Academic literature on the topic 'Political change under Trudeau'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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Li, Simon K. "A turning point in Sino–Canadian relations: 1968 and the favourable political climate." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2017-0091.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the key domestic conundrums which led to the possibility of rapprochement between Canada and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Design/methodology/approach Adopting a “low politics” approach which emphasizes on individual actors and domestic issues that led to Sino–Canadian rapprochement, this paper draws from both primary and secondary sources which include archives and various historical documents to examine domestic socio-political and economic factors that led to the improved relations between the two states. Findings Sino–Canadian rapprochement was, on the one hand, the result of an increase in liberal activism and intensive socio-political change during the Quiet Revolution in Quebec (where public opinions mattered for federal party leaders) as a consequence of the collapse of ultra-conservative and anti-communist policies under the Duplessis era. Meanwhile, the PRC’s worsening economic situation as a result of the Cultural Revolution and Sino-Soviet tensions of 1968 placed China in a desperate situation to seek foreign aid. With the emergence of Pierre Trudeau’s era and Zhou Enlai’s diplomatic expertise, a further dialogue emerged which subsequently led to the normalization of relations in 1970. Originality/value Usually Canadian scholars studying China regarded 1970 as the watershed in Sino–Canadian relations, but this paper is going to illustrate that even two years before the diplomatic rapprochement, a turning point had already occurred which is 1968.
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Vucetic, Srdjan, and Bojan Ramadanovic. "Canada in the United Nations General Assembly from Trudeau to Trudeau." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (September 24, 2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000507.
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AbstractAll Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its friends and allies and like-minded partners to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom and under what conditions, we analyze Canada's voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada's overall record tends toward that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties are in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.
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Blake, Raymond. "Intergovernmental Relations Trumps Social Policy Change: Trudeau, Constitutionalism, and Family Allowances." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 1 (June 17, 2008): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018260ar.
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Abstract Family allowances were one of the few programs shared by all Canadian families from 1945 to 1992, and one of the few means of building social cohesion across Canada. Family allowances became embroiled in the minefield of Canadian intergovernmental relations and the political crisis created by the growing demands from Quebec for greater autonomy from the federal government in the early 1970s. Ottawa initially dismissed Quebec’s demands for control over social programs generally and family allowance in particular. However, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau offered family allowance reforms as a means of enticing Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa to amend the British North America Act. The government’s priority was constitutional reform, and it used social policy as a bargaining chip to achieve its policy objectives in that area. This study shows that public policy decisions made with regard to the family allowance program were not motivated by the pressing desire to make more effective policies for children and families.
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Kelly, Brendan. "The politician and the civil servant: Pierre Trudeau, Marcel Cadieux, and the Department of External Affairs, 1968–1970." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017694212.
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This article uses the experience of Marcel Cadieux, the Canadian under-secretary of state for external affairs at the time, as a lens through which to understand the adaptation of the Department of External Affairs to the government of Pierre Trudeau during its first year-and-a-half in power. Drawing on Cadieux’s private papers, especially his diary, and other archival sources, it explores the prime minister’s attitude toward senior civil servants, his personality, and the review of national defence policy undertaken by the bureaucracy at his request. It concludes that the difference between Pierre Trudeau and Marcel Cadieux was essentially that between the brilliant politician who sought to redefine government and the consummately professional civil servant who believed in his department’s traditional role.
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Ng-Kamstra, Joshua S., and Jason Lajoie. "Canadian Doctors for Protection from Guns: how physicians contributed to policy change." Injury Prevention 26, no. 5 (August 5, 2020): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/injuryprev-2020-043852.
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Physicians played a key role in advancing Canada's recent assault weapons ban. Indeed, after announcing the ban in May 2020, the Trudeau government thanked Dr. Najma Ahmed and the group Canadian Doctors for Protection from Guns (CDPG) for their support of responsible gun control measures. In this piece, we explore the context in which CDPG was formed, the strategies used by the group in building nationwide support for gun control measures, and the public health framing of their messaging that proved critical in engendering political change. The work of CDPG holds valuable lessons for physicians seeking to engage in political advocacy by bearing witness to the harms experienced by their patients.
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Aucoin, Peter. "Organizational Change in the Machinery of Canadian Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057954.
