Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political change'
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Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.
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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
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Powell, Keith Baden. "School sport and political change." University of the Western Cape, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8130.
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Magister Educationis - MEdThis dissertation will attempt to explain the changes that have and are taking place within south African sport and especially school sport. This will be viewed in the context of changing political developments. The central question that will be addressed is whether progressive school sports bodies can effect meaningful political change. Kuhn's theory of scientific revolutions will be used as the theoretical framework for understanding social and political change. He developed the concept of paradigms (frame of .reference) in which an established paradigm prevails, challenged by an emerging rival paradigm. This theory has been applied to the present day south African political context in which the apartheid structure is the prevailing paradigm and the democratic movement, the emerging rival paradigm.
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Nyoni, Frowin Paul. "Conformity and change : Tanzanian rural theatre and socio-political changes." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.436092.
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Ishiyama, Howard Jiro. "Incremental change, turnaround, and transformation : toward a theory of public organizational change." Connect to resource, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1266934745.
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Howarth, Nicholas A. A. "The political economy of technological change, energy and climate change." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:96957dc1-2bc8-466f-8963-4a7edbc0569c.
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This thesis sets out to explore some of the key dimensions in the process of socio-technological change inherent in the shift to a low carbon economy. This is done in two parts, the first focusing on theory, the second, empirical case studies. Out of the diversity of interactions between actors, technologies, and policies surrounding this process, one key question emerges: can societies really shift the structure of their economies so fundamentally to achieve a low carbon future within a reasonable timeframe? Chapter One develops an integrated approach to economic and political change to interrogate this question. This synthesizes a review of literature (Part One) examining the role of technology within some of the main theories of economic change in the social sciences. Two broad paradigms are distinguished. First, a paradigm based around the notion of equilibrium, notably the standard welfare approach of neoclassical economics; and secondly, an evolutionary paradigm, which views the economy as a complex adaptive system – such as exemplified by theories of path dependency. This theoretical background provides a broad narrative to frame and inform Part Two of the thesis. First in Chapter Four, socio-technical change is investigated in the context of the diffusion of energy efficient lighting in Germany. This study investigates the relationships between human behaviour and attitudes, lamp technology and the evolving nature of institutions, to provide a framework with which to consider the contentious issue of individual freedom versus government control in the politics of change to lower-carbon emissions. In Chapter Five, the case for the creation of a market for CO2 pollution permits is developed. In making this case, the strengths and weaknesses of emissions trading are compared and contrasted with other policy instruments and the broader political economy of the various policy options discussed. Chapter 6 builds on this to examine the political economy of implementing an emissions trading scheme in Australia and the impact the Kyoto Protocol has had on domestic politics and GHG mitigation. Chapter Seven continues with the theme of building ‘a political ecology of the state’ by investigating the politics and economics of greenhouse gas mitigation in Russia. Finally, Chapter Eight recapitulates the aims, nature and conclusions of this research and draws out its implications for policy as well as mapping out some areas for further research. In particular, the need to bring a greater sense of politics back into the study of the economy is highlighted as a vital part of building a renewed, more sustainable economic paradigm in the wake of the financial crisis and, as a way of strengthening the connection between social values and market outcomes.
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MacDonald, Catriona M. M. "The radical thread : political change in Scotland : Paisley politics 1885-1924." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1995. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21281.
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This is a study of the transition of the political community of Paisley in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century, from one dominated by industrial paternalism and local Liberal Party hierarchies to one in which deferential modes of electoral behaviour had broken down. It questions many historiographical conventions and orthodoxies regarding the rise of' the Labour Party in Scotland and, by focussing on the language of political discourse, seeks to highlight an important historical continuum in the evolutlon of challenges to Liberal dominInance from both 'left' and 'right' in the form of locally defined Radical Tradition. Through the extensive use of the local press, company records records and trade union and party minutes, the study considers political change in its wider economic, industrial and cultural context, developing a theory of political change which reaches out to an appreciation of how 'community' forms determined both the pace and character of change. Beyond this, however, changes in Paisley are further considered in their national context. Through the use of national party archives, the collected papers of prominant political leaders and parrliamentarians and a wide variety of secondary sources, a picture of Paisley as a community which, whilst following many, national trends, proved locked in nineeteenth-century patterns of status politics far longer than comparable Scottish burghs and Engiish cotIon towns. The analysis of the evolution of political change, as presented in this study, moves bevond conventional class-based models of party politics to an appreciation of the totality of the political experience as the product of the continual re-definition of popular political traditions, and in this case, the emergence of new strands in a Radical thread.
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Theron, Jean Monique. "Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.
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MAThesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
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Rosander, Jennifer. "The impact of political association : How political association can change attitudes towards non-political clothes." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Psykologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176432.
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According to social identity theory people categorize themselves and others into groups based on political affiliation. The political group identity makes them favor policies and people associated with the political ingroup and disapprove of policies and people associated with the political outgroup. The purpose of this study was to investigate if this effect could extend to attitudes on non-political clothes associated with politicians. 638 Swedish adults partook in an online experimental survey. Participants evaluated pictures of clothes worn by famous Swedish politicians and non-political persons on two occasions. On the first occasion, identity was unknown, and on the second occasion, identity was revealed. When revealing identity, participants rated clothes worn by outgroup politicians less beautiful and clothes worn by ingroup politicians more beautiful. They were also willing to pay more for clothes that they learned were worn by ingroup politicians. Participants were also analyzed by their political left or right placement. Both leftist and rightist participants rated clothes worn by opposite political groups less beautiful. This tendency was stronger for rightists. Additionally, rightists rated clothes worn by rightist politicians more beautiful and were willing to pay more for them when learning about their political affiliation. In conclusion, by associating non-political items with politicians our attitudes towards those items can change, thus political association can affect our attitudes outside of the political realm.
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Simmons, Robin. "Further education, political economy and social change." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2009. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/7071/.
