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1

Li, Simon K. "A turning point in Sino–Canadian relations: 1968 and the favourable political climate." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2017-0091.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the key domestic conundrums which led to the possibility of rapprochement between Canada and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Design/methodology/approach Adopting a “low politics” approach which emphasizes on individual actors and domestic issues that led to Sino–Canadian rapprochement, this paper draws from both primary and secondary sources which include archives and various historical documents to examine domestic socio-political and economic factors that led to the improved relations between the two states. Findings Sino–Canadian rapprochement was, on the one hand, the result of an increase in liberal activism and intensive socio-political change during the Quiet Revolution in Quebec (where public opinions mattered for federal party leaders) as a consequence of the collapse of ultra-conservative and anti-communist policies under the Duplessis era. Meanwhile, the PRC’s worsening economic situation as a result of the Cultural Revolution and Sino-Soviet tensions of 1968 placed China in a desperate situation to seek foreign aid. With the emergence of Pierre Trudeau’s era and Zhou Enlai’s diplomatic expertise, a further dialogue emerged which subsequently led to the normalization of relations in 1970. Originality/value Usually Canadian scholars studying China regarded 1970 as the watershed in Sino–Canadian relations, but this paper is going to illustrate that even two years before the diplomatic rapprochement, a turning point had already occurred which is 1968.
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Vucetic, Srdjan, and Bojan Ramadanovic. "Canada in the United Nations General Assembly from Trudeau to Trudeau." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (September 24, 2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000507.

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AbstractAll Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its friends and allies and like-minded partners to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom and under what conditions, we analyze Canada's voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada's overall record tends toward that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties are in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.
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Blake, Raymond. "Intergovernmental Relations Trumps Social Policy Change: Trudeau, Constitutionalism, and Family Allowances." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 1 (June 17, 2008): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018260ar.

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Abstract Family allowances were one of the few programs shared by all Canadian families from 1945 to 1992, and one of the few means of building social cohesion across Canada. Family allowances became embroiled in the minefield of Canadian intergovernmental relations and the political crisis created by the growing demands from Quebec for greater autonomy from the federal government in the early 1970s. Ottawa initially dismissed Quebec’s demands for control over social programs generally and family allowance in particular. However, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau offered family allowance reforms as a means of enticing Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa to amend the British North America Act. The government’s priority was constitutional reform, and it used social policy as a bargaining chip to achieve its policy objectives in that area. This study shows that public policy decisions made with regard to the family allowance program were not motivated by the pressing desire to make more effective policies for children and families.
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Kelly, Brendan. "The politician and the civil servant: Pierre Trudeau, Marcel Cadieux, and the Department of External Affairs, 1968–1970." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017694212.

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This article uses the experience of Marcel Cadieux, the Canadian under-secretary of state for external affairs at the time, as a lens through which to understand the adaptation of the Department of External Affairs to the government of Pierre Trudeau during its first year-and-a-half in power. Drawing on Cadieux’s private papers, especially his diary, and other archival sources, it explores the prime minister’s attitude toward senior civil servants, his personality, and the review of national defence policy undertaken by the bureaucracy at his request. It concludes that the difference between Pierre Trudeau and Marcel Cadieux was essentially that between the brilliant politician who sought to redefine government and the consummately professional civil servant who believed in his department’s traditional role.
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Ng-Kamstra, Joshua S., and Jason Lajoie. "Canadian Doctors for Protection from Guns: how physicians contributed to policy change." Injury Prevention 26, no. 5 (August 5, 2020): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/injuryprev-2020-043852.

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Physicians played a key role in advancing Canada's recent assault weapons ban. Indeed, after announcing the ban in May 2020, the Trudeau government thanked Dr. Najma Ahmed and the group Canadian Doctors for Protection from Guns (CDPG) for their support of responsible gun control measures. In this piece, we explore the context in which CDPG was formed, the strategies used by the group in building nationwide support for gun control measures, and the public health framing of their messaging that proved critical in engendering political change. The work of CDPG holds valuable lessons for physicians seeking to engage in political advocacy by bearing witness to the harms experienced by their patients.
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6

Aucoin, Peter. "Organizational Change in the Machinery of Canadian Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057954.