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AbstractOrganizational change in the central machinery of government is essentially a function of executive leadership. The major determinants of such change are invariably political and not administrative in character and derive from the leadership paradigms of chief executive officers—their philosophy of government, management style and political objectives. This phenomenon is examined in the recent transformation of the Canadian central executive system from one based upon the Trudeau paradigm of rational management to one structured to fit the Mulroney paradigm of brokerage politics. The organizational instruments of each paradigm are considered and their respective capacities to meet the requirements of executive leadership in our modern administrative state are assessed. It is argued that the two different systems and the changes introduced by them are best explained by the paradigms of these two prime ministers.
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Komarov, Andrey Nikolaevich. "The domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals under Justin Trudeau in 2015-2020: achievements and challenges." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-2-230-237.
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The key idea of this article is that, for the first time, on the example of the domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals, led by Justin Trudeau, we discuss the problems and prospects of Canadian Liberalism. The recent defeat of the Conservative Party of Canada in the 2019 parliamentary elections gave the impression that only the Liberal Party contributes to the prosperity of the modern Canadian state. The closest attention to the activities of the Liberal Party allows us to identify its absolute advantages and corresponding shortcomings. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze and investigate both the indisputable advantages and current shortcomings of the Liberal Party in power, and against this background to determine the effectiveness, or vice versa, the incompetence of Canadian liberalism as a political ideology. At the same time, according to the author, it is necessary to separate objective and subjective factors associated with the presence of liberals in power. The objective ones are related to how the Liberals program settings meet the needs of the time, while the subjective ones characterize how an individual, and, above all, the party leader, implements the partys requests and the electorates hopes. In this regard, the reputation of its leader is of crucial importance. On the basis of the considered source base, and, first of all, the electoral programs of Liberals under Trudeau, since coming to power in 2015. In the first part of the article, the author presents a comparative analysis of the results of the liberals in the parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2019, explaining the reasons for the victory of the latter, and obtaining, respectively, a parliamentary majority, and then a minority. The second part of the article is devoted directly to the aspects of the domestic and foreign policy of the Liberals in 2015-2020. The author comes to the conclusion that the Canadian liberalism, implemented by Justin Trudeau is currently the leading political ideology that unites a significant part of the electorate.
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Kirton, John. "Une ouverture sur le monde: la nouvelle politique étrangère canadienne du gouvernement Chrétien." Études internationales 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703596ar.
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When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.
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Stevenson, Garth. "Tug of War: Ottawa and the Provinces Under Trudeau and MulroneyDavid Milne Toronto: James Lorimer, 1986, pp. viii, 275." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 3 (September 1987): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050009.
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Bouchard, Erika, and Zhiming Qi. "Long-term trends of climate change and its impact on crop growing season on Montreal Island." Journal of Water and Climate Change 8, no. 1 (July 21, 2016): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2016.139.
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Long-term trends in air temperature and precipitation under climate change were analyzed for two meteorological stations on the Island of Montreal: McGill (1872–1986) and Pierre-Elliott-Trudeau (P-E-T, formerly Dorval) Airport (1942–2014). A linear trendline analysis, the Mann–Kendall (MK) test and the two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov (KS) test were conducted to assess specific climate trends. On a 100-year basis, temperature increased 1.88°C (34%) and 1.18°C (19%) at the McGill and P-E-T Airport sites, respectively, while annual rainfall increased 23.9 mm y−1 (2.3%) and 138.8 mm y−1 (15%) over the same period. The frequency of 50% (every other year) and 95% (every year) annual maximum daily rainfall events showed decreasing trends for the McGill station, but increasing trends for the P-E-T Airport station. Growing degree-days and growing season length are prone to being influenced by climate change and are critical to managing agricultural activities in the Montreal region; both showed increasing trends. At the same time, the onset of the growing season occurred earlier as time progressed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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Donovan, J. B. "The influence of prime minister Trudeau upon cabinet government and the higher civil service in Canada : Structural antecedents and political consequences." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381813.
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Dekeyser, Koen. "Food systems change under large agricultural investments in Kenya and Mozambique." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/72116.
