behavior of new members in the U.S. House of Representatives. Does a former doctor act differently in the House than a former state legislator, lawyer, or businesswoman? Is the former doctor more productive as a new member if assigned to a committee that utilizes his or her perceived and actual experiences in the medical field? We posit that new members who are assigned to committees that align with their career experiences are more active legislators and obtain legislative expertise more quickly than other new members of Congress (MCs), with implications for their future political ambition. To explore these claims, we collected an extensive dataset of the precongressional career experiences of first and second term MCs from the 101st-113th Congresses (1989-2014), their committee assignments, legislative activity, and political ambition. We find that MCs with career-committee congruence have a legislative advantage compared with other new MCs, influencing their transition and trajectory in Congress. Many MCs matched with the right committee are more likely to introduce legislation in their policy area. In addition, we provide some evidence that MCs obtain committee leadership positions more often than their peers without the same early advantage.

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Midgley, Henry. "The National Audit Office and the Select Committee System 1979–2019." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 23, 2019): 779–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz034.

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Abstract This is the first account of the relationship between select committees and the National Audit Office (NAO). The relationship has been often dismissed, but this article argues that it has been vital for the success of the committee system. Initially, both the committees and the audit office were established to strengthen the scrutiny of public administration. Despite the intentions of the early reformers, they did not initially collaborate. In the 1990s and 2000s, early reluctance gave way to enthusiastic collaboration between the two institutions. Initially, this collaboration focussed on financial and environmental scrutiny, but it has since expanded as the auditors have gained more confidence and the committees more familiarity with their work. Now the NAO advises committees on subjects such as European Union exit, which it would have never discussed with them only 40 years previously. This article provides both an account of that collaboration and an explanation for why the NAO and the committees have become so closely associated.

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Machado, Cristiani Vieira, Luciana Dias de Lima, Ana Luiza d'Ávila Viana, Roberta Gondim de Oliveira, Fabíola Lana Iozzi, Mariana Vercesi de Albuquerque, João Henrique Gurtler Scatena, Guilherme Arantes Mello, Adelyne Maria Mendes Pereira, and Ana Paula Santana Coelho. "Federalism and health policy: the intergovernmental committees in Brazil." Revista de Saúde Pública 48, no. 4 (August 2014): 642–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-8910.2014048005200.

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OBJECTIVE To analyze the dynamics of operation of the Bipartite Committees in health care in the Brazilian states.METHODS The research included visits to 24 states, direct observation, document analysis, and performance of semi-structured interviews with state and local leaders. The characterization of each committee was performed between 2007 and 2010, and four dimensions were considered: (i) level of institutionality, classified as advanced, intermediate, or incipient; (ii) agenda of intergovernmental negotiations, classified as diversified/restricted, adapted/not adapted to the reality of each state, and shared/unshared between the state and municipalities; (iii) political processes, considering the character and scope of intergovernmental relations; and (iv) capacity of operation, assessed as high, moderate, or low.RESULTS Ten committees had advanced level of institutionality. The agenda of the negotiations was diversified in all states, and most of them were adapted to the state reality. However, one-third of the committees showed power inequalities between the government levels. Cooperative and interactive intergovernmental relations predominated in 54.0% of the states. The level of institutionality, scope of negotiations, and political processes influenced Bipartite Committees’ ability to formulate policies and coordinate health care at the federal level. Bipartite Committees with a high capacity of operation predominated in the South and Southeast regions, while those with a low capacity of operations predominated in the North and Northeast.CONCLUSIONS The regional differences in operation among Bipartite Interagency Committees suggest the influence of historical-structural variables (socioeconomic development, geographic barriers, characteristics of the health care system) in their capacity of intergovernmental health care management. However, structural problems can be overcome in some states through institutional and political changes. The creation of federal investments, varied by regions and states, is critical in overcoming the structural inequalities that affect political institutions. The operation of Bipartite Committees is a step forward; however, strengthening their ability to coordinate health care is crucial in the regional organization of the health care system in the Brazilian states.

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VanDusky-Allen, Julie, and Michael Touchton. "Clientelism by Committee: The Effect of Legislator–Constituent Relationships on Legislative Organization." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (May 31, 2019): 667–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919851872.

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In this paper, we analyze how legislator–voter relationships influence legislative organization. We argue that legislators who engage in clientelistic practices to gain votes will create much larger committee systems, with more committees, than legislators who engage in more programmatic practices. We test these arguments using an original dataset on the number of committees in the lower chambers of seventy-seven democracies throughout the world. Our analysis demonstrates that the number of committees is higher in legislatures with clientelistic practices than in legislatures with programmatic practices. The results provide a new understanding of how legislator–voter relationships influence legislative organization and lay the groundwork for a series of studies that examine how the clientelism-programmatic spectrum influences legislative organization.

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Maer, Lucinda. "Select Committee Reform: Shifting the Balance and Pushing the Boundaries." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (August 14, 2019): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz030.

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Abstract The departmental select committee system, established in 1979, is seen as increasingly powerful, with committees producing more work, engaging with more people, and doing more to scrutinise the actions of those with power than ever before. There have been two main periods of select committee reform over the past 40 years: the first following the 2001 general election, and the second in the run-up to the 2010 general election. More recently, select committees, strengthened by the election of their chairs and members, have pushed at the boundaries of their powers and remit. This article sets out the story of reform.

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Jordan, Soren. "Leadership political action committee donations and party status: A technical and theoretical extension." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 205316801988955. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019889558.

