Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political campaigns – Technological innovations'

This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.
vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.

Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers. Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.

The advent of the Internet has increased access to information and impacted many aspects of life, including politics. The present study utilized Pew Internet & American Life survey data from the November 2008 presidential election time period to investigate the degree to which political blog reading predicted online political discussion, online political participation, whether or not a person voted, and voting choice, over and above the predication that could be explained by demographic measures of age, education level, gender, income, marital status, race/ethnicity, and region. Ordinary least squares hierarchical regression revealed that political blog reading was positively and statistically significantly related to online political discussion and online political participation. Hierarchical logistic regression analysis indicated that the odds of a political blog reader voting were 1.98 the odds of a nonreader voting, but vote choice was not predicted by reading political blogs. These results are interpreted within the uses and gratifications framework and the understanding that blogs add an interpersonal communication aspect to a mass medium. As more people use blogs and the nature of the blog-reading audience shifts, continuing to track and describe the blog audience with valid measures will be important for researchers and practitioners alike. Subsequent potential effects of political blog reading on engagement, discussion, and participation will be important to understand as these effects could impact the political landscape of this country and, therefore, the world.

This thesis is a narrative account of the development of my living theory of practice as a teacher and information communications technologies (ICT) consultant with a national awarding body. Within my two workplaces I experience myself as a living contradiction when my values are denied in practice, in relation to the prohibition of full participation of all participants through the suppression of their voices, or by the imposition of too-rapid organisational change. The thesis accounts for how I have attempted to transform these unsatisfactory situations into life-affirming practices for all through exercising my educational influence in learning for personal and organisational sustainability. The significance of my research lies in my capacity to explain how I hold myself accountable for my improved practice as I develop emancipatory pedagogies and conditions that nurture personal and social wellbeing. I have generated my living theory of emancipatory practice through finding ways to enable myself and others to work in solidarity to exercise our agency through communicative action (Habermas 1975). This is accomplished through realising the potentials of ICT as a form of communicative action within actual and virtual communities of practice, which becomes a significant feature of the originality of my contribution to knowledge of my field. Originality is extended in the production of evidence to test the validity of my theorization of ICT as political action. The multimedia evidence base is continued in the production of a multimedia thesis that accompanies and embeds the linguistic form of the thesis, a communication of my parallel understanding of traditional forms of theory and pedagogy as subsets of their wider inclusional and relational forms. The thesis also explores how values may be clarified in the course of their emergence in practice and transformed into living standards of judgement.

Scholarly interest for the impact of technologies on democracy has raised in parallel to the decline of political participation. Technology has often been seen as either one of the causes of the crisis of representative democracy or as a powerful remedy to heal the negative externalities generated by party oligopolies.

The study of the impact of new media in party politics or presidential elections dates back the forties (with the outgrowth of radio) and has evolved in cyclical waves until today, covering the emergence of television, the development of global telecommunications, the birth of internet and finally what’s popularly called the Web 2.0.

The notion of eDemocracy emerges from this dynamic, but is in a league of its own.

There is no agreement on many of the terms that one needs to use to dissect its meaning. Scholars diverge on virtually every foundational concept: from the very definition of democracy and interactivity, to the core functions of political parties, to the definition of propaganda as opposed to political communication or to political marketing. As a consequence of this, there is little agreement on both what could be done in theory with eDemocracy and what is actually done in practice.

A permanent tension exist between idealtypes and real types in this domain.

The aim of this research is to prove this thesis with the largest and most global research unit of political parties web sites at the time of writing.

The choice of an information architecture approach has allowed to cover some uncharted territory while providing a first set of data on the structures of the political web (in 2004-2005) for public scrutiny.

The core of this research contribution consists in a basic taxonomy and a set of data (on the intentions and on the information architecture) resulting from a 10 years observational research on the early actors of the political web (stricto sensu i.e. 2073 political parties web sites), reviewed with a new degree of detail (through an ad hoc software procedure aiming at dissecting the structure of political web sites) and grouped into 3 main families (protosites, mesosites and neosites) of party web sites. These clusters of homogeneous web sites share a common way to deal with space, with files, with usability, with multimedia.

Classic views on eDemocracy insisted on the improvement deriving from more political information online: in theory, the more information we have, the more we can compare it and use it for our political orientation/participation. In practice, to describe the problem in cybernetic terms, this empirical research shows that load appears to be an issue for most party sites: there is too often either too little content (one out of five party sites around the world is a "protosite") or too much (11% of the observed universe materializes in real “content caverns”). A little more than 4% of the sites (a high end mesosite or neosite) had between 10000 and 48,000 links !

Cyber optimists have seen in the proliferation of party web sites a sign of improved party competition. For political minorities or for incumbent parties, in the political web, like in eCommerce, what really makes the difference is the conversion rate i.e. the number of visitors that turn into involved voters. Now, with the type of technical, socio-economical constraints reducing the widespread access to the net, with motivational factors (trust and degree of social connectedness) that may alter the individual’s response to the online information offer, with the imperfect implementation (in terms of usability) of the information architecture requirements for optimal political persuasion and communication online, the actual conversation rate of political parties web sites is likely to remain modest.

One of the most characteristic uses of the political web discovered in this research is to provide cloud like archival services for the party community. Parties - in the first ten years of the political web - were trying to check mainstream media and use their sites as a low cost, contemporary version of the party newspapers of the 70s.

Although this dissertation is not investigating the specific impact of party sites, the structural analysis carried out in the empirical validation suggests that the architecture of party sites in the years 1995-2005 was developing in such a way to be less and less capable of injecting meaningful inputs in the circuitry of modern democratic institutions. Engaged in a frontal competition with traditional news media (and deprived of the same assets), the early political web stricto sensu (and the set of interactive applications it contains) seems to be too a weak vector to channel adequate stimuli to alter and modify electoral processes or institutional dynamics.

The majority of the respondents of a political webmasters survey (107 individuals responded to the survey) carried out in the course of this research project indicates that the party site is not the party's leaders favourite platform to launch messages (64% of the answers disagree or strongly disagree to the statement). The majority of the respondents in the same empirical fieldwork agrees to the following statements: “the web is not the most important tool for the party communication strategy (58%)”, “key messages are published simultaneously on all media available (77%)”, “the party has created this site to allow people to contact candidates directly (63%)”, “the biggest part of the interaction with the public happens live, in meetings - the web is used essentially to post the party documents and to give news to the electorate (73%)”.

The most interesting results of this question are related to the transactive / mediating role of party communication online. It is beyond any doubt that in the view of these respondents their site has not been created “to invite the opposition to discuss with us (81%)”. If there is a politically relevant process that goes on in these sites it’s really among like-minded.

The mission statement [our party site is meant] “to gather the wants and needs of the electorate” splits respondents in two (54% of the respondents agrees and 47% and disagrees), but 73% of all respondents also agrees that most of the interactions with the electorate are non mediated, thus limiting the relevance of the political web stricto sensu to a mere information delivery platform.

The central thesis emerging from this first major reality check of the political web is that the structure of most party sites is simply not made to generate the ambitious levels of deliberative democracy. Not only a large number of party sites are microscopic, but they lack the basic means for human to human interactivity, a criticism that .In 34,7% of the cases scrutinized in the survey the sites lacked even of the mailto command (used to allow end users to write mails to the webmaster). In 51.9% of the cases there is no form at all, to facilitate structured communications between the party and the audience. The majority of the early actors of the political web were not structured to engage in deliberative activities. Only a fraction of the universe (between 1 and 2%) showed multiple forms and input methods corresponding to advanced neosites (along the model of the US Green Party Action Centre) or the so called over exposure sites (such as the Argentinian Humanista party). The bottom line is that interactivity levels found – worldwide - on the largest array of political parties sites were (in the period between 1995 and 2005) simply discouraging, if one tends to believe in the rhetoric of eDemocracy.

