Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political committees

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political committees'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political committees"

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Brodine, Virginia Warner. "The Day before Yesterday: the Committees for Nuclear and Environmental Information." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 8, no. 1 (May 1998): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104829119800800104.

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Barry Commoner's leadership in the formation and early years of the Committee for Nuclear Information is described. The Committee's role as a pioneer in providing the public with information on nuclear questions, then the prime environmental issue requiring political action, is outlined. When it changed its name to the Committee for Environmental Information and broadened its scope, the focus continued to be on those environmental issues requiring political decisions. Although both Committees limited themselves to scientific information and did not advocate particular political solutions, they became embroiled in controversies, some of them significant for breaking through barriers of government silence and corporate misinformation.
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Holcomb, John M. "Corporate Political Action Committees." Proceedings of the International Association for Business and Society 4 (1993): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/iabsproc1993425.

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Odendaal, Andries. "The Political Legitimacy of National Peace Committees." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 7, no. 3 (December 2012): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767601.

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A national peace committee is a multi-stakeholder body mandated to implement key peacebuilding objectives, and coordinate a multi-level network of peace committees called an infrastructure for peace. Based on 10 case studies, the article explores the importance of political legitimacy for the success of NPCs and analyses, in particular, the contribution of their mandate, role clarity, composition and competence.
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Krehbiel, Keith, Kenneth A. Shepsle, and Barry R. Weingast. "Why are Congressional Committees Powerful?" American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 929–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962684.

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In “The Institutional Foundations of Committee Power” (this Review, March 1987) Kenneth Shepsle and Barry Weingast made the case that congressional committees are powerful not so much because of members' deference to them as because of the committees' ex post veto, a potential negative committees might deliver, say, at the conference committee stage of lawmaking. But Keith Krehbiel argues that congressional committees have, in fact, never possessed an uncircumventable ex post veto and are very much constrained by their parent chambers. In response, Shepsle and Weingast defend their model of the foundations of committee power.
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Jamil, Nurul Nazlia. "The Effects of Politically Connected Audit Committees on Audit Fees: Evidence in Malaysia." International Finance and Banking 5, no. 1 (March 13, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ifb.v5i1.12815.

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This study aims to contribute to an understanding of politically connected audit committees on audit fees in an emerging market, using the case of Malaysia. Malaysia offers an interesting and important setting as Malaysian companies are highly concentrated and politically sensitive. In particular, the study seeks to examine the level of political connections represented in the audit committees associated with the level of audit fees incurred by Malaysian public listed companies. For the purpose of this study, a quantitative approach (archival data analysis) has been adopted. Three hypotheses are tested: (1) There is a positive relationship between the proportion of audit committee members who are senior government officers (SGO) and audit fees; (2) There is a positive relationship between the proportions of audit committee members who are politicians and audit fees; (3) There is a positive relationship between audit committee characteristics (independence, size, meeting and financial expertise) and audit fees. The results of the study indicate that politically connected audit committees (identified by members who are either senior government officers or politicians) have a significant association with the incidence of higher audit fees. This suggests that politically connected audit committees are able to capitalize on their connections to influence companies and create direct demand for the auditors to increase their audit effort, as measured by audit fees. One of the issues that emerge from these findings is that companies highly value political connections to obtain external resources given the uncertainties in the business environment. Also, the findings highlight the need for stronger corporate governance to mitigate the higher inherent audit risks in politically connected companies.
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Miller, Mark C. "Courts, Agencies, and Congressional Committees: A Neo-Institutional Perspective." Review of Politics 55, no. 3 (1993): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017630.

