Journal articles on the topic 'Political campaigns – Italy'
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1
Richardson, John, and Monica Colombo. "Continuity and change in anti-immigrant discourse in Italy." Discourse and politics of migration in Italy 12, no. 2 (August 2, 2012): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.2.02ric.
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Anti-immigrant political arguments have long been at the centre of the campaigning of the Lega Nord (the Northern League), the Italian extreme-right secessionist party. The paper analyses posters from political campaigns between 2001 and 2008 in order to detect similarities and differences emerging over time, and to show how continuity and change intertwine in the Lega Nord’s anti-immigrant discourse. The analysis is presented across two axes: first, the visual dimensions of the texts are examined, concentrating predominantly on the use of images; and second, we analyse the linguistic content of the leaflets, paying particular attention to referential strategies and argumentative structure. The sampled posters show that although the Lega Nord’s immigration policies have long been driven by an enduring basic antipathy towards foreigners, in the 2008 campaign the strategy shifted to one stressing arguments reminiscent of the Nouvelle Droite’s ethnopluralism. Accordingly, in the interest of respecting cultural diversity, the Lega Nord argues that different national communities need to be kept separate, thereby inverting liberal values for the purpose of countering multiculturalism.
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Risso, Linda. "18 April 1948: Italy between continuity and rupture." Modern Italy 16, no. 2 (May 2011): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.557207.
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In the first months of 1948, Italy witnessed one of the fiercest electoral campaigns in its history, which saw the mobilisation of all sectors of society and the involvement of numerous international actors. In the end, the Christian Democrats and their political allies gained the majority of the votes at the first post-war general elections of 18 April 1948, thus officially inaugurating the history of the new Italian Republic.
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Montemagno, Francesca, and Rossana Sampugnaro. "Quanto influiscono i sistemi elettorali sulle campagne?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 81, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8524.
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The demand for specific expertise to manage strategically election campaigns is growing. However, their use depends on the history of political party, on their values and on their economic resources and to the context in which the election campaign takes place. In this sphere, the electoral system produces constraints and incentives for the development of the electoral campaigns.This study aims to examine the influence of electoral system on electoral campaign style and on its management. In particular, the focus is on professionalization and personalization of electoral campaigns within a comparative approach among the European states. The data are from a comparative study on candidates (CCS).The study focuses on the candidates who participated in the most recent general elections included in the database. In particular, we selected nine countries with different electoral systems: for Candidate-based electoral system, we choice Romania, United Kingdom, Ireland and Malta; for Party-based electoral system, we examined Norway, Portugal and Italy; we also included in our analysis Hungary and Germany, which have a Mixed system with single-member constituency and closed List, which can be placed between the two previous systems.The results of the study show that the electoral systems influence the election campaigns of candidates, producing different models of mobilization.
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Jensen, Jakob Linaa, and Sander Andreas Schwartz. "Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections." Social Media + Society 8, no. 1 (January 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
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Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
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Flamini, Marta, and Maurizio Naldi. "Maturity of Industry 4.0: A Systematic Literature Review of Assessment Campaigns." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 8, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc8010051.
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The Industry 4.0 paradigm represents the fourth industrial revolution, embodied by the marriage between information and communication technologies and manufacturing. Assessment campaigns are conducted to examine the status of deployment of that paradigm, mostly through self-assessment questionnaires. Each campaign is typically limited in scope, involving just a group of companies located in a few countries at most. Such limitation does not allow an overall view of Industry 4.0’s diffusion. In this paper, we offer that panoramic view through a systematic literature review. The number of papers devoted to Industry 4.0 assessment grows steadily. However, many papers do not provide essential information about the assessment campaigns they report, e.g., not detailing the number, type, or location of companies involved and the questionnaire employed. We observe a large diffusion in Europe and Asia but not in the U.S., with the Top 5 countries being Malaysia, Poland, Italy, Germany and Slovakia. The campaigns uniformly cover small, medium, and large companies but not all industrial sectors. The choice of questionnaires is extremely varied, with no standard emerging.
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Basile, Linda. "The ‘(party) politics of attention.’ Party competition and decentralist reforms: the Italian case." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.14.
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AbstractThis paper sheds light on the role played by political parties in influencing policy change, by connecting literature on party competition and agenda-setting and focusing on a single-issue domain, namely decentralization in Italy from 1948 to 2013. The article argues that major decentralist reforms usually followed electoral campaigns in which most parties focused attention on the issue. Such shifts in attention are caused by, among other things, the issue entrepreneurship activity undertaken by individual parties that are trying to influence the party system agenda and obtain electoral, office, or policy advantage. Contrary to the expectations of the issue entrepreneurship model, however, the analyses reveal that the entrepreneurship role on decentralization in Italy was not played by those parties that can be classified as ‘political losers’ in the party system; rather, in the case of the policy of decentralization in Italy, issue entrepreneurship activity is mostly explained by strategic considerations other than purely electoral ones.
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Ryabtsev, Kirill. "Political Micro-Targeting in Europe: A Panacea for the Citizens’ Political Misinformation or the New Evil for Voting." Groningen Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.8.1.69-89.
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Personalised interaction between political parties and the electorate has existed since the emergence of modern elections. Nowadays, digital technology has moved the relationship between political candidates and voters to a more advanced level. Through collecting and analysing citizens’ personal data via digital means, politicians have the capacity to foresee the electorate’s political behaviour, its preferences, and the choices it is inclined to make. Such campaign strategy is known as ‘political micro-targeting’, and it has raised great interest in academia. One may consider it a panacea for political misinformation, given that political micro-targeting can increase the population’s participation in politics. Nonetheless, it can be argued that this phenomenon poses a long-term threat to democracy. Accordingly, due to the high engagement with personal data that political micro-targeting entails, the question of its compatibility with citizens’ voting rights arises. This thesis will explore the issue of online political micro-targeting and seek to conduct a comparative analysis between presidential election campaigns in three European states, namely France, Italy and the United Kingdom. Accordingly, current political micro-targeting practices in these legal systems, and how they can influence each other, will be illustrated. An important place will be devoted to the analysis of political micro-targeting’s interference with the electorate’s voting rights and its regulatory framework.