A corollary of my central thesis is that the reality of the political web generated by parties between 1995 and 2005, shows a significant presence of techniques and communication forms typical of political marketing and propaganda. ‘Commands’, calls for ortopraxy, confrontational communication and a growing number of ‘digital tricks’ structure the toolbox of the best party web architects. A form of weak propaganda (the only sort of ‘naked hand’ propaganda that most political parties can afford to pay) has invaded and captured cyberspace. And the user community is becoming increasingly aware of this.

This research does not cover the user dimension. However marginal data obtained in one of the three empirical sections (the Web Master survey) seem to indicate that the political web (of the early years) maintained the capacity to swing some marginal seats.

This research covers forms of interactivity based on BBS, online fora and blogs but does not cover the historical period of the development of social networks such as Facebook and Twitter. The scientific conclusions are therefore intrinsically limited in value to the decade they refer to, but it is argued in the conclusions that recent surveys (Internet and Campaign 2010 Survey by Pew) do not seem to indicate that the so called Web 2.0 is drastically changing the levels of online political participation.

Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The field of media assistance has grown ever more complex with the inclusion of ‘new media’ networks, channels, tools and practices (such as the Internet, satellite television, mobile devices, social media and citizen journalism) to the media development mix. Adding to the ferment is the increasing convergence between the formerly discrete terrains of ICT for development, media for development and (mass) media development. Much of the discussion regarding the utility and objectives of media development in general and ‘new media’ in particular has been viewed through a modernist and techno-determinist prism which offers a limited ideological view of media development and its objects and consequently, a limited set of communication approaches and strategies. This study contextualises the assumptions of media development historically and critically, with particular focus on new media’s roles and relationships with the media environment, and its objectives democratisation and development. Through the application of literature, theory and various research studies, this thesis establishes a broader view of new media’s role and diverse consequences for media development, democracy and development. The study recommends greater collaboration, contextual research and theorisation of media development and new media as part of mixed media systems and cognisant of the multi-dimensional natures of its objects of democracy and development. One implication is the need for professionalisation of the media development and media assistance sector. In relation to the influences of new media on media use and the media as an institution, it motivates the need to address digital divides and emphasise the sustainability of the practice of journalism.

This dissertation explains the causes of national differences in markets for technology. Different national approaches to intellectual property protection and use, market openness and market scope are the result of the process of creating technology standards in different countries. Technology Standards, in turn, are the product of two causal variables: the historically determined institutions of standardization - particularly the role of the state in the standardization process, and the position of a country in the fragmented global production system. The institutions of standardization determine the relative influence of different actors over standardization and market position. The position within the global economy determines these actors’ perspectives on intellectual property and market scope. Using case studies of standardization and technology market creation in the United States, Europe and China, this dissertation reveals the mechanisms by which these two variables give rise to national differences in technology markets.

Esta dissertação procurou investigar as condições de trabalho em uma central de atendimento telefônico ligada a um banco público. A unidade em foco é terceirizada e seus empregados exercem mesmas tarefas que funcionários concursados. A unidade de teleatendimento possui alto grau de informatização e combina características de organização tayloristafordista com gerenciamento toyotista, apresentando especificidades decorrentes da utilização de mão-de-obra num contexto marcado pela flexibilização nas formas contratação e conseqüente redução de direitos laborais de terceirizados em relação aos funcionários efetivos do banco. O objetivo geral foi o de questionar suposta neutralidade da tecnologia quando mediadora da relação capital x trabalho. Por ser uma pesquisa qualitativa, partimos de bibliografia que nos auxiliasse na comprovação dessa hipótese, a de que a tecnologia foi apropriada pelo capital e a este serve na medida em que permite a intensificação do ritmo de trabalho, aumento no controle dos resultados e a conseqüente aceleração no ritmo de acumulação. Os argumentos de que a ciência pouparia o ser humano do esforço físico desnecessário e o libertaria para desenvolver atividades ligadas ao intelecto se verificou em parte, sem, no entanto, diminuir o grau de exploração sobre o trabalhador, verificado pela precarização crescente nas formas de contratação, gerando um novo mundo do trabalho. Questionários mistos foram utilizados junto a trabalhadoras da empresa terceirizada, no intuito de identificar o perfil socioeconômico, o histórico profissional, as condições de trabalho e qual a percepção como classe trabalhadora. Identificamos que o grau de controle e o ritmo de trabalho se constituem em formas de intensificação na exploração, propiciada pela combinação de técnicas gerenciais da era fordista e pela utilização de sistemas de controle baseados na informática, constituindo o aparato tecnológico, uma dimensão do capital.
This thesis sought to investigate the working conditions in a call center subordinated to a public bank. The telemarketing unit under study is outsourced, and their employees perform the same tasks as direct permanent employees. The telemarketing unit has a high degree of computerization and combines features of Taylorist-Fordist organization with Toyotist management. Labor force use characterized by flexibility and a reduction of labor rights of the outsourced employees compared to the permanent employees of the bank. The hypotheses that guided this research is that technology, far from being neutral, serves the interests of capital as far as it contributes to intensification of labor, increased labor control and, as a result, to the acceleration of capital accumulation. The arguments that science would save human beings from unnecessary physical effort to liberat and develop activities related to the intellect occurred in part, without,however, reduce the degree of exploitation of the employee, revealed by the growing labor insecurity. Questionnaires to the outsourced company workers were used to obtain data aiming to identify the socioeconomic, occupational history, working conditions and the self-perception as working class. We found that the degree of control and intensified labor pace provided by the combination of Fordist management techniques era and control systems based on computer, are increasing labor exploration. In this regard, the technological apparatus can be seen as a dimension of capital.

Defence date: 12 June 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.

For most of the one billion people living in extreme poverty worldwide, access to an adequate water supply and basic sanitation (WSS) is limited, resulting in substantial health, economic and social burdens. Although the international community has actively explored solutions to this crisis, primarily focusing on bottom-up approaches in which the beneficiaries participate in the design and implementation of their own WSS solutions, significant problems remain. Innovation presents an important source of feasible solutions in this sector for those in need, but insufficient study exists to allow scholars to determine the dynamics that trigger WSS innovation. In light of the recent emphasis on a bottom-up approach to water issues and the dearth of analysis with regard to the role WSS innovation plays in seeking solutions, the present dissertation sets out to explore innovation dynamics in relation to the establishment of rural Water Supply and Sanitation Community-Based (WSS-CB). The answer comes through an application of a qualitative methodology that focuses on the implementation of two publicly-run and sustainability-oriented programs - the Blue Flag Ecological Program (BFEP) and the Sanitarian Quality Seal Program (SQSP) - in three rural communities in Costa Rica. A theoretical model based on the conceptual frameworks of Systems of Innovation (SI), Community Based/Community Management (CB/CM), and the Institutional Analysis Development (IAD) theory is proposed, including two set of hypotheses addressing the contribution of two independent variables, the participation of the community and the capacity of the community, to local sustainability and local learning. The results show that the dynamics relating to leadership and a sense of ownership do, in fact, affect both dependent variables and further identify participation and interaction at decision-making and social venues as innovation drivers.