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The goal of this dissertation is to explore the effects of large agricultural investments on food systems change around Nanyuki, Kenya and in the Nacala corridor, Mozambique. Specifically, the effects of these investments on land, the food supply chains, food environments, and food consumption were studied. In Africa, food systems already change against a backdrop of global food system pressures, such as the inroads of supermarkets, and local drivers, such as demographic and economic changes. The large agricultural investments likely intersect with these changes, but if the investments amplify them, and to what degree, is less known. Methodologically, a postpositivist mixed-methods approach was used for an instrumental case study design with study areas in Kenya and Mozambique. Multiple data collection techniques were used, including (un)structured interviews and a household survey, and data were analysed through inductive thematic analysis and between-groups analysis. The results show myriad effects of the investments to food systems, including to land, self-production, agricultural engagement, food distribution and food environments. Overall, the investments linked with more modern food systems that were characterised by lower self-production and higher diet diversity. This change occurred through ‘hybrid modernity’ rather than linear modernity as certain traditional dynamics strengthen alongside modernisation processes. In the end, more inclusive food governance arrangements, such as food sovereignty, can counteract some of the adverse effects of large agricultural investments.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Political Sciences
PhD
Unrestricted
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Lohmann, Dirk. "Sustainable management of semi-arid African savannas under environmental and political change." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6506/.
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Drylands cover about 40% of the earth’s land surface and provide the basis for the livelihoods of 38% of the global human population. Worldwide, these ecosystems are prone to heavy degradation. Increasing levels of dryland degradation result a strong decline of ecosystem services. In addition, in highly variable semi-arid environments changing future environmental conditions will potentially have severe consequences for productivity and ecosystem dynamics. Hence, global efforts have to be made to understand the particular causes and consequences of dryland degradation and to promote sustainable management options for semi-arid and arid ecosystems in a changing world.
Here I particularly address the problem of semi-arid savanna degradation, which mostly occurs in form of woody plant encroachment. At this, I aim at finding viable sustainable management strategies and improving the general understanding of semi-arid savanna vegetation dynamics under conditions of extensive livestock production. Moreover, the influence of external forces, i.e. environmental change and land reform, on the use of savanna vegetation and on the ecosystem response to this land use is assessed. Based on this I identify conditions and strategies that facilitate a sustainable use of semi-arid savanna rangelands in a changing world.
I extended an eco-hydrological model to simulate rangeland vegetation dynamics for a typical semi-arid savanna in eastern Namibia. In particular, I identified the response of semi-arid savanna vegetation to different land use strategies (including fire management) also with regard to different predicted precipitation, temperature and CO2 regimes.
Not only environmental but also economic and political constraints like e.g. land reform programmes are shaping rangeland management strategies. Hence, I aimed at understanding the effects of the ongoing process of land reform in southern Africa on land use and the semi-arid savanna vegetation. Therefore, I developed and implemented an agent-based ecological-economic modelling tool for interactive role plays with land users. This tool was applied in an interdisciplinary empirical study to identify general patterns of management decisions and the between-farm cooperation of land reform beneficiaries in eastern Namibia.
The eco-hydrological simulations revealed that the future dynamics of semi-arid savanna vegetation strongly depend on the respective climate change scenario. In particular, I found that the capacity of the system to sustain domestic livestock production will strongly depend on changes in the amount and temporal distribution of precipitation. In addition, my simulations revealed that shrub encroachment will become less likely under future climatic conditions although positive effects of CO2 on woody plant growth and transpiration have been considered. While earlier studies predicted a further increase in shrub encroachment due to increased levels of atmospheric CO2, my contrary finding is based on the negative impacts of temperature increase on the drought sensitive seedling germination and establishment of woody plant species.
Further simulation experiments revealed that prescribed fires are an efficient tool for semi-arid rangeland management, since they suppress woody plant seedling establishment. The strategies tested have increased the long term productivity of the savanna in terms of livestock production and decreased the risk for shrub encroachment (i.e. savanna degradation). This finding refutes the views promoted by existing studies, which state that fires are of minor importance for the vegetation dynamics of semi-arid and arid savannas. Again, the difference in predictions is related to the bottleneck at the seedling establishment stage of woody plants, which has not been sufficiently considered in earlier studies.