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Schmidtke, Oliver. "‘We the People’: Demarcating the Demos in Populist Mobilization—The Case of the Italian Lega." Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (September 23, 2021): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10100351.
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This article is a theoretically guided and empirically based analysis of how populist movements invoke the notion of the ‘people’ as a cornerstone of their political mobilization. While the confrontation between the virtuous ‘people’ and the unresponsive elites speaks to how populism challenges established political actors and institutions, the actual meaning of who the ‘people’ are and what they represent is shifting and often driven by strategic considerations. Analytically the article investigates the distinct ways in which nationalism and populism conceptualize and politically mobilize the notion of the ‘people’. Empirically it focuses on the Italian League and engages in a discourse analysis of its political campaigns over the past 30 years. Based on this textual analysis of political campaigns, the article sheds light on how the reference to the ‘people’ has been employed as this political actor has transformed from a regionalist party advocating for autonomy in Northern Italy to one taking up the role of a populist-nationalist party at the national level. This case study allows the author to make a generalizable hypothesis about the nature of identity politics promoted by populist actors and the way in which the invocation of the ‘people’ and their alleged enemies is a pivotal political narrative that opens and restricts opportunities for political mobilization. This interpretative approach also allows for a more concise conceptual understanding of the affinity that right-wing populists demonstrate toward nativist ideologies.
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Piazza, Gianni. "Come decidono gli attivisti all'interno dei Centri Sociali? Uno studio comparato delle occupazioni in una cittŕ italiana." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 1 (May 2012): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-001006.
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The Social Centres in Italy are autonomous groups set up by left-wing radical activists, who occupy and/or self-manage unused buildings, where they organize political campaigns, social and countercultural activities. In this article, a typology of decision-making and internal democracy models, based on decisional method and preferences' treatment adopted (Consensual vs. Majoritarian), is here proposed and tested through the binary comparison of two Social Centres, as empirical cases, in the same city (Catania in Sicily), with the most dissimilar characteristics (campaigns/activities, political ideological orientations, national networks, legal position, attitude towards institutions). The research, methodologically founded on participant observation, the analysis of self-produced documents and a set of semi-structured interviews, provided unexpected findings, entailing an explanation through the procedure of re-identification and/or cultural recollocation of Pizzorno. As a consequence, the diverse models of decisionmaking and internal democracy adopted by activists of the two Social Centres seem to be depended on their different ends, collective identities and political-ideological orientations
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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. "Emergence of the candidate and political marketing: Television and election campaigns in Italy in the 1980s." Political Communication 8, no. 3 (July 1991): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1991.9962919.
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Guazzaloca, Giulia. "‘Anyone who Abuses Animals is no Italian’: Animal Protection in Fascist Italy." European History Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October 2020): 669–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420960672.
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This article examines the animal protection policies in fascist Italy, placing them in the more general framework of Mussolini’s political and economic strategies and the history of Italian animal advocacy, which began in the second half of the nineteenth century. Focusing on fascist propaganda campaigns on animal welfare, legislation on animal experimentation and slaughter, state reorganization of animal protection societies, which were incorporated in 1938 into the Ente nazionale fascista per la protezione animale, the article aims to show the conceptual and political basis of fascist activism in the prevention of cruelty to animals. Far from being based on the recognition of animals as sentient individuals, it was determined by specifically human interests: autarky and economic efficiency, public morality, the primacy of ‘fascist civilization’, and the regime’s totalitarian design.
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Gigante, Gimede, and Maria Vittoria Venezia. "Corporate ownership and shareholder activism: The case of Italy." Corporate Ownership and Control 19, no. 1 (2021): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv19i1art12.
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Over the last few years, shareholder activism has gained relevance, with new players increasingly looking to get involved in corporate influence and control. Born in America in the 1980s, with corporate raiders, the act of giving a voice to shareholders has spread from the United States to Europe. The aim of this research is to map this trend in the Italian territory, understanding the major current regulations, the biggest players involved, the target companies, the most frequently required objectives, and the overall success rate of such requests compared to other European countries’ neighbours. An analysis of the differences in terms of legal framework and minorities protection is provided as part of this paper, to give the reader the theoretical underpinnings for the subsequent analysis. Considerations on Italian activism follow, from the interpretation of data retrieved from Activistmonitor and Factiva that helped creating a database of 534 analyses of open and closed campaigning by activists throughout the European region since 2010. Italy turns out to be the fifth country in Europe per number of campaigns, with a few large international hedge funds and several smaller niche players. Campaigns tend to target mid and large capitalisation companies, mainly asking for changes in representation boards and having a success rate of over 50%. These findings suggest potential political implications for a successful Italian recovery in the post-COVID era. Further research on this topic and how activism impacts the performance of Italian firms would be invaluable
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Picot, Georg, and Irene Menéndez. "Political parties and non-standard employment: an analysis of France, Germany, Italy and Spain." Socio-Economic Review 17, no. 4 (May 4, 2017): 899–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwx016.