Social media use is a pivotal driver for political engagement. The present study extended previous research by exploring the simple and serial mediating roles of narcissism, perceived anonymity, descriptive norms, and subjective norms in this relationship. Structural equation modeling (SEM) with bootstrapping estimation was conducted for hypothesis testing using data from 579 Hong Kong university students. Modeling results revealed that perceived anonymity, descriptive norms, and subjective norms are significant mediators of the relationship between social media use and political participation. Moreover, descriptive norms, together with perceived anonymity, were found to mediate the relationship. Likewise, narcissism combined with descriptive norms proved to be significant mediators of the relationship. Additionally, a distal mediation effect of descriptive norms and subjective norms proved to be significant. Based on these results, a subsequent parallel mediation analysis was conducted, revealing that perceived anonymity is the most influential indicator among perceived anonymity, subjective norms, and descriptive norms of the relationship of social media use and political participation. The study concluded by comparing male and female respondents in terms of political participation. The result showed that male respondents were generally more active than female respondents in both online and offline political activities, which agrees with prior research findings. Collectively, the current study provides a new perspective from which we can further understand the effects of social media use on political engagement.

Air traffic control and how it is organized is about to change. In Sweden, the Air Traffic Navigation Services (Luftfartsverket) together with SAAB have developed an alternative to traditional air traffic control; Remote Tower Services (RTS). RTS means that a digital tower with multiple cameras is placed at the airport instead of a traditional air traffic control tower. The air traffic controllers control the traffic via a Remote Tower Center (RTC), often situated several miles from the airport. 2015, as the first country in the world, the Air Traffic Navigation Services together with SAAB launched RTS in Sweden at Örnsköldsviks airport which operates from a RTC in Sundsvall. In the forthcoming years RTS is about to be implemented at four Swedish airports. Using Everett Rogers theory of diffusion and theories of public-private partnership this paper examines RTS as an innovation. The study is based on qualitative interviews with representatives from the Air Traffic Navigation Services, Swedavia and Swedish Pilot Association.The study shows that RTS as an innovation can be seen as a consequence of the deregulation of the air traffic control market in 2010 whereas digitalization is another contributing factor. The study also shows that the implementation of RTS can be seen as unilateral. There have been deliberative elements with municipalities and other actors but some of these elements have been symbolic.

This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.

The Law of Technological Innovation established the obligation of Institutions of Science and Technology (ICTs) has a Center for Technological Innovation (NIT) to manage its innovation policy. The creation of NITs resulted in the growth of the number of requests for protection of Intellectual Property (IP) derived from Brazilian universities. The Federal University of Reconcavo of Bahia (UFRB), despite having existed Coordination of Science and Technological Innovation in 2006 and an NIT since 2007, its innovation policy was not enhanced enough to strengthen the culture of IP protection in technology transfer (TT) and the approach the University with the industrial sector. This study aimed to map and proposes strategies to enhance the protection of Intellectual Property and Technology Transfer (IP&TT) in UFRB. Thus, we carried out a literature survey to identify strategies already used by other institutions, desk research to identify the strategies adopted by UFRB to consolidate its innovation policy, a survey of scientific and technological production to develop indicators that production and identify their potential in Research, Development and Innovation, and finally, the application of semi-structured interviews with managers UFRB to analyze the perception of these managers on innovation policy of the University. It was found that the UFRB scientificize has a production of 407 publications (between 2006 and 2012) and a technological production of 11 patents in the National Institute of Industrial Property that period. On its policy of innovation, UFRB tries to establish it since 2006, but has trouble finding its intensification as, for example, lack of trained human resources, the difficulty of inserting a culture of protection of IP rights among academics and the gap with the business sector. Whereas the number of projects covered by the Scholarship Program Started in Technological Development and Innovation (PIBITI) reached 56 and the defenses of dissertations and theses reached the number of 252 performances, UFRB has a scientific productivity that has not been protected by IP rights and could have resulted in many products, processes or services with innovative potential. In 2014, despite the creation of the Coordination of Creation and Innovation (CINOVA), is additionally necessary to adopt other strategies to strengthen innovation policy at the University such as the creation of a Commission of IP&TT; expansion in the number of servers and; actions to enhance the culture of IP&TT between academics and businesses; the inclusion, at undergraduate and postgraduate, discussions on IP rights and; monitoring of projects with innovative potential.
A Lei de Inovação Tecnológica estabeleceu a obrigatoriedade das Instituições de Ciência e Tecnologia (ICTs) dispor de um Núcleo de Inovação Tecnológica (NIT) para gerir sua política de inovação. A criação dos NITs resultou no crescimento do número de pedidos de proteção da Propriedade Intelectual (PI) proveniente de universidades brasileiras. Na Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia (UFRB), apesar de ter existido a Coordenação de Ciência e Inovação Tecnológica já em 2006 e um NIT desde 2007, sua política de inovação não foi intensificada o suficiente para fortalecer a cultura de proteção da PI, de transferência de tecnologia (TT) e a aproximação da Universidade com o setor industrial. O presente estudo teve como objetivo mapear e propor estratégias para intensificar a proteção da Propriedade Intelectual e a Transferência de Tecnologia (PI&TT) na UFRB. Dessa forma, fez-se um levantamento bibliográfico para identificar estratégias já utilizadas por outras instituições, uma pesquisa documental para identificar as estratégias adotadas pela UFRB para consolidar sua política de inovação, um levantamento de sua produção científica e tecnológica para elaborar indicadores dessa produção e identificar seu potencial em Pesquisa, Desenvolvimento e Inovação e, por fim, a aplicação de entrevistas semiestruturadas com gestores da UFRB para analisar a percepção desses gestores sobre a política de inovação da Universidade. Verificou-se que a UFRB tem uma produção cientificar de 407 publicações (entre 2006 e 2012) e uma produção tecnológica de 11 patentes depositadas no Instituto Nacional de Propriedade Industrial nesse período. Sobre sua política de inovação, a UFRB tenta estabelecê-la desde 2006, mas vem encontrando problemas para sua intensificação como, por exemplo, a falta de recursos humanos capacitados, a dificuldade de inserir uma cultura de proteção dos direitos de PI entre os acadêmicos e o distanciamento com o setor empresarial. Considerando que o número de projetos contemplados pelo Programa Institucional de Bolsas de Iniciação em Desenvolvimento Tecnológico e Inovação (PIBITI) chegou a 56 e as defesas de dissertações e teses atingiu o número de 252 apresentações, a UFRB tem uma produtividade científica que não tem sido protegida por direitos de PI e poderia ter resultado em muitos produtos, processos ou serviços com potencial inovador. Em, 2014, apesar da criação da Coordenação de Criação e Inovação (CINOVA), adicionalmente é preciso adotar outras estratégias para fortalecer a política de inovação na Universidade como: a criação de uma Comissão de PI&TT; ampliação do quadro de servidores e; ações para intensificar a cultura de PI&TT entre os acadêmicos e empresas; a inclusão, na graduação e na pós-graduação, de discussões sobre direitos de PI e; acompanhamento dos projetos com potencial inovador.

Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on. This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.
171 leaves ; 29 cm

Orientador: Fernão Vitor Pessoa de Almeida Ramos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
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Resumo: Esta tese propõe novos critérios para a definição de cinema documentário, tomando-o como uma classe natural da retórica da esfera publica contemporânea, a partir da extrapolação dos traços recorrentes do documentário político feito a partir, através e para a circulação na internet, na primeira década do século 21. A constatação de que o ciberdocumentário ativista recente logrou transformar o esforço de constituição de espaços de visibilidade publica autônomos em uma matéria de expressão poética peculiar conduziu a concepção de que o traço distintivo do documentário, em geral, reside no tipo especifico de relação que ele pretende constituir entre seus participantes: enunciadores, enunciatários e atores sociais. Reinterpreta-se retórico-especulativamente os conceitos da "pragmática universal" para tornar os conceitos de "interpretabilidade" e "validez" operadores analíticos apropriados para o exame da retórica dos ciberdocumentários. A peculiaridade mais decisiva desses vídeos e sua função instauradora de contrapúblicos, através da operação de plataformas telemáticas de publicação abertas. Essa inovação, trazida para a esfera publica pelo ciberativismo dos movimentos antiglobalização corporativa, e estruturada como uma política prefigurativa. Os ciberdocumentários publicados nessas plataformas são tambem prefigurativos porque visam provocar efeitos catalisadores, comemorativos e regenerativos sobre seus apreciadores, propiciando a transposição das relações de participação na enunciação para as relações nos contrapúblicos e na esfera publica ampla. A inovação da producao de conteúdo pelos públicos usuários, porém, e capturada por corporações da telemática, nas "redes sociais" e sites de "compartilhamento de vídeos", como estratégia para extrair trabalho não pago da privacidade coletiva dos usuários. Através de analises da estrutura das plataformas de publicação, de alguns ciberdocumentários e de entrevistas com seus organizadores, a tese examina dois projetos ciberativistas prefigurativos: o CMI-Brasil e o Circuitos Compartilhados. Examina-se como o propósito de constituição de contrapúblicos ativistas prefigurativos determina os demais elementos da retórica dos ciberdocumentários (situações de tomada, montagem, paratextualização nas plataformas, organização de exibições). Nos vídeos do Centro de Mídia Independente, temos uma retórica próxima do documentário direto contra-informação política, na qual o espaço urbano e audiovisual mente reconstruído de maneira agônica. A intensa imersividade dos vídeos ceemistas serve para de estabelecer uma relação de revezabilidade entre os participantes das enunciações ciberdocumentárias prefigurativas. Em Circuitos, ha proximidade com a retórica do documentário poeticoexperimental. Nessa plataforma, que tambem e uma coleção de vídeos compartilhada pelos participantes do projeto, a constituição de contrapúblicos e manifestamente explorada como práxis poética
Abstract: In the present thesis are proposed new criteria for the documentary cinema definition, as a natural class of the contemporary public sphere rhetoric, stemming from the extrapolation of the recurring features of the political documentary built upon, through and to the Internet diffusion, made in the first decade of the 21th century. The observation that the recent activist cyberdocumentary succeeded in convert the public visibility spaces' building efforts in a peculiar poetic matter of expression brought the conception that the distinctive characteristic of the documentary rhetoric lies in the specific kind of relationship it pretends to constitute between their parts - ennunciators, ennunciatees and social actors. The concepts of the "Universal Pragmatics" are undertaken in a speculative-rhetoric key, to make them suitable to the prefigurative cyberdocumentaries rhetoric scrutiny. The crucial particular feature of this videos is their role in the counterpublics institution, through the operation of open publishing on-line platforms. This innovation, brought about in the public sphere by the anti-corporate globalization movements cyberactivism, is neatly structured as a prefigurative policy. The cyberdocumentaries published in these platforms are also prefigurative because they aim to produce cathalist, commemorative and regenerative effects on their appreciators, underpinning the transposition from the relationships between the parts in the enunciation to the relationships into the counterpublics and in the public sphere at large. The innovation of the user publics content production has however been captured by the internet corporations, in the "social networks" and "video sharing" sites, as a strategy to extract unpaid work from the collective privacy of the users. Through the analysis of the publishing platforms structures, of cyberdocumentaries and of interviews, this thesis presents the main features of two prefigurative cyberactivist projects: The Brazilian Indymedia chapter (CMI-Brasil) and the "Shared Circuits" (Circuitos Compartilhados). The scrutiny focus is directed to the understanding of how the activist counterpublics building purpose determines the other layers of the ciberdocumentary rhetoric (the image take situations, the montage, the paratextual composition of the platforms, the organization of exhibitions). In the Brazilian IMC videos, we see a rethoric near to the counter-information direct documentary, where the urban space is audiovisually reconstructed in an agonic manner. The intense immersivity of IMC's videos is precursory to a relaying relationship between the documentary ennounciation participants. In Circuits, a more closeness to the poetic-experimental documentary rhetoric is seen. In that platform, which is also a video collection shared by the project participants, the counterpublic building is conspicuously explored as a poetic praxis
Doutorado
Multimeios
Doutor em Multimeios