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AbstractOrganizational change in the central machinery of government is essentially a function of executive leadership. The major determinants of such change are invariably political and not administrative in character and derive from the leadership paradigms of chief executive officers—their philosophy of government, management style and political objectives. This phenomenon is examined in the recent transformation of the Canadian central executive system from one based upon the Trudeau paradigm of rational management to one structured to fit the Mulroney paradigm of brokerage politics. The organizational instruments of each paradigm are considered and their respective capacities to meet the requirements of executive leadership in our modern administrative state are assessed. It is argued that the two different systems and the changes introduced by them are best explained by the paradigms of these two prime ministers.
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Komarov, Andrey Nikolaevich. "The domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals under Justin Trudeau in 2015-2020: achievements and challenges." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-2-230-237.

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The key idea of this article is that, for the first time, on the example of the domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals, led by Justin Trudeau, we discuss the problems and prospects of Canadian Liberalism. The recent defeat of the Conservative Party of Canada in the 2019 parliamentary elections gave the impression that only the Liberal Party contributes to the prosperity of the modern Canadian state. The closest attention to the activities of the Liberal Party allows us to identify its absolute advantages and corresponding shortcomings. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze and investigate both the indisputable advantages and current shortcomings of the Liberal Party in power, and against this background to determine the effectiveness, or vice versa, the incompetence of Canadian liberalism as a political ideology. At the same time, according to the author, it is necessary to separate objective and subjective factors associated with the presence of liberals in power. The objective ones are related to how the Liberals program settings meet the needs of the time, while the subjective ones characterize how an individual, and, above all, the party leader, implements the partys requests and the electorates hopes. In this regard, the reputation of its leader is of crucial importance. On the basis of the considered source base, and, first of all, the electoral programs of Liberals under Trudeau, since coming to power in 2015. In the first part of the article, the author presents a comparative analysis of the results of the liberals in the parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2019, explaining the reasons for the victory of the latter, and obtaining, respectively, a parliamentary majority, and then a minority. The second part of the article is devoted directly to the aspects of the domestic and foreign policy of the Liberals in 2015-2020. The author comes to the conclusion that the Canadian liberalism, implemented by Justin Trudeau is currently the leading political ideology that unites a significant part of the electorate.
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8

Kirton, John. "Une ouverture sur le monde: la nouvelle politique étrangère canadienne du gouvernement Chrétien." Études internationales 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703596ar.

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When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.
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9

Stevenson, Garth. "Tug of War: Ottawa and the Provinces Under Trudeau and MulroneyDavid Milne Toronto: James Lorimer, 1986, pp. viii, 275." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 3 (September 1987): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050009.

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10

Bouchard, Erika, and Zhiming Qi. "Long-term trends of climate change and its impact on crop growing season on Montreal Island." Journal of Water and Climate Change 8, no. 1 (July 21, 2016): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2016.139.

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Long-term trends in air temperature and precipitation under climate change were analyzed for two meteorological stations on the Island of Montreal: McGill (1872–1986) and Pierre-Elliott-Trudeau (P-E-T, formerly Dorval) Airport (1942–2014). A linear trendline analysis, the Mann–Kendall (MK) test and the two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov (KS) test were conducted to assess specific climate trends. On a 100-year basis, temperature increased 1.88°C (34%) and 1.18°C (19%) at the McGill and P-E-T Airport sites, respectively, while annual rainfall increased 23.9 mm y−1 (2.3%) and 138.8 mm y−1 (15%) over the same period. The frequency of 50% (every other year) and 95% (every year) annual maximum daily rainfall events showed decreasing trends for the McGill station, but increasing trends for the P-E-T Airport station. Growing degree-days and growing season length are prone to being influenced by climate change and are critical to managing agricultural activities in the Montreal region; both showed increasing trends. At the same time, the onset of the growing season occurred earlier as time progressed.
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11

Hekster, Olivier, Sven Betjes, Sam Heijnen, Ketty Iannantuono, Dennis Jussen, Erika Manders, and Daniel Syrbe. "Accommodating Political Change under the Tetrarchy (293–306)." Klio 101, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 610–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0042.

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Summary This article seeks to address the question how the Tetrarchic system of four rulers could be presented as legitimate in a society that had never seen this political constellation before. What were the different modes of presenting Tetrarchic rule and how did they help in making the new system acceptable? The article argues that new power structures needed to be formulated in familiar terms, not only for the rulers to legitimate their position, but also for the ruled to understand such new systems. As a result, imperial messages during the Tetrarchic period were strongly influenced by traditional modes of representation from earlier periods. Traditions which were inherent in specific media and locations were determining factors for the way in which a new political system could be presented. The result was a much less coherent ideological Tetrarchic message than is often assumed. The image of group identity was regularly lost in a more complex and messy mode of formulating power. The new and innovative aspects of a collegiate rule by four emperors was less important than linking the power of those rulers to what was traditionally expected of the portrayal of Roman emperorship.
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Bator, Agata, and Agnieszka Borek. "Adaptation to Climate Change under Climate Change Treaties." International Community Law Review 23, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2021): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341467.