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Based on over 75 personal interviews with members of Congress and their staffs, this article examines how three House authorization committees differ in their reactions to federal court decisions versus their reactions to federal agency decisions. In general, Congress holds the courts in higher esteem than it does the agencies. The courts are generally seen as less political than the agencies, and committee reactions to court decisions are seen as much more unusual than reactions to agency decisions. The attitudes of the three committees toward decisions of the other institutions vary in ways consonant with their institutional roles, the committees' political cultures, and the primary goals of the committee members. The domination of lawyer members on the policy oriented Judiciary Committee results in that committee being the most deferential to the courts. The constituency focused Interior Committee is oriented to local interests and members' reelection goals, and it responds to the courts or to agencies only when constituency pressures force it to do so. The power oriented Energy and Commerce Committee treats the courts and the agencies just like any other political actors.
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Sonin, K., and I. Khovanskaya. "A Political Economy Model of a Research University." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 7 (July 20, 2009): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-7-132-143.

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Hiring decisions are typically made by committees members of which have different capacity to estimate the quality of candidates. Organizational structure and voting rules in the committees determine the incentives and strategies of applicants; thus, construction of a modern university requires a political structure that provides committee members and applicants with optimal incentives. The existing political-economic model of informative voting typically lacks any degree of variance in the organizational structure, while political-economic models of organization typically assume a parsimonious information structure. In this paper, we propose a simple framework to analyze trade-offs in optimal subdivision of universities into departments and subdepartments, and allocation of political power.
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Jones, Bryan D., Frank R. Baumgartner, and Jeffery C. Talbert. "The Destruction of Issue Monopolies in Congress." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 657–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938742.

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Scholars studying congressional committees have noted the potential for members to seek membership on particular committees, leading to bias. Underpinning this line of scholarship is what might be termed a theory of comparative committee statics, characterized by a cross-sectional empirical approach. We present a new approach that focuses on the dynamics of jurisdictional control. By following a series of issues through the committee hearing process, we show that there is indeed significant issue bias in particular committee venues. However, we also find that new committees often claim jurisdiction over issues as they are redefined in the political process. The degree of jurisdictional monopoly enjoyed by different committees has been overlooked in the literature on this topic in spite of its importance in determining the nature of representation of interests in Congress.
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Raymond, Christopher D., and Sergio Bárcena Juárez. "Constituency Preferences and Committee Selection in the Mexican Cámara de Diputados." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 04 (August 28, 2019): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.26.

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ABSTRACTPrevious research examining selection to legislative committees has assumed that the impact of constituency preferences on committee assignments is due to the incentives for individual legislators to use their committee seats to increase their personal chances of re-election. Examining the case of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies (where legislators were, until recently, barred from re-election), this study argues that the impact of constituency preferences on selection to committees also occurs because parties have incentives for their members to use committee assignments to increase the party’s chances of being re-elected. Analysis of assignments to 11 committees over 4 legislative terms provides support for the argument. These findings reinforce previous research arguing that concerns with constituency representation and its impact on re-election also apply to political parties and not solely to individual legislators.
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King, James D., and Helenan S. Robin. "Political Action Committees in State Elections." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.61-77.

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While the number o f state PACs and their campaign contributions have increased substantially over the past decade, much remains unknown regarding their organization and activities. From a survey o f PACs in three states we develop a portrait o f political action committees, which extends beyond contributions. State PACs form around both economic and ideological issues; have very modest organizational structures; solicit funds primarily by direct mail and personal contacts; typically delegate responsibility for making campaign contributions to committees, which adopt accommodationist strategies; and have extended their activities to include voter education and mobilization. A number o f differences among the various types o f PACs are also evident.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political committees"

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Dal, Bó Ernesto. "Essays on political influence." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273153.

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Dyke, W. T. "The development and strategies of corporate political committees in US politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371633.

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Edwards, Julia Ann. "Local government women's committees : a feminist political practice." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3501.

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Åkerdahl, Helena. "Nationally Initiated Local Peace Committees : On the structure and functioning of the Nakuru Peace Committees in Kenya." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-147702.