Com as mudanças sociais decorrentes das crescentes interdependências culturais e econômicas que ocorrem em nível mundial, os processos de empreendedorismo e de inovação podem contribuir para a sobrevivência das organizações, inclusive aquelas do setor público, caso em que tais processos podem favorecer a agregação de valores aos serviços prestados à sociedade. O objetivo da pesquisa é investigar a perspectiva dos gestores públicos quanto a importância e a aplicabilidade do empreendedorismo na gestão de uma organização pública e rever o referencial teórico sobre aspectos correlatos ao empreendedorismo. O método de pesquisa utilizado foi estudo de caso com aplicação de questionários aos gestores de uma instituição pública de ensino superior com 13 campi no Estado do Paraná. Foram analisados os resultados dos Gestores do Sistema da Instituição e dos Gestores dos Campi, com análise comparativa entre as respostas dos dois grupos de pesquisados. Os resultados demonstram a perspectiva dos gestores pesquisados sobre a presença de características relacionadas ao empreendedorismo na organização em que atuam, bem como a importância que dão a características relacionadas ao tema na gestão administrativa pública.
With the social changes due to the increasing cultural and economic interdependencies at a global level, the entrepreneurial and innovation processes can contribute to the survival of organizations, including those in the public sector, in which case such processes may favor the aggregation of values to the services rendered to the company. The objective of the research is to investigate the perspectives of public managers as the importance and applicability of entrepreneurship in the management of a public organization and review the theoretical aspects related to entrepreneurship. The research method used was case study with a questionnaires to the managers of a public institution of higher learning with 13 campi in the State of Paraná. The results of the Managers of the Institution System and Managers of Campi, a comparative analysis between the responses of two groups of subjects were analyzed. The results demonstrate the perspective of managers surveyed about the presence of characteristics related to entrepreneurship in the organization in which they operate, as well as the importance they attach to features related to the topic in the administrative public.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the aftermath of the Second World War, the development challenges facing Third World countries - those that were independent, those emerging from colonialism and those still under colonialism - led to the proliferation of bilateral and multilateral development institutions. These institutions were intended to assist the developing countries in terms of the provision of both human (technical) skills and material resources as well as to formulate programmes that would promote co-operation for socio-economic development and transformation. If the enormous development problems facing Africa including poverty, hunger, disease can be alleviated, then multilateral institutions have a major role to play in its scientific and technological development as well as in helping to create the appropriate institutional mechanisms for regional and sub-regional co-operation in science and technology (S&T) in Africa. The United Nations system, including UN-affiliated institutions, has therefore come to represent the best hope of realising the dream of most developing countries in their quest for development, due to its institutional capacity to provide development assistance as well as influence the international development agenda which affects Africa. For example, among the institutions in this study, the World Bank Group remains the biggest donor organisation in terms of the funding of development projects and programmes. UNESCO has a leading role as the UN agency whose mandate relates directly to S&T development and peace. The ECA is the representative body of the UN in Africa and therefore able to influence the direction of development policy and programmes. Similarly, the need to develop also led African countries to establish their own regional and sub-regional institutions for co-operation to draw together both human and material resources. However, the development issues discussed and promoted in the developing world over the years have focused more on national income, terms of trade, market access and in recent times on structural adjustment and poverty reduction strategy programmes. But the most important aspect of the development process - the knowledge capability gap (in terms of S&T) - has been much neglected especially at the regional and sub-regional levels. Therefore, in using regional and sub-regional levels of analyses, the research project looks at the programmes supported by the following institutions: the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the World Bank, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the African Development Bank (AIDB), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Thus the study uses a theorydriven evaluation based on INEXSK (INfrastructure, EXperience and Skills, and Knowledge) approach broadly, to investigate the extent to which these multilateral institutions live up to their stated goals of improving the knowledge base for development in the African continent. An important aspect of the study also entails a historical review of science, technology and institutional co-operation in Africa. Furthermore, an important outcome of the study reveals the lack of functional regional and sub-regional organisational frameworks to promote rigorous scientific and technological research and development in the African continent, except for a few centres and programmes supported by some multilateral and bilateral institutions including NGOs. In spite of many years of structural adjustment the World Bank's lending for S&T has marginalised African countries; while the AIDB support for S&T and regional programmes is woefully inadequate. This is a momentous task it has to address if the NEP AD Initiative is to be successful in the years ahead. To guide future initiatives the study draws on the lessons and experiences of the European Union's and the Association of South East Asian Nations' (ASEAN) regional scientific and technology co-operation programmes. The study advocates a knowledge-based development paradigm, which is transnational in approach, and it makes specific recommendations for regional and sub-regional programmes and strategies to promote the socio-economic development and transformation of Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: OPSOMMING Ná afloop van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het Derde Wêreldlande - dié reeds onafhanklik, óf besig om kolonialisme af te skud, óf nog steeds onder 'n koloniale moondheid se bewind - sekere ontwikkelingstruikelblokke en -uitdagings in die gesig gestaar. Dit het gelei tot die totstandkoming van verskeie bilaterale en multilaterale ontwikkelingsinstellings. Die doel met sulke instellings se hulpverlening aan ontwikkelende lande was drieledig: om tegniese vaardighede aan te bied; om materiële hulpmiddele te verskaf; en om programme, wat samewerking vir sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling en transformasie sou bevorder, te formuleer. Indien die las van die geweldige ontwikkelingsprobleme in Afrika (insluitend armoede, hongersnood en siektes) verlig sou kon word, het multilaterale instellings 'n belangrike rol om te vervul: om te help met, enersyds, die wetenskaplike en tegnologiese ontwikkeling van die kontinent, en andersyds die ontwikkeling van toepaslike institusionele meganismes vir streek- en sub-streeksamewerking in wetenskap en tegnologie (W&T). As gevolg van die Verenigde Nasies se institusionele kapasiteit om ontwikkelingshulp te verskaf, asook om die internasionale ontwikkelingsagenda te beïnvloed, verteenwoordig dié stelsel die beste hoop van die meeste ontwikkelende lande om hulle ontwikkelingsdrome te verwesenlik. Van die instellings wat by die VN geaffillieer is, en wat in hierdie ondersoek geëvalueer word, is die Wêreldbankgroep, die grootste skenkerorganisasie vir die befondsing van ontwikkelingsprogramme en -projekte. So ook het UNESCO 'n leiersrol as die VN agentskap van wie die mandaat direk betrekking het op die ontwikkeling van W&T. Die EKA is die liggaam wat Afrika verteenwoordig by die VN, en beïnvloed daarom die koers van ontwikkelingsbeleid en -programme. Die noodsaak om die kontinent te ontwikkel het ook gelei daartoe dat Afrikalande hulle eie streek- en sub-streekliggame, wat menslike en materiële hulpbronne bymekaar bring, begin stig het. Die ontwikkelingskwessies wat oor die jare in die ontwikkelende wêreld bespreek en aangemoedig is, het egter meer en meer gefokus op nasionale inkomste, handelsvoorwaardes, toegang tot markte en, in die afgelope tyd, strukturele aanpassings en armoede verligtingstrategie programme. Die belangrikste deel van die ontwikkelingsproses - die vernouing van die kennisgaping in W&T - is gevolglik afgeskeep, veral op streek- en substreekvlak. Hierdie navorsingsprojek analiseer dus, op streek- en sub-streekvlak, ontwikkelingsprogramme wat deur die volgende instansies ondersteun word: die Verenigde Nasies se Opvoedkundige, Wetenskaplike en Kulturele Organisasie (UNESCO), die Wêreldbank, die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), die Organisasie vir Afrika-eenheid (OAE), die Ontwikkelingsbank van Afrika, die Suider- Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap en die Ekonomiese Gemeenskap van Wes-Afrikaanse State. Die navorsing gebruik 'n teorie-gedrewe evaluering gebaseer op 'n INEXSK ("INfrastructure, EXperience and Skills, and Knowlege") benadering, om te bepaal in watter mate hierdie multilaterale instellings hulle doelwitte, met betrekking tot die verbetering van die kennisbasis vir ontwikkeling van die Afrika-kontinent, bereik. 'n Historiese oorsig van die wetenskaplike, tegnologiese en institusionele samewerking in Afrika vorm 'n belangrike deel van die navorsingsverslag. Die navorsing dui ook op 'n gebrek aan funksionele organisatoriese raamwerke om op streek en sub-streekvlak streng wetenskaplike en tegnologiese navorsing en ontwikkeling aan te wakker en te bevorder. (Daar is darem 'n paar noemenswaardige uitsonderings van sentra en programme wat deur party van die bilaterale en multilaterale instellings ondersteun word.) Ten spyte van strukturele aanpassings wat oor baie jare plaasgevind het, het die Wêreldbank se lenings vir W&T Afrikalande gemarginaliseer; en die Ontwikkelingsbank van Afrika se ondersteuning vir W&T en streeksprogramme is heeltemal ontoereikend. Daar is 'n geweldige taak wat in die toekoms aangespreek moet word indien die NEPAD inisiatief hoop om suksesvol te wees. Die verslag gebruik die lesse en ervarings van die Europese Unie en die Vereniging van Suid- Asiatiese Lande se streeksamewerkingsprogramme vir wetenskap en tegnologie as rigtingwyser vir toekomstige inisiatiewe. Die verslag beveel 'n transnasionale kennisgebaseerde ontwikkelingsparadigma aan, en maak spesifieke aanbevelings vir streek en sub-streekprogramme en strategieë om die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling en transformasie van Afrika te bevorder.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 80s and early 90s there has been a sustained debate on the concept of globalisation. This has been, to a larger extent, due to global industrial restructuring In most countries the effects have been felt mostly in the manufacturing sector, and these were evident in areas such as technology, employment pattern and composition of labour force. Globalisation introduces a tendency to create a division of labour between a core of relatively well paid, skilled and secured workers, and a large pool of workers doing non-regular forms of work e.g. 'casual' jobs or part-time contracts, and with much of the work sub-contracted to companies with less unionised and low paid workers. This research assignment explores the effects that changes in global production have on the South African automotive industry. As South Africa is becoming increasingly integrated into the world economy it certainly will not be unaffected by effects of globalisation. The auto industry, and Volkswagen in particular will be use as a case. The industry is one of the largest export industries in South Africa at the current moment, and is said to have embraced the realities of globalisation. It is also a fairly well developed industry, technologically. The auto industry has always epitomised 'Fordist' forms of production with inward-looking industrial activity. The waves of changes in the sphere of production globally have both positive and negative etfects on the automotive industry. They are spurring development and innovation in an ailing industry, and thrusting it on a path towards 'world-class' manufacturing. On the other hand festructuring trend which is an outflow of global isation poses a great threat on employment patterns, and in the long run may lead toil"'decline in formal employment and introduction of non-regular forms of work e g. part-time, casual employment, and subcontracting. This will happen as pressures mount on the industry in line with the logic of international competitiveness to rationalise and cut costs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konsep "globalisering" lok reeds sedert die laat tagtigerjare wydverspreid debat uit. Die kontensieuse aard van die begrip kan grootlike toegeskryf word aan die verskynsel van globale industriele herstrukturering. Wereldwyd is die impak van laasgenoemde veral gevoel in die vervaardigingsektor. Hierdie tendens het by uitstek in aspekte soos tegnologie, indiensnemingspatrone en die samestelling van die arbeidsmag gemanifesteer. Globalisering het die geneigdheid om 'n verdeling van arbeid te bewerkstellig in terme waarvan 'n kern van relatief goed besoldigde, geskoolde en beskermde werkers onderskei kan word van 'n relatief swak besoldigde groep wat stukwerk verrig. Die tweede groep verrig deeltydse werk, wat in baie gevalle uitgekontrakteer word aan maatskappye met lae vakbondverteenwoordiging. Die fokus van hierdie werkstuk val op die impak wat veranderinge in globale produksie op die Suid-Afrikaanse motornywerheid het. Namate Suid-Afrika toenemend deel word van die wereldekonomie, raak dit al hoe moeiliker om die negatiewe effekte van globalisering vry te spring. Die motornywerheid, en spesifiek die vervaardiger Volkswagen, word as gevallestudie gebruik. Die tegnologies ontwikkelde industrie is een van Suid-Afrika se vernaamste uitvoernywerhede, en volgens kenners het veral hierdie sektor die realiteite van globalisering ter harte geneem. Kenmerkend van die motornywerheid was nog altyd sy "Ford-agtige" vorm van produksie, gefokus op inwaartsgekeerde industriele aktiwiteit. Die golwe van verandering in wereldwye produksie hou sowel positiewe as negatiewe gevolge vir die motornywerheid in. Aan die positiewe kant moedig dit innovasie in 'n andersins stagnerende industrie aan. Die negatiewe sy hiervan is egter die bedreiging wat dit inhou vir indiensnemingspatrone. Dit mag op die langtermyn lei tot die agteruitgang van formele indiensneming en 'n toename in nie-algemene vorme van werk (bv. tydelike indiensneming en subkontraktering). Hierdie neiging sal posvat namate industriee deur die logika van internasionale mededingenheid gedwing word om te rasionaliseer.