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Abstract On the ground that climate change poses a great threat to societies and economies, it became evident for policy makers that attention should be given to the problem of adaptation, i.e. adaptation measures should be undertaken to minimize the adverse impacts of climate change. As the debate on the adverse impacts of climate change advanced at international level, states are taking actions at national, regional and local levels. Along with the increase awareness regarding importance of adaptation, regulations designed to prepare states to strengthen their resilience to climate change, has been developed in climate change treaties. Paris Agreement seems to be the first global agreement which addresses adaptation as one of its key goals and links it with mitigation efforts. The purpose of this article is to discuss the most important regulations and programmes within the regime established by the Framework Convention and the Paris Agreement concerning adaptation to climate change.
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13

Lipscy, Phillip Y., and Ethan Scheiner. "Japan Under the DPJ: The Paradox of Political Change Without Policy Change." Journal of East Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (September 2012): 311–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008043.

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In 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) brought an end to the long reign of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). However, despite high expectations, this politically transformative event has not unleashed significant policy change in Japan. We highlight five electoral factors that have acted as important constraints on policy change under DPJ rule. First, majoritarian electoral rules have led to a convergence in the policy positions of the two major political parties. Second, as the parties' policy positions have become more similar, voters have increasingly cast ballots based on “valence” (i.e., nonpolicy) evaluations. Third, large national vote swings have limited the tenure of young, inexperienced candidates who might otherwise serve as the instigators of reform. Fourth, Japan's electoral rules permit inconsistency across policy positions within parties and discourage greater policy coherence. Fifth, the continuing influence of rural regions has limited the scope of policy reform under the DPJ.
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14

Svanholm, Jette Rolf, Jens Cosedis Nielsen, Peter Thomas Mortensen, Charlotte Fuglesang Christensen, and Regner Birkelund. "Normativity under change." Nursing Ethics 23, no. 3 (January 6, 2015): 328–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733014564906.

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Background: In modern society, death has become ‘forbidden’ fed by the medical technology to conquer death. The technological paradigm is challenged by a social-liberal political ideology in postmodern Western societies. The question raised in this study was as follows: Which arguments, attitudes, values and paradoxes between modern and postmodern tendencies concerning treatment and care of older persons with an implantable cardioverter defibrillator appear in the literature? Aims: The aim of this study was to describe and interpret how the field of tension concerning older persons with an implantable cardioverter defibrillator – especially end-of-life issues – has been expressed in the literature throughout the last decade. Methods: Paul Ricoeur’s reflexive interpretive approach was used to extract the meaningful content of the literature involving qualitative, quantitative and normative literature. Analysis and interpretation involved naive reading, structural analysis and critical interpretation. Ethical considerations: The investigation complied with the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki. Findings and discussions: The unifying theme was ‘Normativity under change’. The sub-themes were ‘Death has become legitimate’, ‘The technological imperative is challenged’ and ‘Patients and healthcare professionals need to talk about end-of-life issues’. There seems to be a considerable distance between the normative approach of how practice ought to be and findings in empirical studies. Conclusion: Modern as well as postmodern attitudes and perceptions illustrate contradictory tendencies regarding deactivation of the implantable cardioverter defibrillator and replacement of the implantable cardioverter defibrillator in older persons nearing the end of life. The tendencies challenge each other in a struggle to gain position. On the other hand, they can also complement each other because professionalism and health professional expertise cannot stand alone when the patient’s life is at stake but must be unfolded in an alliance with the patient who needs to be understood and accepted in his vulnerability.
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Smith, Heather, and Tari Ajadi. "Canada’s feminist foreign policy and human security compared." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (September 2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020954547.