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Abstract Recent research has shown that new labour market divides resulting from the rise of non-standard employment (NSE) are reflected in the political preferences of the workers affected. Yet, our knowledge of the stance of political parties on the issue is extremely limited, even descriptively. Do they address NSE in the context of election campaigns—if so, which parties do? How do they frame non-standard work and what policies do they propose? The article tackles these questions by analysing party programmes in four large Continental and Southern Europe states where NSE is widespread and poorly integrated into the systems of social protection. We find that attention to and criticism of non-standard work follows a left–right distribution, but we also find differences within the left: left-libertarian parties address the issue more specifically, while more traditional left-wing parties often link it to other labour concerns.
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Cervi, Laura, and Santiago Tejedor. "Framing “The Gypsy Problem”: Populist Electoral Use of Romaphobia in Italy (2014–2019)." Social Sciences 9, no. 6 (June 17, 2020): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9060105.
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Xenophobic arguments have long been at the center of the political discourse of the Lega party in Italy, nonetheless Matteo Salvini, the new leader, capitalizing on diffused Romaphobia, placed Roma people at the center of his political discourse, institutionalizing the “Camp visit” as an electoral event. Through the analysis of eight consecutive electoral campaigns, in a six year period, mixing computer-based quantitative and qualitative content analysis and framing analysis, this study aims to display how Roma communities are portrayed in Matteo Salvini’s discourse. The study describes how “Gypsies” are framed as a threat to society and how the proposed solution—a bulldozer to raze all of the camps to the ground—is presented as the only option. The paper concludes that representing Roma as an “enemy” that “lives among us”, proves to be the ideal tool to strengthen the “us versus them” tension, characteristic of populist discourse.
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Urso, Ornella. "The politicization of immigration in Italy. Who frames the issue, when and how." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.16.
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AbstractItaly is one of the most representative ‘new immigration countries.’ Between the 1980s and the 1990s, it became a major country of destination for immigrants coming from Asia, Middle East, and North Africa. As a result, since the mid-90s, immigration has gained salience within the Italian political debate. Building on the existing literature on agenda-setting and framing studies, this article studies the evolution of the immigration issue in Italy over the last two decades. It focuses on the framing and, more specifically, the position political actors tend to adopt when debating on immigration. In particular, the main research questions are: to what extent is the framing of immigration associated with the traditional left vs. right spectrum? Do incumbent political parties tend to adopt a different position toward immigration than opposition parties? This article analyses party competition dynamics over the immigration issue in Italy from 1995 to 2011. The author carried out a political-claim analysis of articles from two Italian national daily newspapers. Findings show that immigration is more a positional issue than a valence one. Political actors’ positions towards migration appear to be anchored to the old left vs. right dimension of the political conflict. This demonstrates that parties’ engagement within the political conflict goes beyond electoral campaigns. Finally, being in government seems to play a crucial role in ‘softening’ the way party actors frame immigration, in terms of both the arguments used and the pro- or anti-immigration positions adopted.
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Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Legnante, Guido, and Paolo Segatti. "Intermittent abstentionism and multi-level mobilisation in Italy." Modern Italy 14, no. 2 (May 2009): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940902871802.
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This article is focused on one of the most relevant novelties in the Italian electoral market of the past decade: the emerging phenomenon of intermittent abstentionism. Rather than an increase in overall abstentionism rates, aggregate and survey data show a clear increase in the number of floating voters who swing between voting and non-voting. After a description of the characteristics of intermittent abstensionists, the article discusses the relationship between different electoral systems at different levels of government and territorial differentiation as far as voting participation is concerned. It then discusses the impact of intermittent abstentionism on the results of the 2006 general election where the parties’ electoral campaigns appear to have been aimed at mobilising intermittent abstensionists. The article concludes with some considerations of the Italian electoral cycle, particularly in relation to the changes generated by the run-up to the 2008 elections.
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Hutter, Swen, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Guillem Vidal. "Old versus new politics." Party Politics 24, no. 1 (January 2018): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817694503.
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The article focuses on the party political spaces in four Southern European countries (i.e. Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain) since the onset of the Euro crisis. To understand the emerging conflict structures, it argues for the need to consider that these countries simultaneously face an economic crisis and a political crisis and that both crises have strong domestic and European components. Moreover, the major driving forces of change tend to be social movements and political parties that forcefully combine opposition to austerity and to “old politics.” This leads to a complex conflict structure shaped by struggles over austerity and political renewal. In this structure, divides over economic and political issues are closely aligned with each other. While this pattern emerges everywhere, there are distinct country differences. Empirically, the article relies on original data from a large-scale content analysis of national election campaigns in the four countries in the period 2011 to 2015.
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WILLSON, PERRY. "GROUP PORTRAIT: THE ISPETTRICI NAZIONALI OF THE ITALIAN FASCIST PARTY, 1937–1943." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000206.
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AbstractThe years of fascist rule in Italy saw an unprecedented mass political mobilization of women, a mobilization that has, to date, been little studied by historians. This article focuses on the role of the ispettrici nazionali – the highest rank that women ever reached in the fascist party hierarchy. It attempts to piece together a ‘group portrait’ of these hitherto unstudied female hierarchs, who were appointed from 1937 onwards to form a group leadership for the fasci femminili – the women's section of the party and the only way that women could join it. The article investigates who these women were, how they managed to rise to this prominent position, their ideas and motivations, and their role in organizing and mobilizing millions of female party members for political campaigns and for the war effort.
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Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (April 8, 2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.
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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.
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Danna, Daniela. "Lesbiche, gay, famiglia." SOCIETÀ DEGLI INDIVIDUI (LA), no. 47 (October 2013): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/las2013-047006.