La société de l’information déstabilise-t-elle l’Etat-Nation ?

Analyse comparative du développement des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication dans l’âge de la mondialisation

Partant du constat que le concept “Société de l’Information” est souvent utilisé dans des contextes et des situations très différents, qui ne présentent guère de traits communs, ce travail abouti à une interprétation de ce concept, qui permette de la redimensionner au lieu d’en faire un mythe, comme cela arrive trop souvent. La “Société de l’Information”, malgré son rôle innovant et unificateur qui outrepasse même les barrières étatiques, est confrontée au poids de l’Etat-Nation dans sa conception la plus restrictive.

Nous considérons cette analyse comme une réflexion nécessaire dans une période où le défi technologique est particulièrement chargé d’un rôle politique.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
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Entre espace informé et espace géographiqueNous observons une grande diversité des champs d’application, statuts, fonctions, usages de la e-médiationterritoriale, selon les contextes socio-économiques, politiques, géographiques ou écologiques. Cette hétérogénéitérévèle l'existence d'un lien épistémologiquement fécond entre numérique, espace informé et espace géographique.Cette thèse circonscrit et approfondit ces dimensions complexes, articulées, parfois divergentes, mais qui sont desparamètres essentiels de l’action et du développement territorial. Face aux grands enjeux, socio-économiques,écologiques, sociétaux et multiculturels qui pèsent aujourd’hui plus ou moins uniformément sur le monde, cesdimensions sont essentielles à la construction de modèles de développement spécifiques dans lesquels le numériquetient une place décisive. Plus la e-médiation territoriale se subordonne à la logique fonctionnaliste du branchementdu global vers le local, plus elle favorise l’usage de données territoriales tracées, capturées et marchandisées. Cettestratégie internationale de définition, d’homogénéisation, d’analyse et de traitement massif (big data) des donnéesnumériques territoriales, produit un appauvrissement qualitatif de ces données, induit de nouvelles normativitéspolitiques, limite les recherches théorico-pratiques d’innovations sociales et d’usages, conduisant à unrefroidissement numérique des territoires. La notion centrale de e-médiation, « objet frontière » entre les disciplines,fonctionne dans cette thèse comme une matrice d’interprétation du territoire à partir de laquelle s’élabore un canevasthéorico-pratique. Cette thèse rassemble, analyse et référence des articles, documents, publications, travauxthéoriques, contributions professionnelles, politiques et pratiques, explore ce lien entre espaces informé,géographique et numérique, qui déplace le centre de gravité d’interprétation théorique des territoires, à la mesuredes mutations et des représentations auxquelles ils sont confrontés. Ce canevas, nous l’expérimentons avec leterritoire de la Seine-Saint-Denis sur la base d’un schéma d’intervention numérique qui combine acteurs et actions,innovation technologique et innovation sociale afin de donner du sens aux différentes modalités d’actions dans laperspective du développement durable et du bien commun. Des territoires très éloignés et de cultures différentespourraient, sous certaines conditions méthodologiques, utiliser un tel schéma d’intervention afin d’exprimer etexpérimenter des modèles de développement, et des e-médiations autoriseraient alors des comparaisons inter et intraterritoriales, des analyses fines des contextes historiques, géographiques et sociaux d’émergence, des observationsdétaillées de certains traits ou solutions locales comme globales
Between informed space and geographical spaceWe observe a wide range of territorial e-mediation’s concrete fields, statutes, functions and uses, according to socioeconomics,political, geographical or ecological contexts. This diversity reveals an epistemologically productivelink between digital, geographical and informized spaces. This thesis aims to circumscribe and deepen thosearticulated, sometimes divergent, complex dimensions, keys parameters of action and territorial development.Indeed, in the face of the major issues, socio-economic, ecological, societal and multicultural that weigh more orless uniformly today on the world, these dimensions of digital territorial mediation, are essential and necessary tobuild specific development models in which digital is one of the most significant. Moreover the higher the territoriale-mediation obeys a logic of branching, from the global to the local, the more it favors the use of territorial data thatare easy to track, capture, analyze and merchandise by the Data-Broker. This relative homogenization and thisqualitative impoverishment of the numerical data available on the territories, can induce new political normativities,limit the theoretical-practical researches on the social and usages innovations and lead to a numerical cooling of theterritories. This central notion of territorial e-mediation, is a « Boundary Objects » operates in this thesis as a amatrix for interpreting territories from which a theoretical-practical frameworks is designed. This thesis collect,analyse, reference, documents, publications, theoretical works, professional contributions, policies and practices onthis link between digital, geographical and informized spaces that is shifting the centre of gravity of territoriestheorical interpretations, proportionate to mutations and représentations that are facing them. For a number of yearswe experiment this framework with the Seine-Saint-Denis (Paris) territory, based on an interventions outline whichcombines stakeholders and actions, technical an social innovations in order to give meaning to the various forms ofaction, in view of sustainable development and common good. Distant territories and from different cultures couldunder certain methodological conditions through e-mediations, use this kind of framework to experiment andexpress their developpment models, comparisons, detailed analysis, the context of emergence, detailed comments,« traits » or solutions.Those mediations would permit

Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.

The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.