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Canadian federal governments regularly try to craft a unique image of Canada in the world; however, the Trudeau government’s embrace of feminist foreign policy feels strikingly similar to the late 1990s when human security was embraced. There seems to be a “sameness” in the promotion of a progressive values-based discourse that has transformative potential for Canadian foreign policy. The question is, does this sense of sameness bear out when we dig into the comparison? Drawing on speeches given by government ministers; policy documents, such as the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP); media; and scholarship, we compare and contrast analyses of the sources of the human security and feminist foreign policy discourses and then identify common critiques. We also examine two significant differences. We find there is consistent Liberal articulation of values-based discourses and policies that have unmet transformative potential. In both cases, style and rhetoric are privileged over transformative change.
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16

McGrandle, Jocelyn. "Job Satisfaction in the Canadian Public Service: Mitigating Toxicity With Interests." Public Personnel Management 48, no. 3 (December 17, 2018): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091026018819026.

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During the 2015 Canadian federal election, political parties were polarized over the issue of job satisfaction in the public service. Critics and public service unions argued that there was a toxic environment under the leadership of Prime Minister Stephen Harper, and Liberal leader Justin Trudeau promised, if elected, to remedy this toxicity. Therefore, the job satisfaction of federal employees was a campaign promise of the now elected Liberals. Improving job satisfaction is not simple, as there are many competing factors impacting it. This study measures job satisfaction of Canadian public servants in 2014 and concludes that job satisfaction remained fairly high across the board, even under Stephen Harper, and that by far the strongest predictor of job satisfaction is how well employees’ interests match their job, followed by the relationship with their immediate supervisor, relationships with colleagues, and skills. Thus, human resource management policies are essential in improving job satisfaction.
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17

CASTLES, Francis G. "Under what circumstances does change really matter?." European Journal of Political Research 14, no. 5-6 (November 1986): 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00857.x.

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18

Gustafson, Thane. "Will Soviet Foreign Policy Change under Gorbachev?" Washington Quarterly 9, no. 4 (September 1986): 153–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636608609443774.

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19

김원호. "Brazil’s Foreign Policy Under Lula: Policy Change and Political Implications." Journal of Lusophone Area Studies 8, no. 1 (June 2011): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21540/kalas.8.1.201106.349.

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20

Silva, Eduardo. "The Revolution in Venezuela: Social and Political Change under Chávez." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 3 (April 28, 2014): 410–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306114531284ss.

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21

Jones, Christopher M. "The CIA Under Clinton: Continuity and Change." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 14, no. 4 (October 2001): 503–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850600152617137.

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22

Porter, Elaine, and Stewart Crysdale. "Families under Stress: Community, Work, and Economic Change." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 22, no. 1 (1997): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341569.

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23

Park, Ausra, and Milda Paulionyte. "Lithuania’s foreign policy under Grybauskaite: change or continuity?" Journal of Contemporary European Studies 24, no. 4 (February 16, 2016): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2015.1129941.

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24

Titley, Mark A., Stuart H. M. Butchart, Victoria R. Jones, Mark J. Whittingham, and Stephen G. Willis. "Global inequities and political borders challenge nature conservation under climate change." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 7 (February 8, 2021): e2011204118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2011204118.

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Underlying sociopolitical factors have emerged as important determinants of wildlife population trends and the effectiveness of conservation action. Despite mounting research into the impacts of climate change on nature, there has been little consideration of the human context in which these impacts occur, particularly at the global scale. We investigate this in two ways. First, by modeling the climatic niches of terrestrial mammals and birds globally, we show that projected species loss under climate change is greatest in countries with weaker governance and lower Gross Domestic Product, with loss of mammal species projected to be greater in countries with lower CO2 emissions. Therefore, climate change impacts on species may be disproportionately significant in countries with lower capacity for effective conservation and lower greenhouse gas emissions, raising important questions of international justice. Second, we consider the redistribution of species in the context of political boundaries since the global importance of transboundary conservation under climate change is poorly understood. Under a high-emissions scenario, we find that 35% of mammals and 29% of birds are projected to have over half of their 2070 climatic niche in countries in which they are not currently found. We map these transboundary range shifts globally, identifying borders across which international coordination might most benefit conservation and where physical border barriers, such as walls and fences, may be an overlooked obstacle to climate adaptation. Our work highlights the importance of sociopolitical context and the utility of a supranational perspective for 21st century nature conservation.
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Kay, E., M. Tisdall, and Malcolm Hill. "Policy Change under Devolution: The Prism of Children's Policy." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 1 (December 8, 2010): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000369.