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With the evolving concept of Infrastructure for Peace as a starting point, and its emphasis on local ownership of peacebuilding initiatives, I analyse the structure and functioning of Local Peace Committees (LPCs) with the focus on one county in Kenya. The thesis explores a gap in the knowledge of these committees by focusing on the friction between a nationally initiated LPC structure and the creation of local ownership of this peacebuilding operation. The case study analysis is conducted by exploring different perspectives regarding the mandate, role, composition and external support of the nationally initiated Nakuru Peace Committees with the aim to contribute to our knowledge of nationally initiated LPCs and their possibilities and challenges.
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Stokes, Wendy. "'Not an encounter group' : democracy and women's committees." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295573.

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Myers, Brett W. "Effects of the political process on financial topics." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495960301&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Rackaway, Chapman. "Congressional campaigns and congressional campaign committees in the 2000 elections /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3074438.

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Hawes, Derek James. "Select committees : an examination of factors determining their influence on the policy process." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/d8be93d6-d33b-471b-a570-40a53477f5c5.

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Stephan, Yannick. "Parliamentary Standing Committees in the EU policy-making process. : A comparative case study of two committees from the Bundestag." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-172046.

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The EU integration process has led to severe changes in policy-making. On the one hand, authority shifted from the national level to the EU. On the other hand, national level executives have gained power relative to the national legislatures. However, since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, scholars argue for a comeback of national legislatures. In Germany, parliamentary standing committees have gained considerable power throughout these developments. Nonetheless, their traditional role as policy shaper is contested among scholars. Thus, clarification of their role is needed. While, previous analysis has mainly focused on the Bundestag as a unitary actor. This thesis investigates the role of two standing committees of the Bundestag – Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung and Ausschuss für Gesundheit – in the EU policy-making process across two different competence areas emerging due to the Lisbon Treaty. To answer the research questions, semi-structured interviews with committee members have been conducted. The results of the study show a diverging picture. The members of the Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung are considerably constrained in their ability to act as a policy shaper. The members of the Ausschuss für Gesundheit can secure their policy-shaping powers to a great extent. The former committee lacks these qualities concerning the shift of an increasing amount of policy authority in agriculture to the EU, the restricted use and abilities of the Early Warning Mechanism and the constrained ability to influence the minister’s position in the Council. The members of the latter are more successful in securing policy authority in public health at the national level by making use of the EWM. Nonetheless, the restricted ability to influence the minister’s position in the Council is present, too. We can conclude that the Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung has inherited the role of a scrutiniser and executer meanwhile the Ausschuss für Gesundheit can be described as policy shaper.
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Smith, Cheryl-Anne. "An assessment of public participation in selected ward committees in the City of Cape Town." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3692.

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This study investigates public participation at local government level in South Africa, namely, the ward committee system. It will look at the extent to which ward committees, as instruments of public participation, can be said to empower citizen involvement in local government decision-making. Therefore the research question is what do the processes of public participation reveal about public empowerment at municipal government level? To realise the objectives of this study, Fung and Wrights Empowered Participatory Governance (EPG) model is applied to five ward committees in diverse-socio-economic areas in the southern suburbs in the city of Cape Town. It should be noted that EPG is a possible model that can be used to enhance participation and facilitate empowerment at municipal government level.
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Books on the topic "Political committees"

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Peterson, Lorna. Political action committees: A bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1988.

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Board, Conference. Managing Corporate Political Action Committees. S.l: s.n, 1986.

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Morrison, Catherine. Managing corporate political action committees. New York, N.Y: Conference Board, 1986.

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Hadley, Charles D. Money in state political campaigns: Louisiana PACs and political interest groups. [New Orleans]: Division of Business and Economic Research, College of Business Administration, University of New Orleans, 1985.

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Massachusetts. Office of Campaign and Political Finance. Campaign finance guide for political action committees and people's committees. Boston, Mass: The Office, 1995.