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"Family" has been a contested institution for the first Italian gay movement in the Seventies, sharing the feminist rebellion against patriarchy. It was Arci Gay that started using the word famiglie (in the plural) in the 90s during the political campaigns for a legal recognition of same-sex couples, while more radical groups still contested the term. In the mainstream political debate, the use of the singular family vs the plural families became a sign of closure or opening towards the GLBT movement's requests. National polls and Eurobarometers have tested the level of social acceptance for same-sex unions and adoptions overtime, and are a good source to describe the changing social situation for families with lesbian and gay parents. In 2000s political groups formed specifically around the issue of GLBT parenting. The word omogenitorialitÀ was coined after the french example, and used in the political debate. Notwithstanding the long debate and the diffusion in many countries all over the world of the recognition of same-sex partnerships and parenthood, in Italy no law has been approved yet, and opposition is still strong.
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Lyons, Ben, Vittorio Mérola, Jason Reifler, and Florian Stoeckel. "How Politics Shape Views Toward Fact-Checking: Evidence from Six European Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (July 2020): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220921732.
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Fact-checking has spread internationally, in part to confront the rise of digital disinformation campaigns. American studies suggests ideological asymmetry in attitudes toward fact-checking, as well as greater acceptance of the practice among those more interested in and knowledgeable about politics. We examine attitudes toward fact-checking across six European counties to put these findings in a broader context ( N = 6,067). We find greater familiarity with and acceptance of fact-checking in Northern Europe (Sweden and Germany) than elsewhere (Italy, Spain, France, and Poland). We further find two dimensions of political antipathy: a left–right dimension and an “anti-elite” dimension (including dissatisfaction with democracy and negative feelings toward the European Union), the latter of which more consistently predicts negative feelings toward fact-checkers in the countries examined. Our findings demonstrate that despite general acceptance of the movement, significant political divides remain. Those less likely to trust fact-checkers could be more vulnerable to disinformation targeting these divides, leading to a spiral of cynicism.
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Carammia, Marcello, Enrico Borghetto, and Shaun Bevan. "Changing the transmission belt: the programme-to-policy link in Italy between the First and Second Republic." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (July 25, 2018): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.13.
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AbstractThis article analyses the transmission of policy priorities from electoral campaigns to legislative outputs under different institutional configurations. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the article tests whether a mandate effect exists, if incumbents also uptake the priorities of their competitors, and whether and how the introduction of alternation in government impacts on these dynamics. The analysis relies on data sets of the Italian Agendas Project recording the issue content of party manifestos and laws and covering the period 1983–2012. The results of time series cross-sectional models lend support to the presence of a mandate effect in Italy, a mechanism which was strengthened after the introduction of alternation in government. Opposition priorities may have an impact on the legislative agenda, but mostly when considering the legislation initiated in Parliament. Our findings have important implications for the understanding of the impact of government alternation, an institutional feature underlying – with varying intensity – most democracies, on the functioning of democratic representation.
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Ross, Charlotte. "Visions of visibility: LGBT communities in Turin." Modern Italy 13, no. 3 (August 2008): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802069531.
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Recent anti-discrimination campaigns by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual (LGBT) activists in Italy have increased the visibility of these communities and individuals, but have not resulted in the desired improvements to legislation. In light of this situation, this article analyses modalities of ‘visibility’ as defined and desired by the active LGBT community in Turin, host city for National Pride 2006. The Pride committee scheduled an unprecedentedly ‘visible’ year-long programme of consciousness-raising and cultural events that went far beyond the more usual one-day march. Drawing on a series of interviews with members of the committee and of the lesbian community conducted in Turin in March and June 2006, the discussion explores social, cultural and political visibility in this LGBT community as it hosted National Pride.
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Mete, Vittorio. "New wine in old bottles? Italy's divided political culture." Modern Italy 13, no. 4 (November 2008): 481–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802300274.
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Italians and politics, edited by Marco MaraffiBologna, Il Mulino, 2007332 pp., €26.00 (paperback), ISBN-978-88-15-11491-4Where is the victory? Voting in 2006, described by Italians, edited by ITANESBologna, Il Mulino, 2006241 pp., €13.00 (paperback), ISBN-88-15-11486-6Left and right: Psychological roots of political differences, edited by ITANESBologna, Il Mulino, 2006182 pp., €12.00 (paperback), ISBN-88-15-10911-0‘Incomplete’ is the adjective usually used to qualify the Italian political transition that started in the early 1990s. Fifteen years is a long time in politics: as has been noted (Calise 2006, 3), political episodes that have left an indelible mark on history, such as the Nazi regime or the Napoleonic campaigns, had a similar duration. The political elections held in Spring 2006, however, showed that Italy was still not out of the woods, with a centre-left coalition prevailing over the centre-right by less than 30,000 votes in the Chamber of Deputies, while the centre-right won the larger number of Senate votes, but gained fewer seats because of the bizarre electoral system, which was forcibly introduced three months before the election. The division of seats faithfully echoed the division of the electorate into two equal parts – a division that had existed since 2001, but had been obscured by the electoral system and the mechanics of coalition formation (D'Alimonte and Vassallo 2006, p. 28). The election gave rise to two broad coalitions, both very diverse internally, and a government paralysed by the narrowness of its majority in the Senate. If it is true that Italy can now consider itself a solidly bipolar system – in fact more so than the United Kingdom, which is frequently quoted as an ideal model – it is also true that the best description of our party system is that of “fragmented bipolarism” (D'Alimonte & Vassallo 2006, 19). This is eloquently illustrated by the fall of the Prodi Government in January 2008 and the resulting record brevity of the XVth legislature, which lasted less than two years. Some 15 years on from restructuring the party system, Italian politics has not moved from the starting line, condemned to highly fragmented politics and party systems that result in instability, ungovernability and inability to reach decisions.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-89.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p100-108.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Mariuzzo, Andrea. "Stalin and the dove: Left pacifist language and choices of expression between the Popular Front and the Korean War (1948–1953)." Modern Italy 15, no. 1 (February 2010): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903375373.