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Children's policy has emerged from the shadows of family and education policy over the last decade throughout the UK. The decade has also seen political and policy transformation, with the change of government from Conservatives to New Labour in 1997 and the latter's delivery on its promise of devolved administrations. Devolution has accompanied claims and attempts to move from ‘government to governance’, to recognise and support partnerships and encourage greater civic engagement.Scottish children's policy is a prism to review key questions of devolution and its impact on policy change. The article traces and considers policy trends, to conclude that distinctive government structures have interacted with other influences to shape change, allowing more and ‘new’ room for community interests, political parties and distinctive policies.
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Gonzalez-Foerster, Gil. "Time for change." Index on Censorship 23, no. 4-5 (September 1994): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535738.

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Lane, David. "Transition under Eltsin: The Nomenklatura and Political Elite Circulation." Political Studies 45, no. 5 (December 1997): 855–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00116.

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It is contended that study of ‘the nomenklatura’ is a poor indicator of élite change in post-communist society; that current analysis of the ‘nomenklatura as political élite’ is inconclusive and methodologically unsound; that neither a ‘circulation’ nor a ‘reproduction’ of political élites can be determined from the reproduction of the ‘old nomenklatura’. While the nomenklatura was not unitary, not monolithic and not a political élite, it is considered – following Mosca – to be a political class with different political constituencies. It is argued that the values and outlook of élites are crucial in understanding the extent of political change. Moreover, the paradigm of élite change should be analysed in terms of élite differentiation, political values, political culture and ideological affinity. Based on original interview research with members of the Gorbachev and Eltsin political élites, it is shown that the élite structure is unstable and divided and political outcomes are likely to be authoritarian.
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Boyd, Brendan. "A Province under Pressure: Climate Change Policy in Alberta." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (September 21, 2018): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000410.

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AbstractAlberta is responsible for over a third of Canada's greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Reducing the country's emissions requires policies and initiatives that reduce emissions in the province. Yet the study of provincial climate change policy in Canada has largely focused on lower-emitting provinces like British Columbia, Quebec and Ontario. This article argues that Alberta is best understood as a “reluctant actor” on climate change, whose policies are influenced by decisions and pressures from outside its borders. The literature on Canadian-American environmental policy making and international policy transfer are used to explore provincial GHG targets and carbon pricing policies. The article finds that Alberta's 2002 targets and Specified Gas Emitters Regulation were determined by economic competitiveness and leakage concerns, while the adoption of new GHG targets in 2008 and a carbon tax was the result of policy transfer through political bandwagoning and the desire for reputational benefits.
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Smith, Miriam. "Homophobia and Homonationalism: LGBTQ Law Reform in Canada." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663918822150.

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This article explores the tensions and contradictions between the recognition of same-sex relationships and the development of legal prohibitions against discrimination on the one hand versus the ongoing symbolic and actual criminal regulation of gay sex on the other hand. I describe these tensions as they have unfolded over the last 40 years through the most recent attempts by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau, elected in 2015, to reform the criminal law, to expunge the record of past criminal convictions for same-sex behavior, and to apologize and compensate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communities for past discrimination. I argue that this bifurcated pattern of public policy change and legal reform demonstrates the persistence of political homophobia alongside of homonationalist celebration of queer normativity. By considering the federal government’s long-standing failure to reform criminal laws that encapsulate formal-legal inequality of LGBTQ people, the article highlights the persistence of homophobic public policy alongside homonationalist policy discourse and genuine progress in the legal recognition of queer rights. I conclude by considering the implications of this mix for theorizing homophobia and homonationalism in law and policy.
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Denis, Jean-Louis, Ann Langley, Linda Cazale, Jean-Louis Denis, Linda Cazale, and Ann Langley. "Leadership and Strategic Change under Ambiguity." Organization Studies 17, no. 4 (July 1996): 673–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069601700406.

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This paper draws on a case study of a large public hospital to examine the processes of leadership and strategic change in organizations where goals are unclear and authority is fluid and ambiguous. The case history describes the evolution of leadership roles during a period of radical change in which a general hospital acquires a university affiliation while moving towards a more integrated form of management. The study traces the tactics used by members of the leadership group to stimulate change, and the corresponding impact of these tactics on both the progress of change and on leadership roles themselves. It is suggested that strategic change in these organizations requires collaborat ive leadership involving constellations of actors playing distinct but tightly-knit roles. Yet, collaborative leadership is fragile and can easily disintegrate due to intemal conflict or to discreditation associated with more unpopular (although potentially effective) change tactics. Thus, under ambiguity, radical trans formations may tend to occur in a cyclical non-linear pattern with periods of substantive change alternating with periods of political realignment. The paper concludes with a series of five propositions concerning the collaborative, cyc lical, interpretative, and entropic nature of leadership and strategic change pro cesses under ambiguity.
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Dittmer, Lowell. "Leadership Change and Chinese Political Development." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003000547.