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This submission contains eight papers and a synoptic commentary to be examined for the award of PhD on the Basis of Published Work. The papers focus upon the further education (FE) system in England. Each examines significant contemporary or historical issues and provides a critical analysis of the changing nature of FE. Collectively, the publications constitute an original and significant contribution to understanding further education and the social and economic context within which it is placed. The commentary highlights the links between the different papers and demonstrates their coherence; it locates the publications within an overarching analytical framework; and it shows how the work submitted makes a significant contribution to knowledge. It also explains my contribution to the three coauthored papers that constitute part of this thesis. It is argued that, taken together, my work provides a sustained and consistent critique of the English further education system from a critical materialist perspective.
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Emmonds, Kerry Louise. "Social theory and political change in Argentina." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ39822.pdf.
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Larmer, Miles. "Zambia's mineworkers and political change, 1964-1991." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412779.
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Sater, James Nadim. "Civil society and political change in Morocco." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1257/.
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Since the early 1990s, Morocco has been undergoing a period of political change and refonn. At the same time, Morocco witnessed an increased activity of organisations of civil society, which have been able to initiate discourses on human rights, women's rights and also Berber rights. As a result, political change has been associated with increasing political space that has been accorded to these non-state actors. By focusing on the relationship between changing features of the Moroccan state on the one hand, and increasing civil society activity on the other, this thesis aims to answer the question of whether organisations of civil society have constituted a factor in their own right that has contributed to political change in Morocco. While the general assumption is that increased civil society activity leads to changes towards 'democracy', it is aimed to show that this assumption does not always hold. Therefore, the concept of civil society will be coupled with that of the public sphere, in order to illustrate how increasing activity in the public sphere has an impact on policy makers without, however, forcing rulers to embrace full, Westemstyle democracy. Consequently, far from considering the lack of civil society's 'democratic' challenge to the regime as a default, it will be shown that this has been one of civil society's most essential features and one which allowed it to rally for rights-oriented policies.
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Batlle, Margarita, and José Ricardo Puyana. "Political reforms and political parties in Colombia: when change is the rule." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92455.
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This article analyzes the different electoral reforms that have taken place since 1990 and the changes that have characterized the party system in Colombia, mainly in terms of fragmentation and volatility of preferences, with an emphasis on the competition that takes place at the national level and on the origin and dynamics of the new coalition government established by President Juan Manuel Santos in 2010. In addition, we observe the configuration created by the regional and local elections of October 2011 and we discuss on the relationship between electoral regulations and the post conflict scenary. In particular, we deal with questions about the future of Colombian representative institutions, especially rules that determine access to elected office and a possible political participation of demobilized guerrillas. In that sense, it is argued that while the objectives of previous reforms were to achieve higher levels of governance, this new context may put the discussion on the need to sacrifice governance for achieving greater representation back in the center of the debate.El presente artículo analiza las diferentes reformas electorales que han tenido lugar desde 1990, y los cambios que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos, fundamentalmente en términos de fragmentación y volatilidad de las preferencias, con un énfasis en la competencia que tiene lugar en el nivel nacional y en el origen y las dinámicas de la coalición de gobierno creada por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos en 2010. Además, se observa la configuración que puso en evidencia el proceso electoral regional y local de octubre de 2011 y se problematiza la relación entre reglas electorales y postconflicto, especialmente, las reglas que determinan el acceso a los cargos de elección popular y una posible participación de los guerrilleros desmovilizados. En ese sentido, se arguye que, aunque al observar los objetivos de las reformas anteriores la apuesta había sido por lograr mayores niveles de gobernabilidad, este nuevo contexto vuelve a poner en debate la necesidad de sacrificar gobernabilidad por el logro de mayor representatividad.
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Smith, Clinton R. "Online contentious politics : Internet use in the dynamics of political change in Singapore /." view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404353501&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-403). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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McLeod, J. David. "Peaceful change revisited : neorealist theory and the prospects for peaceful international political change." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388421.
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Gano, John Victor. "Generational change in Japanese nationalism." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14850.
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Goode, Jess. "Master Frames and Opinion Change." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1470077336.
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Nash, Hassan Khalid. "POLITICAL EVOLUTION:A Theory on the Phenomenon of Political Change in a Social Construct." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1493399185427214.
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Nishant, Chadha. "Essays on Indian economic development and political change." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44002.
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Post independence Indian politics was dominated by one party, the Indian National Congress. The first serious challenge to the Congress emerged in the late 1960s, in the form of peasant parties in north India, the Bhartiya Lok Dal (BLD). By the late 1980's the Congress had considerably weakened, and a new wave of parties emerged, this time based in ethnic identity, the right wing Hindu Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and the low caste Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). This thesis studies the role that economic changes played in the emergence of these parties and some economic effects of these political developments. The first research chapter empirically investigates the role of the Green revolution (adoption of new seed varieties) in the political mobilization of peasants and the emergence of the BLD. The emergence of the BSP led to the strengthening of the low caste political network. Access to this new network gave low caste people increased bargaining power over corrupt officials. The effect that this had is the subject of the second chapter. I find that the emergence of the BSP leads to increased influence of low caste households over corrupt officials and reduction in the bribes they pay. The last chapter studies the sharp increase in support for ethnic parties, the BJP and BSP, between the period 1989-96. It specifically investigates whether these increases were related to ethnic polarization. I uncover a positive relationship. During this time period more polarized districts experienced greater increases in the support for ethnic parties. The main contribution of this thesis lies in postulating and finding evidence for the relationship between economic and political changes in India in the recent past.Arts, Faculty of
Vancouver School of Economics
Graduate
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Parker-Stephen, Evan Stimson James A. "Learning about change information, motivation, and political perception /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,763.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Li, Jessica. "Internet control and authoritarianism : regimes defying political change." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/742.
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An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.
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Szusterman, J. C. "Developmentalism and political change in Argentina, 1955-1962." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376023.
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Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla, and 趙潔儀. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975045.
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Karadeli, Sedat Cem. "Legitimacy and the post-communist Hungarian political change." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2077/.