Doctorat en Information et communication
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Defence date: 12 June 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute ; Prof. Thomas Poguntke, Heinrich-Heine-University of Düsseldorf ; Prof. Carlos Jalali, University of Aveiro
This thesis addresses the unclear and puzzling responsibility of both traditional media and political actors for the lack of substantial political issues in the news coverage of political elections. The literature has observed a growing tendency of journalists, when reporting elections, to emphasize aspects such as strategy/horse-race and conflict, instead of presenting relevant policy information. This study analyzes to what extent a media logic is hindering the electoral competitors from producing more informative and less conflict-driven campaigns, by examining the media frames employed by journalists, in their newspaper articles, and by the main parties/candidates, in their social media campaigns. Different to other communication channels, social media offer politicians and parties a unique opportunity to bypass journalists and directly present their messages to a larger and more diverse audience. The main objective of this study is to understand if political elections are framed differently by journalists and political actors and test two sets of competing hypotheses: Uninformative News (if journalists distort political events to become more attractive rather than informative) and Hollow Campaigns (if the politicians themselves avoid discussing issues in their campaigns). In order to so, an extensive content analysis of the press and social media was carried out for four first-order elections (US 2012, Italy 2013, Brazil 2014 and Portugal 2015). For each election, two newspapers and the campaigns of the main parties/candidates on three social media (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) were manually coded during the four weeks before election day. The results show that the press was consistently more likely than social media to deal with aspects such as strategy/horse-race and conflict. In addition to this, the salience of substantive political issues was also higher in social media campaigns than in newspaper articles. Overall, despite some differences between candidates/parties, countries and social media platforms, the results consistently give support to the Uninformative News hypothesis.

This thesis examines the effects of internet use on Australian citizens' propensity to participate in political activity. The study applies the 'civic voluntarism' model of political participation to the Australian case, theorising that internet use comprises a resource. It hypothesises that participation in Australia is a factor of an individual's free time, time spent using the internet, money, civic skills, internet-related skills, recruitment and engagement. Australia is an appropriate case study due to its institutional and cultural similarities with other advanced democracies, as well as its notable differences. Voting is compulsory for Australian citizens, and they are compelled to vote frequently and in complex systems. Previous research has found that compulsory voting has positive effects on participation between elections, as well as on the stability of the country's political parties. Australians have ample opportunity to participate in politics. The thesis analyses 2010 (and earlier) Australian Election Study data, supplemented by data from previous Australian Election Studies, the World Values Survey and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Descriptive, logistic regression and ordinary least squares regression analyses find that internet use leads to participation earlier in life than would occur otherwise, but that participants possess the high socioeconomic status of participants in other advanced democracies. Skills are particularly important: across a range of behaviours including electoral, campaign, communal and protest participation, the positive influence of internet proficiency over time spent online is evident. However, the determinants vary greatly between types of participatory act, revealing lowered costs of entry, and opportunities for low-resourced citizens to equip themselves to participate. The findings have implications for understanding how the internet impacts the changing face of participation in Australia, how citizens can be mobilised in the future and the prognosis for the health of Australia's participatory democracy.

The democratisation process in South Africa has subjected the country to the global effects of the challenges that culminated in a nation that is facing the demands for socioecomonic needs coupled with technological advancement. Advances in technology in the global arena present both opportunities and threats to the South African democracy and its concomitant socioeconomic imperatives. The democratisation process in South Africa is consequential to the inextricably bound relationship between technology, modernisation and democracy. This triad pattern precipitates the South African democratic political system. Advances in technology are also imperative for human and national security, but the intensity of pervasiveness may have serious ramifications for the appraisal for political stability in a democratic South Africa. Technology is one of the major sources underpinning and strengthening democracy in a political system. However, technology also affects the daily life of the ordinary citizen, depending on the manner in which decisions are made to implement a technology policy. The South African government through its technology approach has an action plan for growth, which aims to set the economy on a more competitive footing. The action plan engages major technological projects to benefit the broader society but overlooks a major factor in the "democratic theory of technology", namely the imperative that communities be consulted about technology decisions. These efforts are concerned exclusively with democratic procedures in making policy decisions about technologies. The South African government in 1996 reformed its technology policy approach so as to ensure that democratic values are prevalent and that citizens have access to technology. This policy approach raises concern about improving the democratic and the socioeconomic wellbeing of society, while inversely there is the uncertainty whether advances in technology can support and enhance the intended policy approach in the democratisation process in South Africa. This problem of whether technologies are substantively democratic, that is whether technology policy decisions are compatible with perpetuating a democratic political system, resulted in the need to investigate and appraise democratic theories and further critically analyse approaches and challenges in democratic politics of technology within the South African democratic political system. The study looks at the role and magnitude of technology in a democratic South Africa. It presents and argues the hypothesis that “greater advance in technology tends to enhance the democratisation process in a political system”. Much of the argument is devoted to providing evidence that technology influences both human and national security and as such demonstrates how technology as a systematic application of knowledge to resources can provide a good tool for sustaining democracy in South Africa. Technology is ubiquitous within South Africa’s democratic political system and it may be considered a boon or bane. It encompasses both benefits and disadvantages such that it poses complex options for a democratic political system in both its approach and implementation within a policy framework. The social dichotomy of this policy framework raises the need for further inquiry as to the reasoning and application of technology in addressing socioeconomic imperatives for concretising democracy, thus creating “a better life for all”. The democratic imperatives within the policy framework dictate an analysis to the ventured hypothesis that “advances in technology will enhance democracy in a political system”, and it is in this regard that South Africa is used as an archetype to disembark at a logical deduction to validate this hypothesis in the study.
Thesis (PhD (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2006.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

Defence date: 18 February 2014
Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute Professor Rachel Gibson, University of Manchester Professor Graham Smith, University of Westminster.*;*Includes Annex, Survey Results
Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-ShareAlike License
This thesis examines the democratic advantages and challenges of e-democracy, as well as its impact. The aim is to address some of the theoretical and empirical gaps in the rapidly developing but still emerging field of e-democracy. Moreover, the intention is to assist edemocracy practitioners in tailoring their projects in a way that addresses the particular democratic problems that they are facing. To this purpose, the thesis presents a theoretical frame and indicators to assess the quality of e-democracy projects. The quality is explored through in-depth comparison of five case studies of e-democracy initiatives in Italy, France, Sweden and the UK. Two types of projects are examined: epetitioning and parliamentary informatics (i.e. projects that enable citizens to monitor and engage in legislative activities of parliaments). The thesis provides primary survey evidence from nearly 700 e-democracy participants, as well as from interviews with project stakeholders. In focusing on e-democracy from the user perspective - rather than from the more common perspectives of policy-makers and data/tool providers - and in addressing standards of democratic quality, the thesis contributes to a rebalancing of the e-democracy debate towards civic, over structural and technological characteristics. The e-democracy projects at hand show that ICT improve access and usability of information, facilitate the interaction between citizens and civil society, and offer important stimuli for engagement. The projects manage to attract previously passive citizens and deepen engagement with those who are already involved in politics. However, the downside is that many of the traditionally under-represented groups in politics are even more absent from edemocracy platforms. Moreover, the projects stop short of establishing direct communication between citizens and their representatives, and of achieving policy impact. In fact, my findings confirm that ICT enable new dynamics but that the traditional political institutions remain change resistant. Rather than permitting a revolution, e-democracy contributes to a slow evolution of the political system.

The purpose of this study was to examine factors that may have influenced the decision to implement tablet technologies within classroom environments. These factors were grouped and limited to three distinct areas: social and political influences, perceived benefits of implementation, and influence of varying types of hardware, software and operating systems. Results indicate that if technology leaders felt external pressures to keep pace with technological advancements of other corporations, they were more likely to report pressures from the other social political factors being studied. Multiple perceived educational benefits were identified including improvement to classroom instruction, increased differentiation of instruction, enhanced collaboration, better communication and positive public responses. Hardware preferences were found to describe the characteristics found in the Apple line of products. Despite the identification of these perceived educational benefits, a majority of those responding felt that tablet devices did not impact student testing achievement.
Department of Educational Leadership

Defence date: 22 Februrary 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, European University Institute (External Supervisor); Prof. László Bruszt, Scuola Normale Superiore; Dr. Sebastian Haunss. BIGSSS, Universität Bremen; Dr. Paolo Gerbaudo, King’s College London
This thesis focuses precisely on the anti-ACTA mobilization and the way it fits within the broader wave of contention. While the anti-ACTA campaign did not include occupation of squares (but only the more traditional protest marches), it shared many important features with other protests in the wave of contention, including the adoption of the Anonymous mask and the national flag as crucial symbols (Gerbaudo, 2017), the demand for more democratic decision-making, and most importantly – the belief in the Internet as a tool for empowerment that could contribute to a more horizontal democratic society (Beyer, 2014; Jarvis, 2014; Juris, 2012; McCarthy, 2015). The big difference is that for anti-ACTA protesters, the Internet was more than a tool - it became a cause in itself. People protested to defend Internet freedom, interpreted in a wide variety of ways by different actors, but most often as the freedom of sharing culture (and files) online, the freedom of not being 2 under surveillance, and the freedom of expressing oneself as a key prerequisite for the functioning of any democratic community.