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This article has three goals. The first is to characterize the nature of the current Chinese political system, culminating at the 16th Party Congress, as a combination of economic, domestic political and foreign policy reform. Economically, it represents a continuation of marketization, privatization and globalization under more centrally controlled auspices. Politically, it represents a continuation of Dengist emphases on elite civility and administrative institutionalization. And in foreign policy, it brings China to the threshold of great power status, as the old ambivalence between overthrowing the international system and assuming an important role within it nears resolution. The second purpose, viewing “Jiangism” in comparative developmental terms, conceives political development in terms of both state-building and nation-building: the greatest emphasis has been on the former. The third goal is to subject Jiangism to immanent critique by pointing out the most conspicuous emergent contradictions. These seem to include gaps between rich and poor and between east and west, a largely unsuccessful attempt to reform the nation's industrial core and its attendant financial system, and a paradoxical inability to police the state even while increasing state capacity.
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Huxley, Tim. "Indonesian politics under Suharto: order, development and pressure for change." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 604. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623816.

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Wang, Yi-Hsien, and Chung-Chu Chuang. "Selecting the portfolio investment strategy under political structure change in United States." Quality & Quantity 43, no. 5 (September 23, 2008): 845–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-008-9191-x.

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Shalimov, S. V. "Science Under Political Change: The Experience of Russian Genetics in the 1960s." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-215-230.

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Abstract: The paper is devoted to the development of Soviet genetics in the higher school in the second half of the 1960s. Currently history of Russian genetics is becoming a popular research subject among Russian and foreign historians. Tragic events, which befell Soviet genetics in mid 20th century have been thoroughly examined both in scientific and popular accounts. Thus development of genetics during the later period of Soviet history makes a more suitable subject for a rigorous historical investigation. In the late 1960s Soviet science and technology policy in regard to biological research was aimed at the restoration of losses suffered due to the rise of Lysenkoism. This period has not yet been duly investigated and there are almost no publications authored by professional historians dedicated to genetics research in the Soviet Union in the 1960-80s. To a certain extent this gap has been covered in the author’s earlier publications. The research is based on the wide range of archive documents from the archives of Moscow, Saint- Petersburg and Novosibirsk. Also, significant place is given to oral sources. The paper underlines that Leningrad and Novosibirsk Universities made a great contribution to the revival of human resources in the Soviet genetics. At the same time many other biological departments and institutes were going through the reorganization of the Soviet biology with lots of difficulties. The examples of the All-Union Institute of Plant Industry of the VASKhNIL and the Novosibirsk agricultural institute vividly illustrated that Lysenkoists still held an important positions in the field of science and education. Besides, the lack of material supplies of the chairs and laboratories had a destructive influence.
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Pugatch, Todd. "Tropical storms and mortality under climate change." World Development 117 (May 2019): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.01.009.

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Shelef, Nadav G. "How Homelands Change." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (August 13, 2019): 490–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719863470.

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Under what conditions do nations give up parts of their national homeland? This article answers this question using novel data that traces systematically the inclusion of lost homeland territory in discursive definitions of the homeland for all ethnic nationalist homelands truncated between 1945 and 1996. A survival analysis of the continued homeland status of lost lands shows that longer-lasting democracies are significantly less likely to continue to include lost lands within the homeland’s scope, even after controlling for other factors thought to shape the inclusion of territory in the homeland. Since the desire for the control of territory is at the heart of much international conflict, understanding the conditions under which the scope of that territory is redefined contributes to addressing an especially refractory aspect of international politics.
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Omidire, Kolapo. "Change of Personal Law Under Customary Law in Nigeria." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1990): 671–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/39.3.671.

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38

Haugom, Lars. "Turkish foreign policy under Erdogan: A change in international orientation?" Comparative Strategy 38, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2019.1606662.

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39

Ockey, James. "Change and Continuity in the Thai Political Party System." Asian Survey 43, no. 4 (July 2003): 663–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.4.663.