The ecological-economic role plays with Namibian land reform beneficiaries showed that the farmers made their decisions with regard to herd size adjustments according to economic but not according to environmental variables. Hence, they do not manage opportunistically by tracking grass biomass availability but rather apply conservative management strategies with low stocking rates. This implies that under the given circumstances the management of these farmers will not per se cause (or further worsen) the problem of savanna degradation and shrub encroachment due to overgrazing. However, as my results indicate that this management strategy is rather based on high financial pressure, it is not an indicator for successful rangeland management. Rather, farmers struggle hard to make any positive revenue from their farming business and the success of the Namibian land reform is currently disputable. The role-plays also revealed that cooperation between farmers is difficult even though obligatory due to the often small farm sizes. I thus propose that cooperation needs to be facilitated to improve the success of land reform beneficiaries.Semiaride (halbtrockene) Savannen bedecken große Teile der Erdoberfläche und sichern die Lebensgrundlage von vielen Millionen Menschen. Die häufigste Form der Landnutzung in diesen Trockengebieten ist die Produktion von Vieh in extensiver Weidelandbewirtschaftung. In Folge klimatischer Veränderungen und als Konsequenz aus der teils intensiven Beweidung dieser Trockengebiete kommt es häufig zur Degradierung derselben in Form einer Zunahme von ‚unerwünschter‘ holziger Vegetation auf Kosten von futterverwertbaren Gräsern. Dieser als Verbuschung bezeichnete Prozess hat schwere negative Auswirkungen auf die betroffenen Ökosysteme und ist die Ursache für einen zunehmenden Rückgang der ökonomischen Leistungsfähigkeit der betroffenen Betriebe. In meiner Dissertation befasse ich mich mit den Auswirkungen von Klimawandel und politischen Veränderungen auf die Savannenvegetation im südlichen Afrika und auf die Möglichkeiten für die Nutzung dieser Ökosysteme in Form von Viehwirtschaft. Hierbei möchte ich sowohl das allgemeine Verständnis der ökologischen Zusammenhänge verbessern, als auch Strategien für die nachhaltige Nutzung der Savannen identifizieren und bewerten. Da nicht nur ökologische, sondern auch ökonomische und politische Einflussfaktoren, wie zum Beispiel die umfangreichen Landumverteilungen im Rahmen der Bodenreform im südlichen Afrika auf die tatsächliche Landnutzung wirken, habe ich im Rahmen der Dissertation zudem untersucht, nach welchen Umwelt und Kapitalvariablen sich die Farmer, welche Ihr Land im Rahmen der Bodenreform zugeteilt bekommen haben, bei Ihren Entscheidungen richten. Methodisch verwende ich verschiedene Simulationsmodelle, welche zur Untersuchung der langfristigen Veränderungen von verschiedensten Szenarien (Klimawandel, Landnutzung) geeignet sind. Hierbei habe ich teilweise bestehende Modelle angepasst, aber auch ein neues Modell, welches zur Befragung von Farmern in Namibia verwendet wurde, entwickelt. Meine Dissertation führt im Wesentlichen zu vier Erkenntnissen: Erstens, zeigen meine Ergebnisse, welche große Bedeutung die spezifischen ökologischen Eigenschaften der Bäume und Sträucher in semiariden Savannen für die Vorhersage der Entwicklung dieser Systeme unter Klimawandel hat. Hierbei zeigte sich, dass insbesondere die Sensitivität der Keimlinge gegenüber Trockenheit und Feuer eine entscheidende Rolle spielt. Daraus folgt die zweite wesentliche Erkenntnis: Feuer eignet sich in herausragender Weise, um halbtrockene Savannen vor der Verbuschung zu bewahren. Drittens haben die Rollenspiele mit Farmern in Namibia gezeigt, dass deren Entscheidungen im Wesentlichen von finanziellen Schwierigkeiten und nicht von Umwelteinflüssen getrieben werden. Dennoch zeigten meine Ergebnisse, dass diese Farmer mit Ihrem derzeitigen Verhalten wahrscheinlich nicht zur weiteren Degradierung der Savannenvegetation beitragen. Die vierte, und mit am bedeutendste Erkenntnis aus meiner Arbeit ist, dass konservative Beweidungsstrategien mit geringen und konstanten Viehdichten notwendig sind um semiaride Savannen dauerhaft in ökologisch und ökonomisch nachhaltiger Weise zu Nutzen.
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Williams, Glyn Owain. "Socialist development? : Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front Government." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286808.
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O'Neill, Michael A. "Safe with us vs the sacred trust : policy change under Conservative government : health policy under Britain's Thatcher and Canada's Mulroney." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78609/.