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Legitimacy is a key but a-changing concept in political science. It has evolved in parallel with the changing political realities throughout history. In the current political environment, legitimacy of a political order depends on its approval by people at the domestic level. However, this domestic approval has to be sustained by an international approval, an attribute underlined especially during the Cold War era. Latin American crises of legitimacy and the more recent East European crises of legitimacy provide concrete examples for this. Hungary, as one of the East European countries which underwent the post-communist systemic transformation faces a renewed crisis of legitimacy. The grounds of legitimation have changed in comparison with the grounds of legitimation of the ancien regime, especially under the Kádárist rule. This thesis analyses the Kádárist attempts at legitimation, and then focuses on the post-communist system in Hungary to compare it with the ancien regime in search of the answer to the question what has changed during the transformation. This study focuses on legitimacy with its domestic and international dynamics, taking into consideration the systemic, institutional and social changes in the post-communist era. It concludes that a combination of political, economic and social improvements will ensure the new system’s legitimate status in both domestic and international arenas.
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Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12333499.
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Udoh, Ofonimeh Sam. "Environmental change, strategy formulation and restructuring : a connecting model for change in local government." Thesis, University of East London, 2002. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/3556/.
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While central government has always used legislative means to bring about change in local authorities, the scope and scale of this imperative has changed significantly in the recent past. Thus, rather than just setting the framework within which local authorities operate, legislation has become increasingly prescriptive. Examples of the most recent legislation introduced include: The Local Government Acts, 1988, 1992, 1999, 2000, The Local Government (contracts) Act 1997, The National Health Services and Community Care Act 1990, The Local Government and Housing Act 1989, The Education Reform Act 1988, The Local Government Finance Act 1988, The Rates Act 1984, The Housing Act 1980 and The Local Government Planning and Land Act 1980. There is a widespread assumption in local authorities that in order to meet the growing demands of legislative changes, they have to become ever more strategic. The shift to strategy formulation as opposed to monolithic planning has been problematic because the reality of implementation is often underestimated. Strategy is a direction or a pattern of decisions, which aims for a fit between the organisation's internal capabilities and its external environment. The concept draws a line between formulation and action. The problem with this approach is that it fails to link implementation simultaneously into the process of formulation. This means that the key consideration of discursive practices is largely ignored. This research has examined and developed a historical analysis of change in local government with particular emphasis on government legislation and has examined how local authorities have responded to legislative-driven change through strategy formulation and implementation. The primary data for this has been based on in-depth interviews and a large sample survey of local authorities in England. For this purpose, five local authorities have been studied in order to identify the extent to which they have been able to implement existing and emerging legislation by relating key processes adopted in their strategy formulation and implementation to their achievements. The in-depth case studies have been followed by a detailed quantitative study encompassing data collected from 265 respondents from local authorities in England together with existing and emerging government statistics. This research has culminated in a connecting model, which shows the interrelationship that exists between legislative environmental change, strategy formulation and implementation and discursive practices. This connecting model provides a framework that help explain not only the process of change at the strategic level, but also how legislation will be interpreted, implemented and the degree to which it is likely to succeed or fail.
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Arnold, Hans. "Change? : Zur Präsidentschaft von Barack Obama." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/2781/.
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Wie beständig ist der Mythos „Barack Obama“? Klar ist: Der neue Präsident tritt ein schweres Erbe an. Herausforderungen wie die Wirtschaftskrise, schwierige außen- und sicherheitspolitische Gegebenheiten und die Beziehungen zu Russland warten auf ihn. Der Autor, ein exzellenter Kenner der USA und ehemaliger Diplomat, beleuchtet die Situation der Vereinigten Staaten nach der Wahl.
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Hefferman, M. J. "The politics of literacy : Cultural change and political responses in nineteenth-century provincial France." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384482.
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Boulding, Carew Elizabeth. "Protest, voting and political change the effects of NGOs on politics in developing democracies /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3258708.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 4, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 184-197).
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Hale, Michael S. "Political socializtion [sic]: change and stability in political attitudes among and within age cohorts." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/391.
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For as long as people have held opinions in the political realm, there has been research trying to decipher exactly what people think and believe as well as when they begin to hold these beliefs. This present study sorts the respondents studied into age cohorts and then follows them throughout the data. All of the data used in this study are from the National Election Study Data from 1984, 1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2004. This study is a repeated cross-sectional study since different individuals are used throughout the study, and this study measures opinions only on the aggregate level. Sorting the respondents into age cohorts allows this study to track people of similar age as they respond to different life experiences as well as world events as they age. When appropriate, the data are compared to the main models of political socialization to determine how accurate these generally accepted models are. The items analyzed in this study vary greatly in subject as well as how specific they are. Everything from United States Presidential vote choices, opinions on affirmative action and federal welfare spending to political knowledge is analyzed to ascertain if these things interact with age, and if they do interact with age, to what extent. Besides observing opinions on these issues, certain issues will have their saliency measured throughout the years using the Somers' D statistic. This will help determine what issues people are thinking of when they are forming their ideology. The results from this paper show that some issues and beliefs, such as self-described ideology and political knowledge, are very strongly related to age. Other issues and beliefs in the political realm, such as strength of United States Presidential vote choice and opinions on federal welfare spending, seem to not be related to age or influenced heavily by period effects and other things besides age.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Villa, M. "From democratization to political liberalization: formalizing, operationalizing and testing political regime choice and change." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/392797.
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Over a decade has gone by since the renaissance of autocratic studies, which greatly contributed to refining the knowledge accumulated from the democratization studies literature. However, almost all contributions within the field have focused on classifying autocracies along "autocratic types" (e.g. placing countries into categories that comprise civil, military, royal or personalistic dictatorships), while close to none asked whether we should be interested in explaining variation along political liberalization levels.