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Finance, Massachusetts Office of Campaign and Political. Political action committees and people's committees: A listing of state and country committees and CPF ID numbers. Boston, Mass: Office of Campaign and Political Finance, 1997.

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Massachusetts. Office of Campaign and Political Finance. Campaign finance guide, local political party committees. Boston, MA: The Office, 1998.

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Sabato, Larry J. PAC power: Inside the world of political action committees. New York: Norton, 1985.

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Colburg, Dolores. Accounting manual for candidates and political committees. Helena, Mont: Commissioner of Political Practices, 1988.

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Montana. Office of the Commissioner of Political Practices. Accounting and reporting manual for political committees. Helena, Mont: The Commissioner, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political committees"

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Knopp, Gregory. "Managing Political Action Committees (PACs)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Interest Groups, Lobbying and Public Affairs, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13895-0_156-1.

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Congleton, Roger D. "Committees and Rent-Seeking Effort." In The Political Economy of Rent-Seeking, 251–65. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-1963-5_19.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Royal Commissions, Committees of Inquiry and Tribunals." In British Political Facts 1900–1985, 293–305. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18083-7_7.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Royal Commissions, Committees of Inquiry and Tribunals." In British Political Facts 1900–1994, 291–303. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23751-7_7.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Royal Commissions, Committees of Inquiry and Tribunals." In Twentieth-Century British Political Facts 1900–2000, 315–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62733-2_7.

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O’Shaughnessy, Nicholas J. "The Monopoly of Midas Congress and Political Action Committees." In The Phenomenon of Political Marketing, 98–127. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10352-2_6.

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Sarbaugh-Thompson, Marjorie, Lyke Thompson, Charles D. Elder, John Strate, and Richard C. Elling. "Conflict, Compromise, and Partisanship: Committees Under Term Limits." In The Political and Institutional Effects of Term Limits, 135–52. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980250_9.

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McLean, Iain, Alistair McMillan, and Burt L. Monroe. "The Unity of Political and Economic Science." In The Theory of Committees and Elections by Duncan Black and Committee Decisions with Complementary Valuation by Duncan Black and R.A. Newing, 353–61. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-4860-3_24.

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Beckmann-Schulz, Petra. "Political Action Committees im Politischen System der USA — Die Sonderstellung der PACS der Neuen Rechten." In Die Neue Rechte in den USA, 62–96. Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitätsverlag, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-85318-9_3.

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Kirchhelle, Claas. "From Author to Adviser: Ruth Harrison and the Animal Machines Moment." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 95–124. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_7.

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AbstractThis chapter reconstructs the events following the publication of Animal Machines. Skilful media promotion and Animal Machines’ fusion of contemporary animal welfare, health, and environmental concerns turned it into a bestseller. Critics tried to downplay Harrison’s allegations by drawing on sexist stereotypes and characterising her as a misguided and overemotional female. However, the public outrage triggered by Animal Machines soon forced officials to convene the so-called Brambell committee to review welfare on intensive farms. The committee’s 1965 report acknowledged the importance of animals’ affective states and proposed concrete welfare improvements alongside basic animal freedoms. Officials subsequently committed to installing a dedicated Farm Animal Welfare Advisory Committee (FAWAC) but only implemented some of the other Brambell proposals. Concerned about stalling momentum, Harrison successfully used her status as a charismatic but “moderate” public figure to gain access to FAWAC and the political backstage of British welfare consultation.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political committees"

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BENDESKY, Mora. "Political Toys: Perón’s gifts for children, 1946-55." In Design frontiers: territories, concepts, technologies [=ICDHS 2012 - 8th Conference of the International Committee for Design History & Design Studies]. Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/design-icdhs-032.

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Barbosa, Helena. "Portugal: the fall of the fascist regime as seen through political poster design 1945-1975." In 9th Conference of the International Committee for Design History and Design Studies. São Paulo: Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/despro-icdhs2014-0032.