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This research explores the link between New Right ideology and the making of public policy. Taking the Thatcher and Mulroney Governments as examples of the New Right in government this research considers the areas of policy convergence and divergence between them using health as a case study. This study concludes that these 1990s variants of Conservativism differed both in terms of their rhetoric and their ability to chart new public policies. This study finds that the Thatcher Government was a more effective agent of change than the Mulroney Government with institutional differences as the main explanatory variable. Other research themes raised in this research include: The applicability of the incremental policy making model to the study of Canadian and British health policies; the role of interest groups in the development of health policies; and the thesis of the irreversibility of the welfare state. It was found that the incremental model could not account for the rapid and large changes in British health policy but could serve as a theoretical framework to explain health policy developments in Canada. Interest groups for their part were found to have reacted in differing ways to the challenges posed to them by New Right government, seeking to form advocacy coalitions in Canada while remaining resolutely independent in Britain. Finally, this research concludes that the irreversibility of the welfare state thesis as presented by Therborn and Roebroek remains valid. that is that the political popUlarity of national health insurance continue to isolate this sector of social policy from dramatic rollback.
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Lohmann, Dirk [Verfasser], and Florian [Akademischer Betreuer] Jeltsch. "Sustainable management of semi-arid African savannas under environmental and political change / Dirk Lohmann. Betreuer: Florian Jeltsch." Potsdam : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1034204602/34.
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Brukum, Nana James Kwaku. "The Northern Territories of the Gold Coast under British colonial rule, 1897-1956, a study in political change." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ28272.pdf.
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Ruotsalainen, Petri J. "Under the same shade popular perceptions of political change and the challenges of consolidating multiparty democracy in Tanzania /." Gothenburg : School of Global Studies, Peace and Development Research, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/21268.
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Rova, Emmy. "Sverigedemokraterna och kvinnan : En kvalitativ textanalys av Sverigedemokraternas kvinnosyn under 1989-2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100159.
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The following study is a qualitative text analysis and an idea- and ideologyanalysis with the aim of examining the Sweden Democrats view on women over time and if the party’s organizational and ideological development is reflected in the party’s ideas regarding women’s role in society. The material of research consists of the Sweden Democrats party programs which has been analysed through conservatism and populism, which is the theoretical framework of this study. The results of the analysis have been divided into three different time periods and the first period between 1989-1999 indicated a strong connection between the Sweden Democrats view on women and a conservative view on women. During the second and third time period, between the years 1999-2018, the operational indicators for a conservative view on women could not be discovered, however several operational indicators which indicated a populistic view on women could be established. Previous academic research has categorized the Sweden Democrats view on women as conservative, but the results of this study´s analysis argues that the party´s view on women rather should be described as populism.
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Park, Sung-Kwan. "A study of foreign policy change in aSoutheast Asian weak state, linking internal and external explanations: the Philippines under Martial law, 1972-1981." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/160.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the foreign policy of a weak state, the Philippines, from 1972 to 1981. The focus of this study is on the Philippines’ authoritarian regime and its foreign policy change toward the United States, the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), and the Socialist Bloc. I examined two major factors, internal and external. These are authoritarianism, as exemplified by martial law in the Philippines, and greater power policy in the region, in this case, U.S. policy in Asia. The first explanatory factor, authoritarianism, was chosen as a concept to be examined regarding its relation to foreign policy change. The second explanatory factor, U.S. policy in the region in the late sixties and seventies, was examined on the basis of the existence of an action reaction framework in international relations. In the Philippines’ foreign policy change, it was seen that the external variable, great power policy, was one of the sources for change. The internal variable, authoritarianism, served as an intervening variable between the sources and foreign policy change itself.
Books on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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McAnulla, Stuart Dempster. Explaining political change under Thacherism. Birmingham: University of Birmingham, 1999.
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Innovative leadership in democracy: Policy change under Thatcher. Aldershot, Hants, England: Dartmouth Pub. Co., 1993.
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Bennich-Björkman, Li. Political culture under institutional pressure: How institutional change transforms early socialization. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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Ann, Strickland Ruth, and Moore Raymond A, eds. The Constitution under pressure: A time for change. New York: Praeger, 1987.
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Ponniah, Thomas. The revolution in Venezuela: Social and political change under Chávez. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, 2011.
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Pakistan under Musharraf, 1999-2002: Economic reform and political change. Lahore: Vanguard, 2004.
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The revolution in Venezuela: Social and political change under Chávez. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, 2011.
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Chang, Kyŏng-sŏp. South Korea under compressed modernity: Familial political economy in transition. London: Routledge, 2010.
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The autumn of dictatorship: Fiscal crisis and political change in Egypt under Mubarak. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2011.