Defence date: 8 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Fiona B. Adamson, SOAS University of London; Professor Alexandra Segerberg, Stockholm University
The spread of the internet and migration are key dimensions associated with globalization and range among the most salient challenges of our times. Looking at the intersection of these two phenomena, this dissertation explores how the internet enables citizens of non-democracies living abroad to partake in the political discourse and online campaigns in their home countries. How does the fact of living in non-authoritarian countries affect the migrant’s position inside their online community? Using concepts from the contentious politics literature, I examine why migrant netizens adopt different roles in online campaigns in the years leading to and during the Arab uprisings at the examples of Tunisia and Morocco. I draw upon multiple empirical strategies including an analysis of web crawls of the Tunisian and Moroccan blogospheres, in-depth interviews with a number of key actors and frame analysis. I find that migrants were among the pioneers of political blogging, are well-integrated in their respective blogosphere and often occupy central positions. Political opportunity structures matter, thus the relative absence of repression allows migrants to act as radical mobilizers in highly repressive regimes like Tunisia. In contrast to that, migrant netizens in slightly more liberal settings like Morocco are less of a driving force than an equal partner in online discussions and campaigns, even if they might provide additional resources and establish contacts with international actors. Finally, the frame analysis reveals that radical migrant bloggers are likely to suffer from a lack of credibility due to their relative immunity to repression, unless they adapt their frames to the concerns of the wider blogger community, thereby enabling the creation of a broad coalition.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the events that occurred throughout the Egyptian Revolution from January 2010 to February 2010 through pragmatic humanism. Tweets will be looked at from the book Tweets from Tahrir to show how the process unfolded. Building on the previous research, the tweets will be looked at through the lens of pragmatic humanism. The study will show how individuals can better the world they live in by experimenting with different methods and adapting to any failures they may encounter. The study will also show how the reach of the individual has become faster and further than previously possible. The elements of pragmatic humanism will be broken down into five main tenets. The study will take a thematic approach in analyzing the tweets through the perspective of the particular tenet. The study will also show the power of individual desires when they are able to combine with the social context of the time. The advent of Twitter has allowed individuals to test and experiment with hypotheses much quicker than before and allows them to make monumental changes to their reality in a much shorter period of time.
Graduation date: 2013

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Media Studies, 2017
On the 12th of February 2015, in an unprecedented move, members of the media in South Africa (SA) protested in Parliament and chanted “bring back the signal”, waving their smartphones in the air after discovering that a signal jamming device had been activated to disrupt cell phone signals in the National Assembly. Their protest denied President Jacob Zuma the opportunity to deliver his State of the Nation Address (SONA) until the signal and connection to the internet had been restored. It was the first time in the History of democratic SA the SONA was disrupted. The presence as well as the rapid spread and use of new media technologies in the SA mediascape has led scholars like Yu-Shan Wu to question the nature of their use and impact on government policy decisions. This study contributes to such work as well as long standing debates about the role of new media technologies in advancing democratic ideals in emerging democracies and the internet’s role as a public sphere. It does this by using a case study research method focusing on SONA 2015 to evaluate whether the South African digital space constitutes a digital public sphere. This paper concludes that indeed the South African digital space does constitute a form of digital public sphere. This sphere is largely operated and structured by news media organisations that use their websites, social media and various online platforms to engender it.
XL2018

Submitted in partial fulfilment of requirements for an MA in Journalism and Media Studies in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Witwatersrand, August 2017
The purpose of this research is to demonstrate how alternative youth media, particularly onlinebased news sources, in covering the #FeesMustFall (#FMF) campaign 2015 students protest from October 14, 2015 to October 23, 2015, challenged news framing, while shifting traditional mainstream media’s agenda-setting role. In post-apartheid South Africa in 2015, which was dubbed “the year of the student”, the history of student politics was significant in what culminated in the hashtag #FeesMustFall campaign, challenging the representation of student protesters in the media. The unprecedented local and international alternative youth media and mainstream media coverage of the 2015 student protests—in print, online and on social media platforms—signaled the impact of the biggest student protests since 1994. The results from this qualitative research sampling online-based news platforms and interviews with journalists for their opinions on the blanket media coverage of the protests, shows a significant paradigm shift in how newsrooms re-examined what would be a silent consensus of framing and agenda-setting as was dictated by alternative youth media.
XL2018

Defence Date: 26/06/2009
Examining Board: Frank Baumgartner (Penn State University); Susana Borrás (Copenhagen Business School); Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS) (Co-Supervisor); Rikard Stankiewicz (Lund University (emeritus), formerly EUI) (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The literature on the policy-making of the European Union (EU) has trouble understanding the long-term evolution of EU policies. While numerous accounts exist that analyze EU policies from a historical, analytical-descriptive and normative perspective, no existing account has studied the evolution of EU policy output from a positive perspective. This thesis wants to start filling this gap in the literature by studying the patterns of policy evolution in the European Union’s research and technology development (RTD) policy. This policy is studied at three different levels of analysis. The first level is that of budgetary dynamics; here I test two alternative hypotheses on the pattern of budgetary change, both derived from the American literature: the classical incrementalist hypothesis, and the punctuated-equilibrium hypothesis of Bryan Jones and Frank Baumgartner. The second level of analysis is that of agenda dynamics, where I study the pattern of issue expansion/contraction on the fragmented agenda of the EU, and test two alternative hypotheses on the allocation of agenda space to RTD policy. The third level of analysis is that of institutional dynamics; here I test the hypothesis that institutional stability is associated with phases of incremental changes, whereas institutional developments occur in correspondence with budgetary punctuations. The empirical results show that both the budgetary and agenda dynamics of this policy are fully compatible with the punctuated-equilibrium hypothesis. However, the hypothesis on the correspondence between budgetary punctuations and institutional change is to be rejected. The final part of this work investigates the mechanism and the necessary conditions for the emergence of new policy priorities, by focusing on the recent emergence of security RTD as a new priority of the Framework Programme. This dissertation is the first work to empirically test the punctuated-equilibrium model on the EU, with an extensive and original dataset composed of budgetary, agenda and institutional delegation data.

Abstracts in English, Zulu and Afrikaans
This Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape
Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap.
Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi).
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

This study explored how social media are setting the agenda of the traditional media and re-defining the role of the journalists. Content analysis was done to analyse the coverage of Jacob Zuma stories in newspapers and on Facebook, from the 1st of February until the 30th of June 2018.The sample for the study was drawn from three local newspapers, the Citizen, the Sowetan, the NewAge (AfroVoice), as well as the Facebook page called #Zumamustfall. This was done to determine if newspapers which are traditional media were being influenced by social media in what stories to report on. Results from the study showed that social media are influential in building an agenda for the traditional media and in particular, with the Zuma story. In the same vein, it emerged that traditional and social media set the agenda for each other. Based on these findings the research recommends that other social media sites including Twitter be used in similar research to determine their effects on agenda setting of traditional media (newspapers).
Communication Science
M.A. (Communication Science)