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In 2001, elections for the Thai parliament were held under a new constitution. Scholarly attention has focused on changes to the political system. This article argues that it is also important to examine continuities. Focusing on the relationship between parties and their factions, we find that change has come in policy platforms, coalition-building, and patronage; important continuities exist in electoral networks and vote-buying.
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Orlowska, Izabela, and Peter Klepeis. "Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change." Journal of Eastern African Studies 12, no. 4 (September 19, 2018): 674–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659.

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Böröcz, József. "Simulating the great transformation: property change under prolonged informality in Hungary." European Journal of Sociology 34, no. 1 (May 1993): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006561.

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Transformations of society-wide organizing principles or, ‘systemic’ features, of property relations are rare historical occurrences and constitute crucial aspects of social change. The recent architectonic rearrangement of the societies of East-Central Europe is especially remarkable as it represents a move away from a unique, very large-scale, comprehensive social experiment concerning the use of state power in establishing and maintaining putative ‘socialist property’ as a ‘systemic’ principle. The ongoing move away from that experiment—the post-state-socialist transition—is a vector with an unmistakable point of departure and a quite nebulous direction.
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Engstrom, Par. "Brazilian Foreign Policy and Human Rights: Change and Continuity under Dilma." Critical Sociology 38, no. 6 (June 26, 2012): 835–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920512440582.

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43

Gronke, Paul, Paul Manson, Jay Lee, and Canyon Foot. "How Elections Under COVID-19 May Change the Political Engagement of Older Voters." Public Policy & Aging Report 30, no. 4 (2020): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ppar/praa030.

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44

Toksöz, Mina. "The Autumn of Dictatorship, Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak." Middle Eastern Studies 48, no. 5 (September 2012): 838–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2012.704224.

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Shi, Chunyu, and Emilie Frenkiel. "Policy entrepreneurship under hierarchy: how state actors change policies in China." Journal of Chinese Governance 6, no. 3 (January 17, 2021): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2020.1871207.

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46

Barclay, G. J. "Scotland 2002." Antiquity 76, no. 293 (September 2002): 777–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00091225.

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Introduction‘…it was not thought consistent with political wisdom, to draw the attention of the Scots to the ancient honours of their independent monarchy’ (on the proposal in 1780 to found a Society of Antiquaries for Scotland)Archueologia Scoficu 1 (1792): ivFrom the Parliamentary Union with England of 1707 until the establishment of the new devolved parliament (although still within the Union) in Edinburgh in 1999 under the terms of the Scotland Act 1998, Scotland was a nation with a ‘capital’ and its own legal system; neither a colony nor sovereign: an active participant in rather than a victim of 19th-century imperialism (Davidson 2000). Since the Union the writing of the history of Britain has been a more or less political process (Ash 1980: 34), the viewpoint of the historian depending on the individual’s position on the meaning and consequences of the Union and on the process of securing the creation of ‘North Britain’ and ‘South Britain’ — ‘the wider experiment to construct a new genuine British identity which would be formed from the two nations of Scotland and England’ [Finlay 1998). A small country sharing a small island with a world power will never have a quiet life (as Pierre Trudeau described Canada’s relationship with the USA — ‘being in bed with an elephant’).
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Abhishek. "Filippos Proedrou, Energy Policy and Security under Climate Change." International Studies 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720913739.

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Mukhanov, V. "Change of Political Elites in Georgia and Patrimonialism." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 116–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-116-125.

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The article examines the process of formation of the political elite in Georgia during the period of independence, starting from the cardinal de-Sovietization of management personnel in the 90s, and ending with the last significant appointments in the era of B. Ivanishvili. The stages of evolution and transformation of the elite are analyzed in detail – under E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, and B. Ivanishvili, the peculiarities of the personnel policy of this or that Georgian leader are highlighted. Both the very course of the change and rejuvenation of the elite and the change in its educational background and political guidelines are traced. The article shows that despite all these changes the nature of government in Georgia has not been changed. The political regime in Georgia is still a kind of patronage rule. The author examines its characteristic features, analyzes the reasons for survivability of such a form despite repeated changes and political parties in power.
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de Bhal, John. "More continuity than change? US strategy toward Cuba under Obama and Trump." Contemporary Politics 24, no. 4 (March 9, 2018): 436–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2018.1449061.

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BARKER, RODNEY. "Reinventing Britain: Constitutional Change under New Labour - Edited by Andrew McDonald." Parliamentary History 29, no. 2 (June 2010): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2010.00141_16.x.

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