I propose a measure of political regime openness which is correlated but significantly different from indexes of democracy. I then produce a tripartite classification of the political space linked to a theoretical model (dividing countries between closed autocracies, open autocracies, and democracies), and empirically test the correlates of these liberalization types and pro- and anti-liberalization transitions in 154 countries of the world between 1970 and 2007.
I produce multiple tripartite classifications according to different political regime openness thresholds, and show that empirical findings are highly robust to different conceptualizations of this latent variable.
To assuage the problems of high missingness levels in a host of theoretically-relevant correlates, I employ known but seldom-used empirical methods (multiple imputations). This allows me to include a much higher number of regressors without resorting to listwise deletion or to bias-inducing single/"expert" imputation techniques. At the same time, by incorporating the uncertainty around missing data instead of doing away with it, this allows me to retain only very significant findings and to do away with the rest.
Empirical findings show that, after controlling for relevant correlates, no political liberalization or autocratic retrenchment (time-clustering) "wave" occurs within the sample period. On the contrary, spatial autocorrelation and regime duration are key to understanding autocratic and democratic resilience.
In terms of substantive socio-economic correlates, I find that inequality levels have a crucial role to play in determining political liberalization levels at the early stages of a polity, but tend to become irrelevant later on. I am also able to adjudicate between long-standing theories of inequality and democracy, finding in favor of those arguing that higher liberalization levels should be found at average, not low, levels of inequality.
My findings also show that the modernization theory should be problematized: while countries with higher levels of economic well-being tend to be more politically liberal, the same higher levels of economic well-being tend to tip the balance in favor of regime resilience in general. In autocracies, this process is liable to open up a rift between the preferences of the population and those of the governing elite(s). This is most evident in non-rentier countries, where governing actors have less leeway to buy out consensus, and is also currently applicable to hydrocarbon-dependent countries who have to cope with low international prices.
These findings are relevant to scholars and policymakers alike. First, they suggest that the international community should think twice about supporting democratization attempts, which may have a higher likelihood of failing whenever structural conditions are not favorable in the first place. Sometimes, political liberalizations within autocracies could be preferred.
Second, while GDP growth is correlated with changes in political liberalization levels, in fact economic recessions are only found to increase the likelihood of autocratic retrenchment. Policymakers arguing in favor of economic sanctions are advised to take into account that the most likely outcome is for the existing government – or for a different government succeeding it – to veer towards a less liberal political regime. Current sanctions against Russia and Syria (not to mention North Korea) may be a case in point.
Third, findings emphasize the role of agency. Structural relations within a polity do not perfectly determine political regime choice and change, and the same trend can have controversial effects over the likelihood of choosing a more liberal political regime and the likelihood of transitioning in the first place. Therefore, whenever policymakers and the international community are determined into “nudging” a country into a more liberal political regime, they are advised to concentrate over specific actors – e.g. governments in exile, oppositions within and outside the country, the military, etc. – and work with them towards a common objective. The bottom line is: while economic sanctions appear to be the easiest way to coordinate international action against an illiberal government, broader political action, while more costly, has a higher chance of succeeding in the longer run.
Fourth, political regime transitions are associated with higher degrees of political violence. Whenever politicians, or the public opinion, side in favour of regime change in illiberal countries, they should be aware that this may not come at a small cost in terms of human lives lost or infrastructural damage. As conflicts in Syria and Libya that are dragging on since the 2011 Arab Spring show, attempted transitions may degenerate into longstanding violent confrontations.
Finally, as Egypt’s autocratic retrenchment shows, any regime transition “resets the clock” of a regime’s durability, making it more likely to change again within the next few years. At the same time, both Egypt on the one hand and Tunisia on the other are evidence that, aside from differing structural conditions, the main actors of a polity are the ultimate source of political regime choice and change.
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Schöll, Nikolas Bahati. "How new technologies change politics." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/674005.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates how new technologies such as social media,
digitalizing workplaces, and robotization change society and politics. The first
chapter focuses on new technologies affecting the democratic process itself,
more specifically we study political communication on social media. Analyzing
the behavior of Spanish politicians on Twitter, we describe how the structure of
the social network lets politicians focus more on issues relevant to their own
social group. The second and third chapter analyze how political preferences are
shaped by new technologies through changing work environments and diverging
job opportunities. We show that digitalization and robotization tranform labor
markets by affecting existing jobs, but also by changing the type of jobs
available. As a second step, we link these changes in career prospects to changes
in political preferences and voting behavior. In particular, chapter two studies the
economic and political trajectories of British workers directly affected by
digitalization. Chapter three studies the indirect effects of digitalization and
robotization by comparing the trajectories of different regions in West GermanyDiese Dissertation unersucht wie neue Technologien wie soziale Medien, Digitalisierung von Arbeitspl¨atzen und Robotisierung die Gesellschaft und Politik ver¨andern. Das erste Kapitel befasst sich mit neuen Technologien, die den demokratischen Prozess selbst beeinflussen, genauer gesagt untersuchen wir die politische Kommunikation in den sozialen Medien. Wir analysieren das Verhalten spanischer Politiker auf Twitter und beschreiben, wie die Struktur des sozialen Netzwerks Politiker sich st¨arker auf Themen konzentrieren l¨asst, die f¨ur ihre eigene soziale Gruppe relevant sind. Im zweiten und dritten Kapitel analysieren wir, wie politische Pr¨aferenzen durch neue Technologien, ver¨anderte Arbeitsumfelder und auseinanderstrebende Besch¨aftigungsm¨oglichkeiten gepr¨agt werden. Wir zeigen, dass Digitalisierung und Robotisierung den Arbeitsmarkt beeinflussen, indem sie bestehende Jobs ver¨andern, aber auch indem sie die Art neugeschaffener Jobs ver¨andern. In einem zweiten Schritt verkn¨upfen wir diese Ver¨anderungen der Berufsaussichten mit Ver¨anderungen der politischen Pr¨aferenzen und des Wahlverhaltens. In Kapitel zwei werden insbesondere die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Entwicklungen britischer Arbeitnehmer untersucht, die direkt von der Digitalisierung betroffen sind. In Kapitel drei werden die indirekten Auswirkungen von Digitalisierung und Robotisierung untersucht, indem die Entwicklung westdeutscher Landkreise verglichen wird.