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A recent study by Aldrich, Ballard, Lerner, and Rohde (2017) examines whether a specific type of money—donations from leadership political action committees—is systematically related to party goals outside of policy influence. Their model is theoretically incomplete, as leadership political action committees donate considerable money to candidates who do not help the party win new seats or maintain ideological cohesion. I account for this behavior by introducing a new conditional predictor: incumbency. When modeled as a triple interaction with party status and ideological fit, incumbency helps better explain the donating behavior of leadership political action committees. This interaction is paired with a technical extension, more directly modeling the multiplicity of races in which leadership political action committees do not make a donation in a campaign cycle. I find that extending the study with a more appropriate model allows us to draw better inferences about the behavior of leadership political action committees.

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Gschwend, Thomas, and Thomas Zittel. "Who brings home the pork? Parties and the role of localness in committee assignments in mixed-member proportional systems." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (November 21, 2016): 488–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678884.

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The assignment of seats to specialized standing committees is a most consequential choice in legislative contexts. Distributive theories of legislative organization suggest that electoral incentives to cultivate personal votes result in the self-selection of legislators to committees best suited to please their constituents and, thus, to secure reelection. However, these theories discard the partisan basis of European parliaments and therefore fail to adequately assess the politics of committee assignments in these particular contexts. This article aims to explore the significance of distributive theories for the German case in differentiated ways and on the basis of a new and rich data set including statistical data for five legislative terms (1983, 1987, 1998, 2005, and 2009). It argues that in partisan assemblies, political parties might develop an interest in distributive politics themselves and might assign distinct types of legislators to distinct committees to seek personal votes contingent upon distinct electoral incentives. Particularly, we argue that Germany’s mixed proportional system provides incentives to parties to assign legislators with profound local roots to district committees best suited to please geographic constituents.

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Rivera, Lauren A. "When Two Bodies Are (Not) a Problem: Gender and Relationship Status Discrimination in Academic Hiring." American Sociological Review 82, no. 6 (October 25, 2017): 1111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122417739294.

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Junior faculty search committees serve as gatekeepers to the professoriate and play vital roles in shaping the demographic composition of academic departments and disciplines, but how committees select new hires has received minimal scholarly attention. In this article, I highlight one mechanism of gender inequalities in academic hiring: relationship status discrimination. Through a qualitative case study of junior faculty search committees at a large R1 university, I show that committees actively considered women’s—but not men’s—relationship status when selecting hires. Drawing from gendered scripts of career and family that present men’s careers as taking precedence over women’s, committee members assumed that heterosexual women whose partners held academic or high-status jobs were not “movable,” and excluded such women from offers when there were viable male or single female alternatives. Conversely, committees infrequently discussed male applicants’ relationship status and saw all female partners as movable. Consequently, I show that the “two-body problem” is a gendered phenomenon embedded in cultural stereotypes and organizational practices that can disadvantage women in academic hiring. I conclude by discussing the implications of such relationship status discrimination for sociological research on labor market inequalities and faculty diversity.

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Minta, Michael D. "Diversity and Minority Interest Group Advocacy in Congress." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 208–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919885024.

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This paper examines the role that racial and ethnic diversity plays in improving the legislative success of minority interest groups. Relying on campaign contributions and lobbying expenditures to explain minority interest groups’ influence on legislators’ behavior is not sufficient, because most minority organizations are public charities, or 501(c)(3) organizations, and as such are both banned by federal law from making candidate contributions and limited in how much they can spend on federal lobbying. I argue, however, that the inclusion of more blacks and Latinos on congressional committees enhances the lobbying influence—and thus the legislative success—of civil rights organizations in Congress. Using data from lobbying disclosure reports on bills supported by black American and Latino civil rights groups in the 110th Congress (2007–2008) and 111th Congress (2009–2010), as well as House markup data, I find that National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights (LCCR), and UnidosUS-supported bills referred to House committees with greater proportions of racial and ethnic minorities received more markups than did bills referred to House committees with less diversity. Diversity is significant in predicting committee attention even when accounting for possible confounding factors, including committee jurisdiction and the ideological composition of committee membership.

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Wilson, Graham K. "Corporate Political Strategies." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 2 (April 1990): 281–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005822.

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With one partial exception, political scientists have carried out little empirical research on corporate political activity. That one exception is political action committees, PACs. Perhaps because of the ready availability of apparently reliable data on corporate political contributions, most empirical studies of business political activity have concentrated on PACs. The study of PACs is not, however, synonymous with the study of corporate political behaviour. Indeed, not all corporations have PACs; Sabato estimated that almost half the largest manufacturing corporations did not. At least one politically active corporation, Du Pont, refused for many years to establish a PAC.

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SCHAFFNER, BRIAN F. "Political Parties and the Representativeness Of Legislative Committees." Legislative Studies Quarterly 32, no. 3 (August 2007): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298007781699672.

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Franko, Frederick P. "Further debating the issue of political action committees." AORN Journal 74, no. 2 (August 2001): 236–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0001-2092(06)61534-2.

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Bernstein, Steven L., Carol L. Barsky, and Eleanor Powell. "Professional Societies, Political Action Committees, and Party Preferences." American Journal of Public Health 105, no. 1 (January 2015): e11-e14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2014.302292.

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Goel, Rajeev K. "PACking a punch: Political Action Committees and corruption." Applied Economics 46, no. 11 (February 7, 2014): 1161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2013.868589.

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Wilcox, Clyde. "Political action committees and abortion: A longitudinal analysis." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 9, no. 1 (1989): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1989.9970529.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political committees'

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