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The success of Italian movements opposing the war in Iraq during the period 2003–2005 has awakened historians’ interest in the historical features of left-wing pacifism in Italy. Some particularly noteworthy contributions have focused on the campaigns orchestrated around 1950 by the Italian Committee of the Partisans of Peace (the international movement financed and supported by the USSR and international communism against Western anti-Soviet rearmaments). After describing the principal features of existing research, this article focuses on the lexical and communicative aspect characterising left-wing pacifism in Italy in the years immediately following the Atlantic Treaty. It highlights the way in which communist and socialist language gravitated towards the classist and anti-capitalist definitions of ‘war’ and ‘peace’, in line with the position developed in Lenin's reflections in Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism. However, in the same context, there were images and symbolic references imbued with a rebuttal of the violence of war but with fewer ideological connotations, which reflected an attempt to attract the interest and support of groups and individuals ideologically distant from Marxism. This interweaving of choices of expression contributed to the deep-rooted influence of left-wing pacifism within Italian cultural politics.
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Wang, Lingfei, Yuqin Yang, and Guoyan Wang. "The Clean Your Plate Campaign: Resisting Table Food Waste in an Unstable World." Sustainability 14, no. 8 (April 14, 2022): 4699. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14084699.
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The COVID-19 pandemic threatens global food security and has created an urgent need for food conservation. This article presents a review of clean plate campaigns around the world. It aims to fight food waste and reveal the factors that may influence food waste. The Clean Plate Club in the US developed during wartime and relied heavily on political power for compliance, whereas the Clean Plate movement in South Korea was based on religion. China’s Clean Your Plate Campaign (CYPC) has gone through two stages: CYPC I and CYPC II. The latter occurred during the unstable period of the COVID-19 pandemic. It was large-scale and more strongly enforced than CYPC I. In China, CYPC has relied more on personal virtue than on politics or religion. Culture, policy, COVID-19, and behavior are all important social factors that influence food waste. Specifically, two cultural values are drivers of food waste in China: hospitality and face-saving (mianzi). In terms of policy, China’s food waste law mainly relies on persuasion; it lacks any power of enforcement. Laws in France and Italy, by contrast, focus on re-using food and involve both coercion and incentives. COVID-19 may have led to panic purchasing and stockpiling, but, in general, it has resulted in a reduction in food waste.
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Mariani, Giorgio. "The Red and the Black: Images of American Indians in the Italian Political Landscape." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 53, s1 (December 1, 2018): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2018-0016.
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Abstract In Italy, over the last decades, both the Left and the Right have repeatedly employed American Indians as political icons. The Left and the Right, that is, both adopted and adapted certain real or often outright invented features of American Indian culture and history to promote their own ideas, values, and political campaigns. The essay explores how well-established stereotypes such as those of the ecological Indian, the Indian as victim, and the Indian as fearless warrior, have often surfaced in Italian political discourse. The “Indiani Metropolitani” student movement resorted to “Indian” imagery and concepts to rejuvenate the languages of the old socialist and communist left, whereas the Right has for the most part preferred to brandish the Indian as an image of a bygone past, threatened by modernization and, especially, by immigration. Indians are thus compared to contemporary Europeans, struggling to resist being invaded by “foreign” peoples. While both the Left and the Right reinvent American Indians for their own purposes, and could be said to practice a form of cultural imperialism, the essay argues that the Leftist appropriations of the image of the Indian were always marked by irony. Moreover, while the Right’s Indians can be seen as instances of what Walter Benjamin (1969) described as Fascism’s aestheticization of politics, groups like the Indiani Metropolitani tried to politicize the aesthetics.
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Cheles, Luciano. "Iconic images in propaganda." Modern Italy 21, no. 4 (November 2016): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.55.
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Italian visual propaganda often makes use of well-established imagery, to exploit its proven impact. Renaissance masterpieces with religious subject matter were recurrently reproduced on political posters in the early post-war years and during the referenda campaigns of 1974 and 1981, mostly to characterise the parties as Christian. In Italy and elsewhere these images now tend to be employed in a secular way, for instance to denounce injustices and atrocities, and invite compassion and solidarity for the victims. Symbolic motifs traditionally associated with specific ideological traditions also used to feature strongly in Italian visual propaganda; they virtually disappeared in the early 1990s with the collapse of the Christian-Democrat and Socialist parties in the wake of the Mani pulite investigations, and the Communist Party’s transformation into a social-democratic party. They have been replaced by new icons. Iconographic motifs dear to fascism and Nazism, however, continue to be used, by stealth or unabashedly, by Italian far-right organisations.
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Badaeva, A. S. "The Pandemic Strategies of the Far-Right Parties in Western Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 5 (November 27, 2020): 94–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-6.
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The author explores the behavior of the West-European far-right parties under the coronavirus crisis circumstances. In the beginning stage of the COVID-19 pandemic in spring 2020 opposition right-wing nationalist parties tried immediately to take advantage of the difficult health situation and of the following social shock and economic problems. The actions and the rhetoric of these parties varied depending on the each country specific circumstances: number of pandemic casualties, strictness and effectiveness of measures taken by the government, national characteristic. Right-wing nationalist were able to achieve success exactly in those West-European countries, where the society was not enough consolidated. For example, Vlaams Belang in Belgium and Brothers of Italy became very popular. In front of this national cohesion and unity of society have created a formidable opposition to anti-government right-wing agitation. Political campaigns of Scandinavian far-right parties, Alternative for Germany, National Rally and the Freedom Party of Austria were almost ineffective. The current situation is unprecedented and indefinite. All sides of the political process are under tension and they are trying to calculate all possible scenarios for further development of events.