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Change and continuity in spatial planning: Metropolitan planning in Cape Town under political transition. London: Routledge, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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Brown, Stephen. "Going Viral: Development Assistance Under the Trudeau Minority Government." In Political Turmoil in a Tumultuous World, 251–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70686-9_12.
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Bennich-Björkman, Li. "Socialized Culture and Institutional Change: Introducing the Discussion." In Political Culture under Institutional Pressure, 1–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230609969_1.
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Arbour, Brian. "This Is Trump Country: Donald Trump’s Base and Partisan Change in Unhyphenated America." In American Political Parties Under Pressure, 15–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60879-2_2.
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Murphy, Emma C. "The Roots of Crisis: Economic Policy under Bourguiba, 1956–1987." In Economic and Political change in Tunisia, 80–102. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983584_4.
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Murphy, Emma C. "The Disarticulation of Multi-Party Corporatism: State and Society under Ben Ali." In Economic and Political change in Tunisia, 221–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983584_9.
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Duile, Timo. "Being Dayak in West Kalimantan: Constructing Indigenous Identity as a Political and Cultural Resource." In Continuity under Change in Dayak Societies, 123–40. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-18295-3_5.
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Cotler, Julio. "2. The New Mode of Political Domination in Peru." In The Peruvian Experiment: Continuity and Change Under Military Rule, edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal, 44–78. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870141-005.
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Zohlnhöfer, Reimut, and Frank Bandau. "Policy or Office? The determinants of programmatic change in West European political parties." In The European Social Model under Pressure, 501–18. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_28.
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Marnef, Guido. "The process of political change under the Calvinist Republic in Antwerp (1577–1585)." In Des villes en révolte, 25–33. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.4.00244.
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Muller, Mike. "Managing Current Climate Variability Can Ensure Water Security Under Climate Change." In African Handbook of Climate Change Adaptation, 1–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42091-8_243-1.
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AbstractWater resources will be significantly impacted upon by climate change, and these impacts will be transmitted to the many sectors and services dependent on them. The nature, extent, and timing of these impacts remain uncertain, but the long lifetime of water infrastructures requires that their planning, development, and operations should be resilient to climate changes. An effective approach is to focus on the management of current climate variability as it relates to water, which strengthens the ability of communities and countries to foresee, manage, and adapt to the impacts of longer-term climate change on water-related activities. This approach is illustrated by cases from Southern and Eastern Africa.Current “stationary” stochastic methods of hydrological analysis can still be used under assumptions of a “dynamic stationarity” although more regular updating of hydrological data will be required. Methodologies to evaluate economic dimensions of risk reduction introduce additional uncertainties but may help decision-makers to understand the risks and opportunities. Diversification of sources and sequencing of resource development pathways are helpful strategies to adapt to climate change but must ensure that risks affecting different sources are not correlated. Attention must also be given to demand-side interventions in order to reconcile supply and demand, and these perspectives must be shared with social, economic, and political actors to ensure that strategies are communicated, understood, and supported by the wider community.
Conference papers on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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Qaui, Bouhania, and Latrish Ismaiel. "Political Governance in the Light of the Constitutional Amendment in Algeria and the Mechanisms of Political Reform (Organizing Powers as a Model)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp13-25.
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Since the transformation of the Algerian political system in 1989, the principle of separation of powers has emerged strongly in political life, as an inevitable alternative to what prevailed in the past from the consolidation of power under the one-party system, and with the fading of manifestations of enshrining the principle in the 1996 Constitution and the subsequent amendments that contributed to Strengthening presidential dominance of power, which resulted in a clear imbalance between powers, which called for the intervention of the Algerian constitutional founder in order to introduce new reforms in line with the urgent popular demands aimed at sending promising political reforms that guarantee good political governance, especially with regard to orga…
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Saeed, Kurdistan. "The impact of Political Parties Law no. 36 of 2015 on requlatinq political parties pluralism in Iraq." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp48-60.
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This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.
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Abdel Shafi, Essam. "Political Change in Egypt and the Policies of Consolidating Hegemony." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp34-48.