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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de Campos, Luis M., Juan M. Fernández-Luna, and Juan F. Huete. "Comparing monolithic and committee-based profiles for politician recommendation." In CERI '16: 4th Spanish Conference in Information Retrieval. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2934732.2934740.

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COELHO, Nuno. "Packaging design in Portugal during the 20th century as a political propagandistic device." In Design frontiers: territories, concepts, technologies [=ICDHS 2012 - 8th Conference of the International Committee for Design History & Design Studies]. Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/design-icdhs-048.

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Correa-Ortiz, Didier. "Taller 4 Rojo, Graphics And Politics In Colombia During The 1970s." In 9th Conference of the International Committee for Design History and Design Studies. São Paulo: Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/despro-icdhs2014-0089.

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Gennari, Francesca. "ETHICS COMMITTEES FOR CORPORATE CULTURE OF SUSTAINABILITY." In Fifth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2019.25.

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Celis, L. Elisa, Lingxiao Huang, and Nisheeth K. Vishnoi. "Multiwinner Voting with Fairness Constraints." In Twenty-Seventh International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-18}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2018/20.

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Multiwinner voting rules are used to select a small representative subset of candidates or items from a larger set given the preferences of voters. However, if candidates have sensitive attributes such as gender or ethnicity (when selecting a committee), or specified types such as political leaning (when selecting a subset of news items), an algorithm that chooses a subset by optimizing a multiwinner voting rule may be unbalanced in its selection -- it may under or over represent a particular gender or political orientation in the examples above. We introduce an algorithmic framework for multiwinner voting problems when there is an additional requirement that the selected subset should be ``fair'' with respect to a given set of attributes. Our framework provides the flexibility to (1) specify fairness with respect to multiple, non-disjoint attributes (e.g., ethnicity and gender) and (2) specify a score function. We study the computational complexity of this constrained multiwinner voting problem for monotone and submodular score functions and present several approximation algorithms and matching hardness of approximation results for various attribute group structure and types of score functions. We also present simulations that suggest that adding fairness constraints may not affect the scores significantly when compared to the unconstrained case.
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HAGSTRÖMER, Denise. "‘Swedish Modern’ meets international high politics: the 1959 New Delhi embassy and Ambassador Alva Myrdal." In Design frontiers: territories, concepts, technologies [=ICDHS 2012 - 8th Conference of the International Committee for Design History & Design Studies]. Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/design-icdhs-030.

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MITRANI, Alex. "Politics of fragility in Catalonia: radical austerity in postwar context, its origins and continuity until nowadays." In Design frontiers: territories, concepts, technologies [=ICDHS 2012 - 8th Conference of the International Committee for Design History & Design Studies]. Editora Edgard Blücher, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/design-icdhs-028.

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Reports on the topic "Political committees"

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Chen, Yiran, and Hanming Fang. Inferring the Ideological Affiliations of Political Committees via Financial Contributions Networks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24130.

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Solomon, Morris S. The Agenda and Political Techniques of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada276886.

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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Bano, Masooda, and Zeena Oberoi. Embedding Innovation in State Systems: Lessons from Pratham in India. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/058.