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van Kessel, Stijn, Nicola Chelotti, Helen Drake, Juan Roch, and Patricia Rodi. "Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to the UK’s Brexit vote." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886213.
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Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
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Andreone, Franco, Ferdinando Boero, Marco A. Bologna, Giuseppe M. Carpaneto, Riccardo Castiglia, Spartaco Gippoliti, Bruno Massa, and Alessandro Minelli. "Reconnecting research and natural history museums in Italy and the need of a national collection biorepository." ZooKeys 1104 (June 8, 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/zookeys.1104.79823.
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In Italy, differently from other countries, a national museum of natural history is not present. This absence is due, among other reasons, to its historical political fragmentation up to 1870, which led to the establishment of medium-sized museums, mostly managed by local administrations or universities. Moreover, a change of paradigm in biological research, at the beginning of the 20th century, contributed to privilege experimental studies in universities and facilitated the dismissal of descriptive and exploratory biology, which formed the basis of the taxonomic research carried out by natural history museums. Consequently, only a few museums have a provision of curatorial staff, space and material resources adequate to maintain their original mission of discovering the natural world, by conducting a regular research activity accompanied by field campaigns. The creation of a national research centre for the study of biodiversity, facilitating interconnections among the existing natural history museums could be a solution and is here supported, together with a centralised biorepository to host collections and vouchers, to the benefit of current and future taxonomic research and environmental conservation. Such an institution should find place and realisation within the recently proposed National Biodiversity Future Center (NBFC) planned within the National Plan of Recovery and Resilience (PNRR). Pending upon the creation of this new national centre, a network among the existing museums should coordinate their activities.
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Vecchiato, Giovanni, Laura Astolfi, Alessandro Tabarrini, Serenella Salinari, Donatella Mattia, Febo Cincotti, Luigi Bianchi, et al. "EEG Analysis of the Brain Activity during the Observation of Commercial, Political, or Public Service Announcements." Computational Intelligence and Neuroscience 2010 (2010): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2010/985867.
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The use of modern brain imaging techniques could be useful to understand what brain areas are involved in the observation of video clips related to commercial advertising, as well as for the support of political campaigns, and also the areas of Public Service Announcements (PSAs). In this paper we describe the capability of tracking brain activity during the observation of commercials, political spots, and PSAs with advanced high-resolution EEG statistical techniques in time and frequency domains in a group of normal subjects. We analyzed the statistically significant cortical spectral power activity in different frequency bands during the observation of a commercial video clip related to the use of a beer in a group of 13 normal subjects. In addition, a TV speech of the Prime Minister of Italy was analyzed in two groups of swing and “supporter” voters. Results suggested that the cortical activity during the observation of commercial spots could vary consistently across the spot. This fact suggest the possibility to remove the parts of the spot that are not particularly attractive by using those cerebral indexes. The cortical activity during the observation of the political speech indicated a major cortical activity in the supporters group when compared to the swing voters. In this case, it is possible to conclude that the communication proposed has failed to raise attention or interest on swing voters. In conclusions, high-resolution EEG statistical techniques have been proved to able to generate useful insights about the particular fruition of TV messages, related to both commercial as well as political fields.
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Gemenis, Kostas. "The Impact of Voting Advice Applications on Electoral Turnout: Evidence from Greece." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0011.
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AbstractA new aspect of electoral campaigns in Europe, and increasingly elsewhere as well, has been the proliferation of the online voter information tools, widely known in the political science community as Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). By accessing VAAs, users are provided with information about the degree of congruence between their policy preferences and those of different parties or candidates. Although the exact mechanisms have not been rigorously investigated, a series of studies across European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland have demonstrated a link between the use of VAAs and electoral turnout. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this growing literature by analyzing previously untapped data from Greece, extending the empirical literature to a country where VAA effects have not been investigated before. The analysis indicates that the effect of VAAs in Greece is marginal to non-existent while there seems to be no evidence of the hypothesized information mechanism which purportedly drives such effects. The paper concludes with suggestions that future studies of VAA effects on turnout can address in their design.
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Zimina, N. "PRIMARIES AS A FORM OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF PARTIES." TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 27, no. 10 (2021): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-10-65-69.
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The article is devoted to the procedure of conducting primaries - preliminary intraparty voting in Russia and participation in primaries of political parties. The subject of the article “Primaries as a form of political participation of parties” is primaries. The purpose of the article is to study the procedure of primaries as a form of political participation of political parties. The article presents various methods, such as analysis, comparative method, survey, which to a greater extent make it possible to define the conceptual apparatus, to conduct a comprehensive analysis of primaries. Primaries are used in the electoral systems of the USA, Italy, Russia and other countries. The history of primaries in Russia dates back to 2000, and the United Russia party held its first primaries in 2007 in order to determine the party's candidates for the elections. It can be noted that despite the rather long existence of primaries in the Russian political process, there is still no single legal interpretation of the primaries procedure. Today, attempts are being made in Russia to institutionalize primaries as a form of political and legal participation of parties in electoral procedures, which is confirmed by the data of recent electoral campaigns. Primaries are firmly included in the electoral process as pre-election intra-party voting, which allows forming lists of participants in the elections from a political party at the preliminary stage of the elections. In Russia, with its imitation democracy, primaries in “systemic” parties can also be called imitation. In non-systemic opposition blocs, we can sometimes observe honest primaries; these parties have no chance of getting into power even at the regional level, because primaries are actively used only by United Russia. As a result of the work, the author comes to the conclusion that the Russian version of the primaries is far from perfect and needs careful refinement of the legal and technological aspects of the primaries and requires rethinking the true objectives of the procedure, which was projected from the American political reality to the unprepared Russian electoral procedure. The results of the study can be applied when conducting primaries by political parties and their regional branches in the conditions of the Transbaikal Territory.