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The January 25, 2011 revolution that Egypt witnessed was the product of a political and social movement in an ancient civil society, which maintained this characteristic in a stable manner, despite successive bulldozing operations for centuries and extended decades. However, the revolution witnessed fundamental transformations, which led to a military coup in 2013. Repressive policies and practices to consolidate tyranny and authoritarianism, not only in the face of citizens, but also to establish dominance over the state's wealth and capabilities. In dealing with the January revolution, the Egyptian military adopted many policies and practices, whether in the first transitional phase supervised by the Military Council (from February 2011 to June 2012), or during the first year of President Mohamed Morsi's rule, in which he directed matters from The successor, the Military Council, or direct control after the coup of July 3, 2013, until January 2021, and the tasks, roles and functions carried out by the military institution during the ten years (under study) were divided between the policies of consolidating authoritarianism and tyranny, the legal codification of these policies, the systematic violation of rights and freedoms, and the policies of Hegemony and the total militarization of the economy to the extent of what can be called “state ownership,” and the reinforcement of the saying that Egypt is an “army with a state and not a state with an army.” In the face of these considerations, the duality of authoritarianism and the movement emerges, and the transformations and developments between them in Egypt during the ten years that passed after the January 2011 revolution. On political life in Egypt after the January revolution?
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Tang, Shan. "Change of Ideological and Political Education Strategy under New Media Environment." In International Conference on Education, Management and Computing Technology (ICEMCT-15). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icemct-15.2015.31.
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Wang, Yu, Aniket Chakrabarti, David Sivakoff, and Srinivasan Parthasarathy. "Fast Change Point Detection on Dynamic Social Networks." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/417.
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A number of real world problems in many domains (e.g. sociology, biology, political science and communication networks) can be modeled as dynamic networks with nodes representing entities of interest and edges representing interactions among the entities at different points in time. A common representation for such models is the snapshot model - where a network is defined at logical time-stamps. An important problem under this model is change point detection. In this work we devise an effective and efficient three-step-approach for detecting change points in dynamic networks under the snapshot model. Our algorithm achieves up to 9X speedup over the state-of-the-art while improving quality on both synthetic and real world networks.
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Tosyalı, Hikmet. "Political Communication in the Digital Age: Algorithms and Bots." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.004.
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Technology is one factor that has formed the basis for change in the media throughout history. Analog data and information shared by verbal, visual or written methods are now stored, processed, reproduced and shared in digital format due to developments in information technologies. On the other hand, social media, which is an important part of the digital media system, has become an important medium for political communication studies due to its prevalence and big data. As political actors better understand the value of data sets of millions of users, their interest in social media has also increased. However, this growing interest has also brought concerns such as digital profiling, informatics surveillance, systematic disinformation, and privacy violations. It has long been discussed that the practices of governments and technology companies for creating a structure similar to the gatekeeping in traditional media by taking social media under control. In recent years, some of these discussions are (ro)bot accounts on social media because online social networks are no longer just connecting people. Machines talk and interact with people, and even machines do this with other machines. Automatic posts made by bot accounts through algorithms to imitate people’s behavior on social media are liked, reposted or commented on by people and other bots. Bots that make political shares are also used by political actors worldwide, especially during election periods. Politicians use political bots to appear more popular on social media, disrupt their rivals’ communication strategies, and manipulate public opinion. This study aimed to reveal the effects of bots on political communication. After explaining the concepts of propaganda, algorithm, bot and computational propaganda, how political bots could affect the public sphere and elections were discussed in the light of current political communication literature.
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Kobos, Edgar. "Analysis of Development Factors of Non-Governmental Organizations with Particular Emphasis on Public Funds and the Process of European Integration." In 5th International Scientific Conference 2021. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-464-4.5.
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In the last quarter of the century, there has been a steady increase in the number and scope of organizations operating under the so-called third sector. These organizations implement a wide range of activities, from social services to recreational activities, from political pressure groups to groups that promote art or history. Foundations and associations are an important arena of social, economic and political activity, alongside the state and the private sector, they feature an increasingly important role in today's world. European public funds provide a plentiful supply of financing for these activities. It has been shown that European funds change the statutory objectives of foundations and associations as public funds determine their operational priorities and directions of development. Active civil society supports the creative processes of social capital, and the most important function of NGOs is precise to strengthen social capital. Participation in NGOs is a determinant of civic maturity for citizens. On the other hand, due to the active participation of citizens in such organizations, societies have changed. This is the reason why the direction of the third sector development and the phenomena of its growth is so crucial for every European State.
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JAYATUNGE, D. A. S. R., A. P. K. D. MENDIS, and VIJITHA DISARATNA. "SUFFICIENCY OF THE POLICIES RELATED TO CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN SRI LANKA." In 13th International Research Conference - FARU 2020. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit (FARU), University of Moratuwa, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2020.15.