Aquesta tesi investiga com les noves tecnologies, com ara les xarxes socials, la digitalització dels llocs de treball i la robotització, canvien la societat i la política. El primer capítol se centra en les noves tecnologies que afecten el propi procés democràtic, més concretament estudiem la comunicació política a les xarxes socials. Analitzant el comportament dels polítics espanyols a Twitter, descrivim com l’estructura de la xarxa social fa que els polítics se centrin més en temes rellevants per al grup social. Al segon i tercer capítol analitzem com les preferències polítiques es veuen modelades per les noves tecnologies a través dels canvis als entorns laborals i la divergència d’oportunitats de treball. Mostrem que la digitalització i la robotització alteren els mercats laborals en afectar els llocs de treball existents, però també en canviar el tipus de feina disponible. Com a segon pas, vinculem aquests canvis en les oportunitats laborals amb els canvis en les preferències polítiques i el comportament de vot. En particular, el capítol dos estudia les trajectòries econòmiques i polítiques dels treballadors britànics directament afectats per la digitalització. El capítol tres estudia els efectes indirectes de la digitalització i de la robotització comparant les trajectòries de diferents regions d’Alemanya Occidental.
Esta tesis investiga cómo las nuevas tecnoloíıas, como las redes sociales, la digitalización de los lugares de trabajo y la robotización, cambian la sociedad y la políica. El primer capítulo se centra en las nuevas tecnologías que afectan al propio proceso democrático, más concretamente estudiamos la comunicación política en las redes sociales. Analizando el comportamiento de los políticos españoles en Twitter, describimos cómo la estructura de la red social hace que los políticos se centren más en temas relevantes para su propio grupo social. En el segundo y tercer capítulo analizamos cómo las preferencias políticas se ven moldeadas por las nuevas tecnologías a través de los cambios en los entornos laborales y la divergencia de oportunidades de trabajo. Mostramos que la digitalización y la robotización alteran los mercados laborales al afectar a los puestos de trabajo existentes, pero también al cambiar el tipo de empleo disponible. Como segundo paso, vinculamos estos cambios en las oportunidades laborales con los cambios en las preferencias políticas y el comportamiento de voto. En particular, el capítulo dos estudia las trayectorias económicas y políticas de los trabajadores británicos directamente afectados por la digitalización. El capítulo tres estudia los efectos indirectos de la digitalización y la robotización comparando las trayectorias de diferentes regiones de Alemania Occidental.
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Episcopo, Val. "Strain and weight change." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Lecheminant, Amanda Lorraine. "The change political world : how and why young people vote." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1443.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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TANG, Shuk On Fiona. "Japan : regime change in the "lost decade"." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2005. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/7.
Full textAbstract:
The shift in both the political and economic situations of Japan in the post- 1993s caught the attention of observers because the abrupt changes were unparalleled in other Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. Politically, a single conservative party had dominated Japan’s electoral and government spheres in a way unmatched in any other industrialized democracy two-to-one majorities over the next largest party; complete control of all cabinet posts; and a relatively large influence of government over the economy. Economically too, Japan’s rapid growth had also been without parallel and had put it at the head of the countries called the “Asian dragons”. The national growth rates of Japan were also double those of other OECD countries in the postwar period; labour productivity in manufacturing and industry was far greater; unemployment and inflation were dramatically lower; saving rates of people remained consistently higher; and overseas investments and holdings exploded more dramatically. All these successes had shocked the rest of the world.
However, the loss of the dominance by the LDP and the end of the high growth of Japan's economy in the early 1990s contributed to what many Japanese have come to call the 'lost decade' and resulted in serious debates over the political and economic direction of Japan.
This thesis uses a qualitative research methodology. A theoretical model of regime change will be used to analyze the political and economic shift of Japan.
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Sullivan, Heather Huber Evelyne. "Political opening and tactical change Mexican protest, 1964-2000 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,897.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Jussila, Hammes Johanna. "Essays on the political economy of land use change /." Göteborg : Dept. of Economics, School of Economics and Commercial Law, Göteborg University, 2005. http://www.handels.gu.se/epc/archive/00004451/01/Jussila%5Favhandl.pdf.
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Hammes, Johanna Jussila. "Essays on the political economy of land use change." Göteborg : Kompendiet, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/507365801.pdf.
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Melloni, Nicola. "Political change and institutional development in post-Soviet Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600800.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the process of political change, economic transformation and institutional development in Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It assesses the outcomes of the transition as the results of a multifaceted process. At theoretical level, the work analyses Russian transformation as an integral part of Russian history. Institutional theory. in its various ramifications, has been the analytical tool on which my study is based on. In particular, this work seeks to connect the determinants of power struggle and distribution with institutional change and development. It does so by explaining not only why and how certain institutions were designed - a field in which rational choice can be of great help - but also why and how these institutions failed to create a modern market democracy - and here historical and sociological institutionalism are necessary tools of the research. At empirical level, this thesis investigates the socio-economic structures that Russia inherited from the former Soviet Union and in particular, the relative strength of the old nomenklatura and the weakness of alternative social forces. The nomenklatura exploited the dramatic weakening of the central authority to expropriate vast economic resources, to hijack the course of the reforms and to consolidate its powerful position by impeding the development of a modem market economy. Nevertheless, the equilibrium reached between political and economic actors was not a stable one because it was based only on the exploitation of public resources without creating the conditions for the reproduction of economic relations. In this sense, Putin's ascent to power is explained as an attempt to stabilise this situation by reaffirming the role of the state and re-defining the relations between both the centre and the regions and the state and the "oligarchs". This research concludes that despite the efforts of the reformers, the ultimate goal of transforming Russia in a liberal country was not achieved. Traditional patrimonialism, albeit in a modernised version, and political soft authoritarianism have emerged as the economic and political framework of the new Russia.