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Campo, Laura, Silvia Lumia, and Silvia Fustinoni. "Assessing Smoking Habits, Attitudes, Knowledge, and Needs among University Students at the University of Milan, Italy." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 19 (September 30, 2022): 12527. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191912527.
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Background: College campuses and universities are valuable settings for smoking prevention programs targeting young adults. Aim: To investigate smoking habits, electronic cigarette (e-cig) and heated tobacco product (HTP) use, exposure to passive smoke, compliance with smoking bans on campus, attitudes toward the anti-smoking policies, and educational needs among students at the University of Milan, Italy. Methods: A validated questionnaire was web-submitted to 64,801 students in the period May–July 2021. For each item, the frequency was calculated and χ2 test with Bonferroni correction was used to compare differences among the 10 faculties of the University. Results: 7162 students participated in the survey, while 6605 questionnaires were included in this report (62% female, 84% aged 18–25 years). Sixty-four percent of participants were never smokers, 19% were smokers, 2.8% were e-cig or HTP users, 3.7% were dual smokers, 10% were former smokers, and 66% reported routinely spending free time with smokers. Almost all students were aware of the dangers of active and passive smoking of cigarettes, while about 20% did not have an opinion on the dangers of e-cigs/HTPs. Only 49% were aware of the smoking ban in the outdoor areas of the university. Students from the faculties of Law and Political, Economic, and Social Sciences smoked more frequently and were more frequently exposed to passive smoke than other students. Medicine students were the most aware of the dangers of passive smoking and using e-cigs/HTPs. Conclusions: This is the first study in Italy involving the entire student population of a university and highlighting differences among faculties in terms of active and passive smoking and opinions. The results suggest that prevention campaigns addressed to students should consider their specific study curricula and give information tailored to the different educational needs to efficiently support health promotion.
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Житко, А. О. "ФЕНОМЕН «СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» У КОНТЕКСТІ РИЗИКІВ І ВИКЛИКІВ ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИХ ДЕМОКРАТІЙ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ." Сучасне суспільство: політичні науки, соціологічні науки, культурологічні науки 2, no. 2-19 (2019): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/24130060.2019.19.2.02.
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In the article attempts of description and analyze of research studies are undertaken, which are recognized in the modern scientific world as «strong points» in the study of the phenomenon of populism, in particular - G. Ionesk, E. Gellner, D. Bell, M. Kenovan, P. Tagart, E. Laclau, I. Me, I. Sorel et other, and the latest Western and domestic theoretical constructs, which lead to the knowledge and the nature and essence of the phenomenon of «modern populism», namely - Z. Bauman, W. Beck, F. Venturi, A. Grimimal-Buss, K. Davyst, J. Judis, R. Itwell, J.-V. Muller, T. Snyder, etc.; T. Andrushchenko, V. Bebyk, S. Datsyuk, I. Kiananka, G. Kuts, O. Lisnichuk, L. Matlai, I. Pobochi, T. Pryadko, T. Rad, O. Yarosha and others. It is determined that the overwhelming majority of modern researchers express a consolidated position on the complexity of definition («populism is the phenomenon dispersed, i.e. it is a component of many political phenomena, embodied in various ideological forms and political strategies») and a huge variety of manifestation of modern populism D. Trump (USA), Brexit (UK), Yellow Vest Movement (France), Five Star Movement (Italy), Podemos (Spain), G. Wilders (Netherlands), V. Orban (Hungary), R. Erdogan (Turkey), etc. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «global success of populists» in the 21st century creates a real threat to liberal-democratic values - individual freedom, pluralism, free speech, free elections, etc. The key factors that provoked «the outburst of populism» are characterized, in particular, the dominance of the contemporary voter in the socio-political moods of feelings of «disappointment», «confusion», «uncertainty» and others. The author attempts to find effective strategies for counteracting «aggressive populism» in the context of the mediation of contemporary political processes, in particular, the formation of critical thinking and media literacy of the modern voter. It is stated that the «wave» of populism also seized the political space of modern Ukraine, in which the mediation of political processes created a new format of communication between voters and politicians, which, in fact, attested to the results of recent presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.
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Gori, Davide, Claudio Costantino, Anna Odone, Beatrice Ricci, Magda Ialonardi, Carlo Signorelli, Francesco Vitale, and Maria Pia Fantini. "The Impact of Mandatory Vaccination Law in Italy on MMR Coverage Rates in Two of the Largest Italian Regions (Emilia-Romagna and Sicily): An Effective Strategy to Contrast Vaccine Hesitancy." Vaccines 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines8010057.
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Background: Vaccine hesitancy has increased worldwide, leading to reduction in vaccination coverage rates. In particular, reduction in the coverage for the trivalent Measles-Mumps-Rubella vaccine has led to an increase of measles cases. The aim of this study is to analyze the coverage rates for the MMR vaccine in the Emilia-Romagna Region (RER) and Sicily Region (SR) between 2009 and 2018, and to correlate any significant change to index events which could have modified the trend of vaccination rates. Methods: Official aggregate data on vaccination coverage at 24 months provided by the RER and the SR were analyzed through trend analysis and related to important index events. Results: The two regions showed similar results; both achieved the lowest coverage rates in 2015 and both showed an increase in the rates after the introduction of mandatory vaccinations for access to schools. In 2018, both reached the starting point before the decrease. Conclusions: Our results confirm the effectiveness of legislative coercive measures in favor of vaccination. A potential decrease in the coverage rates may be observed as a result of an attenuation of the positive effects of coercive measures over time. It is thus necessary to combine these measures together with information campaigns and political initiatives at different levels (i.e., national, regional).