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Public policy on construction will reflect the economic, political, social, and cultural status of Sri Lanka. The construction industry in Sri Lanka has faced many issues in the recent past because of unsuccessful government policies. Therefore, an effective national policy for the construction industry has become necessary. Thus, the aim of this study was to examine the effectiveness of the existing construction policies. The empirical data required were collected by interviewing ten experts, who were selected using snowball sampling. The collected data were manually analysed using content analysis. The findings revealed that the National Policy on Construction (NPC), formulated by the National Advisory Council on Construction, which was set up under the Construction Industry Development Act No. 33 of 2014, is the only construction policy that has been formulated in Sri Lanka so far. NPC contains eighteen (18) policies applied for both the public and private sectors. Although according to the literature, policies in Sri Lanka change along with the change of governments, the study revealed that NPC, which has remained unchanged since its formulation in 2014, is still applicable in the country.
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LaManna, Jacob, David Ortiz, Mark Livelli, Samuel Haas, Chinedu Chikwem, Brittany Ray, and Robert Stevens. "Feasibility of Thermoelectric Waste Heat Recovery in Large Scale Systems." In ASME 2008 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2008-68676.
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With the growing emphasis on energy efficiency because of environmental, political, and economic reasons and the fact there has been significant advances in thermoelectric materials, there is a renewed interest in using thermoelectrics for waste heat recovery. A mathematical model of a thermoelectric power system is developed from a heat transfer analysis of a waste heat recovery system. The model is validated by altering design parameters of a small prototype thermoelectric system that converts heat into electricity. A heated air stream is produced using an exhaust simulation test stand and provides the waste heat source for the prototype. The prototype is designed to be able to change several system parameters such as different heat sinks, thermoelectric module counts, and module configurations to better validate the developed model. The model does predict the electrical performance with typical accuracy of 30% error from the prototype over a range of configurations and operating conditions. A feasibility study using the validated model was used to determine under what conditions this technology will become economically viable, such as remote power generation with 20 year payback.
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Hustad, Carl-W. "Deployment of Low and Zero Emission Fossil Fuel Power Generation in Emerging Niche Markets." In ASME Turbo Expo 2008: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2008-50106.
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The opportunities for near-term implementation of low and zero-emission fossil fuel power generation using Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) is emerging in niche markets. This is primarily motivated by regulations following a growing awareness regarding the potential impact of climate-change, and partly the opportunities for use of carbon-dioxide (CO2) with enhanced oil recovery (EOR). However there remain significant technology, engineering, investment and political barriers that need to be overcome before CCS can be accepted as commercially mature for the power generation industry and the finance community. The risk with early projects is high, while collaboration and trust between government, industry and investors will also be needed to commercialize the technology. With an emerging sense of urgency regarding a global consensus for tackling climate-change, one also observes that technology pathways are integrated with political agendas and it becomes important to roadmap a commercial strategy for the respective technologies taking account of government requirements for compromise and burden sharing. To some extent this can also impact on comparative choices for the most cost-effective technologies that are supported through to future commercial deployment. The situation is complicated by the fact that technology choice—be it pre-combustion, post-combustion or oxy-combustion—remains an open question, where parties are probably influenced by their historical expertise, available hardware and near-term perception of future carbon challenge. The fact that energy, materials and engineering costs have been escalating rapidly while there is also a fundamental paradigm change occurring, somewhat undermines the use of historical data and past experience to predict business opportunities for the future. Within this context the paper considers on-going carbon market evolution in three regions, namely Texas, North Europe and Canada, seen from a technology and project developer perspective. The paper applies updated project engineering costs for capture from natural gas (NG) and coal using post- and oxy-combustion technology. Under all circumstances projects still exhibit poor economic return on invested capital and depend on government participation; they therefore remain unattractive to the investment community. But perhaps more important is the current perception of technology and market risk which also appears to undermine motivation to make significant commitments when evaluating projects within the old paradigm. However such a situation is not politically sustainable and a new paradigm must emerge. This will occur through regulation and significant changes in pricing in the energy and commodity market—including valuation of captured and avoided CO2. And this will also impact on the relative merits of various technology options. For the time being these discussion and results are only indicative of how a new paradigm and evolving technology may become “game-changing”, but the paper does attempt to provide some foresight into future opportunities.
Reports on the topic "Political change under Trudeau"
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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.
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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.