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The learning crisis in many developing countries has led to searches for innovative teaching models. Adoption of innovation, however, disrupts routine and breaks institutional inertia, requiring government employees to change their way of working. Introducing and embedding innovative methods for improving learning outcomes within state institutions is thus a major challenge. For NGO-led innovation to have largescale impact, we need to understand: (1) what factors facilitate its adoption by senior bureaucracy and political elites; and (2) how to incentivise district-level field staff and school principals and teachers, who have to change their ways of working, to implement the innovation? This paper presents an ethnographic study of Pratham, one of the most influential NGOs in the domain of education in India today, which has attracted growing attention for introducing an innovative teaching methodology— Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) – with evidence of improved learning outcomes among primary-school students and adoption by a number of states in India. The case study suggests that while a combination of factors, including evidence of success, ease of method, the presence of a committed bureaucrat, and political opportunity are key to state adoption of an innovation, exposure to ground realities, hand holding and confidence building, informal interactions, provision of new teaching resources, and using existing lines of communication are core to ensuring the co-operation of those responsible for actual implementation. The Pratham case, however, also confirms existing concerns that even when NGO-led innovations are successfully implemented at a large scale, their replication across the state and their sustainability remain a challenge. Embedding good practice takes time; the political commitment leading to adoption of an innovation is often, however, tied to an immediate political opportunity being exploited by the political elites. Thus, when political opportunity rather than a genuine political will creates space for adoption of an innovation, state support for that innovation fades away before the new ways of working can replace the old habits. In contexts where states lack political will to improve learning outcomes, NGOs can only hope to make systematic change in state systems if, as in the case of Pratham, they operate as semi-social movements with large cadres of volunteers. The network of volunteers enables them to slow down and pick up again in response to changing political contexts, instead of quitting when state actors withdraw. Involving the community itself does not automatically lead to greater political accountability. Time-bound donor-funded NGO projects aiming to introduce innovation, however large in scale, simply cannot succeed in bringing about systematic change, because embedding change in state institutions lacking political will requires years of sustained engagement.
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Deal, Jennifer, Kristin Cullen, Sarah Stawiski, William Gentry, and Marian Ruderman. World Leadership Survey Biannual Report on Employee Commitment and Engagement 2013–2014. Center for Creative Leadership, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.35613/ccl.2015.2048.

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" From the Executive Summary: ""The purpose of the World Leadership Survey (WLS) is to provide a window into how professionals, managers, and executives view their life within the organization. This view of the employee experience will help leaders of organizations understand what employees experience, and what the organization can do to improve commitment and reduce turnover. The good news for organizations in the United States and Canada (the sample for this report) is that respondents are mostly committed to their organizations, satisfied with their jobs and their pay, work more than the typical 40-hour workweek, and do not currently intend to leave their jobs. The professionals, managers, and executives surveyed feel supported by their organization and by their direct supervisor, and think that their organizations are economically stable. Unfortunately they also feel overloaded, with their work disproportionately interfering with the rest of life, and that there is a high level of political behavior within their organization. Both overload and overt political behavior can reduce individual and organizational effectiveness. This report describes the current employee experience, and what organizations can focus on to maintain and improve commitment and engagement."
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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.

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Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Aisling Reidy, Kassim Nishtar, Sara Darehschori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/rr/2021/1.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created enormous challenges for national economies, livelihoods, and public services, including health systems. In January 2021, the World Health Organization proposed an international treaty on pandemics to strengthen the political commitment towards global pandemic preparedness, control, and response. The plan is to present a draft treaty to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. To inform the design of a support system for this treaty, we explored existing mechanisms for periodic reviews conducted either by peers or an external group as well as mechanisms for in-country investigations, conducted with or without country consent. Based on our review, we summarized key design principles requisite for review and investigation mechanisms and explain how these could be applied to pandemics preparedness, control, and response in global health. While there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right, there is potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms. A Universal Periodic Review design based on the model of human rights treaties with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body, if made obligatory, could support compliance with a new pandemic treaty. In terms of on-site investigations, the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture could lend itself to treaty monitoring and outbreak investigations on short notice or unannounced. These mechanisms need to be put in place in accordance with several core interlinked design principles: compliance; accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. The World Health Organization can incentivize and complement these efforts. It has an essential role in providing countries with technical support and tools to strengthen emergency preparedness and response capacities, including technical support for creating surveillance structures, integrating non-traditional data sources, creating data governance and data sharing standards, and conducting regular monitoring and assessment of preparedness and response capacities.
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Bylaws of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association Political Action Committee. Rockville, MD: American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/policy.by1999-00163.

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Bylaws of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association Political Action Committee. Rockville, MD: American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/policy.by2011-00323.

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