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Nimako, Kwame. "Economic change and political conflict in Ghana, 1600-1990 /." Amsterdam : Thesis, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355433667.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. "The politics of wealth distribution in post-Soeharto Indonesia : political power, corruption and institutional change." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1040/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the processes through which the redistribution of political and economic power is taking place in post-Soeharto Indonesia. In order to do this, patterns of `grand' corruption between the business community and the state are explored in three sites: the allocation of government contracts, the interaction between business associations and the state, and the negotiations over the repayment of debt. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is further hypothesised that efforts to limit corruption are badly served by an exclusive focus on the rules inherent in institutions at the expense of the inclusion of corruption's deeper structural causes. In response to this, the idea that corruption is partially driven by the need to foster the domestic capital accumulation process in a context of historic underdevelopment is explored throughout this thesis. Thus, it is proposed that corruption can be viewed as a system of wealth distribution based not just on money and connections, but also ethnicity and nationality.
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Vandeweerdt, Clara. "Identities and issue opinions : learning from climate change." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/128631.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, May, 2020Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 115-128).
In this dissertation, I explore the formation of issue-specific opinions, in particular public opinion about climate change in the United States. More specifically, I analyze whether people use social groups and identities as mental "shortcuts" in order to form an opinion about complicated political topics such as climate change. I study three identity-related factors that may drive people's opinions about particular issues: partisan media content; the interests of social in-groups; and opinion cues from fellow partisans. Overall, I find that partisan identities are likely to have important effects through the media content that they expose Americans to. Other, more direct pathways for the opinion effects of identity, however, turn out to be surprisingly weak. I find no evidence that Americans' opinions are motivated by the material interests of their in-groups; nor that Americans change their opinions to align with the consensus among their in-party members.
In chapter 2, I ask what strategies partisan media use to fit real-world events into ideological narratives. I look at whether or not they connect events to related political issues (e.g. hurricanes and climate change), and whether each side is able to fit events into its existing set of issue positions. Using natural language processing and crowd-sourcing, I analyze almost 2 million hours of radio from hundreds of talk shows. I find that in the aftermath of an event, both ideological sides give far more attention to related political issues. At the same time, there are huge gaps between the positions that liberal and conservative shows tend to take on those issues, and events they do very little to close those gaps. Events turn up the volume of the discussion, without changing its ideological tune. This way, shared experiences could be turned into polarizing factors.
Next, in chapter 3, I investigate whether people change their attitudes about societal issues when they learn that those issues affect others like them. In three pre-registered survey experiments, I find that these in-group interest cues have little to no effect on issue-specific attitudes. This is true for social groups based on gender, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation. People who closely identify with an in-group do not react more strongly to the group interest information. The findings raise new questions about exactly when and why people's group memberships in uence their political attitudes. Finally, in chapter 4, I ask whether people change their opinion when they learn the distribution of opinions among members of their own party (or of the out-party). I also compare the effect of these "mass cues" to the effect of elite cues information about politicians and their stances on an issue.
I run two preregistered survey experiments one national, and one on an Amazon Mechanical Turk convenience sample and draw two unexpected conclusions. First, I find that mass cues have no noticeable effect on opinions. When participants learn that a stance is shared by almost all members of their in-party, they do not move their own opinion closer that stance. Neither are they affected by learning about consensus among the out-party. Second, I am unable to replicate the well-established effect of elite cues. Combined with a closer inspection of the literature on cues, these findings suggests that cueing effects might be quite context-dependent
by Clara Vandeweerdt.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
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Azarch, Anna. "Climate change negotiations and the North-South relationship : an exploration of continuity and change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5202.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The politics of climate change has thus far been marked by controversy and a lack of consensus in regards to the best manner in which to comprehend and mitigate this problem. This is further aggravated by the characterisation of climate change as a global problem requiring a global solution which has served to only further complicate inter-state relations. While a number of analysts have remarked that the North-South relationship is no longer a meaningful analytical tool in international relations, it will be the purpose of this study to explore this contention within the field of climate change negotiations and to identify both the transformation and continuity within the relationship between the North and South. The unsuccessful nature of climate negotiations are largely held to be the result of the rift between the North and South, where the issues relating to the global political economy are largely responsible for the lack of consensus being reached between developing and developed countries. All climate negotiations since the 1972 UN Conference on the Environment and Development have showcased the tension between the two regions in regards to climate change mitigation and their inability to overcome this fissure. More importantly, the ensuing Copenhagen Summit of 2009 further highlighted a rift amongst the developing countries of the South, and between the developed and developing countries. As a consequence, the main aim of the research will be to understand the character of the global interactions between the North and South in terms of the context of global environmental politics. It is also the purpose of this research to gain a more comprehensive account of the sequence of causation within this relationship which stalled the negotiating process and lastly, to understand the conceptual demarcations of the two terms in the post-Cold War era so as to better understand the nature of the relationship between the two regions. What may be surmised by the study is that there is still a continuity to be found in the international arena pertaining to the North-South relationship. However, the Copenhagen Summit has been instrumental in showcasing the growing stratification that is found within the South and as a result has highlighted the cross-alliances that have formed between the North and South in order to maintain economic growth. Overall, while the North-South relationship does impact the nature of climate mitigation negotiations, the stratification of states based upon economic and developmental divergences will result in states forming alliances based upon economic self-interest.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek van klimaatsverandering is tot dusver gekenmerk aan kontroversie en ‟n gebrek aan konsensus met betrekking tot die mees effektiewe wyse waarop hierdie probleem verstaan en gemitigeer kan word. Die probleem word verder vererger deur die kenmerk van klimaatsverandering as ‟n globale probleem wat ‟n globale oplossing verg, wat tot die verdere komplikasie van interstaat-verhoudings gelei het. Verskeie analiste het opgemerk dat die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide nie meer dien as betekenisvolle analitiese gereedskap op die gebied van internasionale verhoudings nie. Die doel van hierdie ondersoek is gevolglik om hierdie aanname in oënskou te neem, en om beide transformasie en kontinuïteit binne die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide te identifiseer. Die onsuksesvolle aard van klimaatsonderhandelinge word grootliks toegeskryf aan die onenigheid tussen die Noorde en Suide, met kwessies rondom die globale politieke ekonomie grootliks verantwoordelik vir die gebrek aan konsensus tussen die streke. Sedert die 1972 VN Konferensie oor die Omgewing en Ontwikkeling het alle klimaatsonderhandelinge die spanning tussen die twee streke met betrekking to klimaatveranderingsversagtings en hul onvermoë om hierdie skeur te oorbrug, ten toon gestel. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad het ‟n onenigheid ontbloot tussen die ontwikkelende lande in die Suide en tussen ontwikkelende en ontwikkelde lande. Gevolglik is die hoofdoelstelling van hierdie studie om die aard van globale interaksies tussen die Noorde en Suide te verstaan met betrekking tot die konteks van globale omgewingspolitiek. Die doel van die navorsing is ook om ‟n meer omvattende verklaring te verkry oor die volgorde van oorsaaklike verbande binne hierdie verhouding wat die onderhandelingsproses tot stilstand gebring het en laastens, om die konseptuele afbakening van hierdie twee terme in die post-Koue Oorlog era en die aard van die verhouding tussen die twee streke beter te verstaan. Hierdie studie wys dat daar steeds kontinuïteit in die internasionale arena is met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad was egter instrumenteel om die groeiende stratifikasie wat binne die Suide gevind word uit te lig, en die kruisalliansies wat tussen die Noorde en Suide gevorm is om ekonomiese groei in stand te hou, te beklemtoon. Alhoewel die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide tog ‟n impak op die aard van klimaatsversagtingsonderhandelings uitoefen, sal die stratifikasie van state wat op ekonomiese- en ontwikkelingsafwykings gebaseer is tot gevolg hê dat state alliansies vorm op grond van ekonomiese selfbelange.
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Dekeyser, Koen. "Food systems change under large agricultural investments in Kenya and Mozambique." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/72116.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of this dissertation is to explore the effects of large agricultural investments on food systems change around Nanyuki, Kenya and in the Nacala corridor, Mozambique. Specifically, the effects of these investments on land, the food supply chains, food environments, and food consumption were studied. In Africa, food systems already change against a backdrop of global food system pressures, such as the inroads of supermarkets, and local drivers, such as demographic and economic changes. The large agricultural investments likely intersect with these changes, but if the investments amplify them, and to what degree, is less known. Methodologically, a postpositivist mixed-methods approach was used for an instrumental case study design with study areas in Kenya and Mozambique. Multiple data collection techniques were used, including (un)structured interviews and a household survey, and data were analysed through inductive thematic analysis and between-groups analysis. The results show myriad effects of the investments to food systems, including to land, self-production, agricultural engagement, food distribution and food environments. Overall, the investments linked with more modern food systems that were characterised by lower self-production and higher diet diversity. This change occurred through ‘hybrid modernity’ rather than linear modernity as certain traditional dynamics strengthen alongside modernisation processes. In the end, more inclusive food governance arrangements, such as food sovereignty, can counteract some of the adverse effects of large agricultural investments.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Political Sciences
PhD
Unrestricted
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Erickson, Danielle. "Change and Stability in the Political Ideology of College Students." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108791.
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Thesis advisor: David HopkinsOver the past 20 years, there has been a trend in American politics for college graduates to identify with the Democratic party and to fall to the left on the ideology scale. College graduates of today are both more liberal than previous college graduates as well as their contemporary non-college graduate counterparts. Previous research disagrees on what mechanisms are driving this growing education gap in American politics. Some point to selection effects while others argue that college socializes students to move to the left. Using data from the Political Engagement Project (2003-2005), I argue that the process that is occurring is a mix of these two ideas, fitting an Input-Environment-Output model. While college students as a whole do come in leaning to the left, college has a mildly liberalizing effect on students, so that college graduates as a whole exit leaning more to the left than they did when they entered. I also point out some factors which predispose students to ideological change or stability during college
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Sociology
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Wendt, Christopher (Christopher Kenneth). "Migration, nativism, and party system change in Western Europe." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53081.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Includes bibliographical references (p. 326-352).
This project explains the growth of the West European Radical Right in the late-1980s and early-1990s, using that explanation to model the growth of small, programmatically-focused ("niche") parties in previously stable party systems. I find that a key mechanism of niche party growth is the re-weighting of issue priorities or social identities generated by unanticipated, high impact events, such as a severe economic downturn, terror attack or ethnic riot. These "shocks" represent a perceived threat to the economic security, physical safety or group position of some individuals, increasing the attention (salience) they pay to a related issue or identity dimension, such as the economy, domestic security, or one's feelings of national or religious belonging. Niche parties grow when 1) the salience of the dimension they emphasizes increases and 2) the distribution of voter preferences gives them a comparative advantage if the relevant dimension is salient (the niche party is an "issue owner" on the relevant dimension). My analysis focuses on the growth of West European anti-immigrant ("nativist") parties, the major subset of the Radical Right, in the late-1980s and early- 1990s. Many countries in Western Europe were faced with unprecedented, unsolicited migration during this period, and immigration in these countries became a highly salient political issue. Nativist parties, with a popular stance on immigration, leveraged increased salience into significant electoral gains.
(cont.) The continued support for nativist parties, despite declines in immigration, represents a durable (though limited) political realignment along a new, ethnic dimension of political contestation, with nativist parties championing the demands of the "native" ethnic group. To generate my hypotheses and causal mechanisms, I conducted two years of research in Germany and Austria, including an analysis of past public opinion research, a content analysis of four regional newspapers (1960-2005), 185 elite interviews (50 with nativist elites), and an analysis of nativist party literature. To test competing hypotheses I constructed a cross-national dataset of nativist support in Western Europe (1973-2006), as well as state- and local-level datasets in Germany and Austria.
by Christopher Wendt.
Ph.D.
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Langfield, Danielle. "Harbingers of Change? Subnational Politics in Dominant Party Systems." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281844841.
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Magontier, Pierre. "Essays on the Political Economy of Urbanization and Climate Change." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669287.
Full textAbstract:
The world has been urbanizing at an incredible pace during the last century. Meanwhile, the global rise in temperatures has led to the increased probabilities of gradual and sudden natural disasters, putting large shares of developed lands at risk. While the benefits from agglomeration economies are well documented, less is known on how local stakeholders make land-use decisions in the context of climate change. Understanding how economic agents in charge of land conversion cope with climate threats while trying to preserve urban opportunities is a paramount challenge for the next decades. This dissertation aims to shed some light on a few of the mechanisms at play, looking at spaces threatened by diverse environmental catastrophes.
In this regard, the second chapter of this thesis, 'The Political Economy of Coastal Destruction,' studies the impact of political cooperation on coastal development choices, made in Spain between 1979 and 2015. We argue that political cooperation between municipal neighbors is fostered by local political alignment. We rely on a fuzzy regression discontinuity design in close elections to assess the impact of political homophily on coastal development. We show that coastal municipalities who decide on coastal development in isolation may overdevelop as they fail to internalize the positive amenity spillovers caused by land preservation. Within the first-kilometer fringe, local governments sharing their neighbors' ideology develop 63% less than otherwise similar but politically isolated governments. This effect vanishes as we consider farther distances from the coastline, suggesting that amenity spillovers are an essential driver of this result.
While overdevelopment induces higher exposure to hazards when locating in disaster-prone areas, appropriate preparation can mitigate the chances of suffering from a natural catastrophe. However, mitigation measures do not only reduce but also signal the inherent risks of a location. I focus on the trade-off between risk reduction and risk disclosure in the third chapter of my thesis, 'Does media coverage affect government preparation for natural disasters?'. I demonstrate that in the absence of information circulating about local dangers, local governments, who seek to protect property values in their jurisdiction, have an incentive not to prepare to avoid signaling the latent risks to otherwise uninformed investors. To test this hypothesis, I construct an exogenous measure of newspaper coverage of storms, which is a good predictor of the number of newspaper articles published about these events. I show that conditional on being hit by a storm, a one-standard-deviation increase in my Coverage measure leads to a 54% increase in the number of mitigation projects implemented in a ZIP code. This result is primarily driven by neighborhoods with high pre-treatment levels of vacant houses, renters, and housing-units owned with a mortgage, suggesting that non-resident investors are the firsts to respond to the information shock.
Considering that real estate interests could capture governments' preparation incentives, I questioned whether individuals learn from past disasters when making a development decision. In the last paper of this thesis, 'The Dynamics of Land Development around Flood Zones,' we study the land conversion response to an inundation. Exploiting a rich dataset on historical flood records in Spain, we show that new development drops at the municipal level by -14.64% in the year following an inundation, and peaks down at -26% in the sixth year. The decrease in land conversion is, on average, permanent. This outcome is primarily driven by municipalities with higher historical flood frequencies, and by floods occurring after the central government regulated constructions around flood zones, in 1986. New development neither occurs farther away from flood zones nor on the higher ground. These results could be consistent with several underlying mechanisms. In particular, if individuals do account for disaster history when making a development decision, it is puzzling to observe they prefer not to build rather than building away from the acknowledged source of dangers. We speculate that a misinterpretation of the risks caused by an availability bias, or an aversion to amenity losses, could explain this response.
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Roussin, Della Shirley. "Political legitimacy and regime change : the 1972 British Columbia election." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43282.
Full textAbstract:
The 1972 British Columbia general election marked the end of the twenty-year dominance of the Social Credit Party and Premier W.A.C. Bennett. Dave Barrett led the New Democratic Party to its first majority government ushering in the first Social Democratic government in the province's history. The reversal of Social Credit fortunes in 1972 should not be seen, however, as a rejection of the core values of the Social Credit party, but rather as a crisis of legitimacy faced by the party and its aging leader. As a case study, the 1972 election provides an opportunity to examine the agenda-setting function of media during an election campaign and the effects of declining political legitimacy and trust on voter behaviour.
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Sudar, Petar. "The political economy of accounting change : the case of Albania." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2007. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21673.
Full textAbstract:
The change of accounting system has been a part of Albania's transition from the centrally planned to market economy that started in the early 1990s. Accounting changes in Albania however, have not been documented and study. Furthermore, the review of literature on accounting in developing countries and that on accounting developments in Central and Eastern Europe of the 1990s evidences the need for critically studying the development and role of accounting in the economic and social context of countries such as Albania. By utilising Perera's contingency based approach this study thus analyses accounting developments in Albania during the period 1992 - 2002. In a number of important respects Albania has differed from all or almost all the other Central and East European economies in transition and other developing countries. It has differed in its starting point of the reform, in its mode of adjustment, and in its reform outcomes. It has differed in its successes and in its failures. Nevertheless, the development of accounting in Albania has faced challenges similar to those in other Central and East European transitional economies and developing countries. The prevailing accounting philosophy in Albania's legislation on accounting has been French-inspired. This has meant that the range of actual and potential conflicts and confusions between a system based on legal formalities and tax domination of accounting and the broader International Accounting Standards spirit has been widening. Furthermore, while amendments to accounting legislation have been relatively quick to take place, a slow pace of change has characterized the functioning of Albania's accounting institutions - policy and decision-making bodies and professional associations. This has affected the proper functioning of the system of accounting which has been an integral part of Albania's financial infrastructure. Using a qualitative case study research and employing interviewing technique, this thesis ascertains the contribution that certain changes could make to the functioning of Albania's accounting system, and to the outcome of the activities of international governmental and financial institutions.