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Iengo, Ilenia. "Endometriosis and Environmental Violence." Environmental Humanities 14, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/22011919-9712412.
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Abstract This toxic autobiography seeks to open the conversation around the intersecting injustices marking the epistemological, material, political, and porous entanglements between endometriosis, the bodily inflammatory chronic condition the author is affected by, and the toxic waste fires raging in the territory known as the Land of Fires, between the provinces of Naples and Caserta, in southern Italy. Thinking with the sprouting intersection of environmental humanities and disability justice, while rooted in a critical environmental justice and transfeminist standpoint, the article uncovers the toxic embodiment where bodies and places are enmeshed. Although a growing body of literature acknowledges the role of chemical buildup and endocrine-disrupting toxins in the occurrence of endometriosis, the author delineates the epistemic injustices that keep this relationship silent in mainstream medical discourses. Through the blend of environmental memoir, embodied knowledge, activist campaigns, and medical literature, the article exposes the accumulation of environmental, medical, ableist, misogynist, and capitalist slow violence that living with endometriosis brings about. While emerging from the materiality of experiencing trauma and pain, the article reclaims the emancipatory possibilities that can be articulated. From the politicization of an “invisible” illness standpoint, the article proposes a toxic autobiography in which transfeminist, environmental, and disability justice politics are collectively affirmed through situated ecopolitics of response-ability that accounts for interdependence and self-determination of marginal bodies and territories.
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Grigoletto, Alessia, Mario Mauro, Francesco Campa, Alberto Loi, Maria Cristina Zambon, Marzia Bettocchi, Mark Nieuwenhuijsen, Laura Bragonzoni, Pasqualino Maietta Latessa, and Stefania Toselli. "Attitudes towards Green Urban Space: A Case Study of Two Italian Regions." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 12 (June 14, 2021): 6442. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18126442.
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Green spaces are defined as open spaces of ground, covered by vegetation, including parks and gardens. This kind of environment is linked to many positive effects and its importance is growing due to increasing urbanization. Understanding what drives people to use green urban space is fundamental to creating appropriate campaigns to develop the use of such spaces and improve the citizens’ quality of life. A questionnaire on the attitude towards green space was developed and submitted to people from two Italian regions. Emilia-Romagna and Veneto are two regions in the North of Italy with different territorial policies. Three hundred and ten surveys were collected (167 in Emilia-Romagna and 143 in Veneto). Significant differences were observed between regions, age groups and in relation to the kind of work (p < 0.05). People from Emilia-Romagna have higher scores of attitudes towards green space than people from Veneto, underlining the importance of territorial policies. Moreover, younger participants (18–30 years) seem to be less attracted to green urban space. Being an employee seems to influence the attitude towards green space. Particular attention should be given to subjects of the younger age groups and to the number of hours spent at work. This could be an important element for future research, so that political action can be implemented with these categories in mind.
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Hryszko, Rafał. "The Sweet War, or How Military Campaigns of Alfonso V of Aragon Affected the Eating Habits in Early to Mid-15th Century." Perspektywy Kultury 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2019.2603.11.
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Starting from the time of James I the Conqueror (1213-1276) the Kingdom of Aragon started its Mediterranean expansion. Following successive military expeditions, its conquests included: Mallorca and the other Balearic Islands (1229-1235), Sicily (1282) and Sardinia (1323-1324). The culmination of this process was the involvement of a Alfons V the Magnanimous (1416-1458) in the war for the Kingdom of Naples, which began in 1420. After 22 years of intermittent struggle, in 1442, Alfons V the Magnanimous eventually captured Naples, which in the years to come became one of the leading centers of the Italian Renaissance.
The appearance of foreign domination in southern Italy suddenly entailed the transfer of Catalan culture, language and customs. Among the latter, Catalan culinary traditions formed at the end of the fourteenth century also occupied an important place. It was during this period that a significant change took place in the Kingdom of Aragon regarding the role and the circumstances of eating sweets by its financial and political elites. Until then, confectioneries were served as part of dessert at the end of the main meal (dinner or feast), while in the period discussed their consumption considerably shifted in time. Initially, their consumption was still associated with the various elements of the feasting etiquette (e.g. dancing, amusements, other meals). With time, the ceremonial of eating sweets transformed into a separate meal of sweet snacks, referred to by the Catalan term of col·lació. It quickly became a solemn, independently functioning type of feast, with an established ceremonial and setting.
Under what circumstances were Catalan eating practices transplanted to Italian context? What influence did the ruler and his military operations have on the enrichment of Italian feasting with new ele ments of Catalan provenance? – Such questions define the direction of the considerations made by the author of the paper.
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Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.
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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nationalists and Iraq’s conservative elites who proclaimed their loyalty to pan-Arabism as well. In other words, the article studies the ways in which Iraqi communist intellectuals, most notably the leader of the Iraqi Communist Party, Fahd, shifted the antifascist global battle to the Iraqi field and used the prodemocratic agenda of the Allies to criticize the absence of social justice and human rights in Iraq, and the Iraqi leadership’s submissive posture toward Britain. As it became clear to Iraqi communists that World War II was nearing its end, and that Iraq would be an important part of the American-British front, criticism of the Iraqi Premier Nūrī al-Saʿīd and his policies grew sharper, and such policies were increasingly identified as “fascist”. Within this context, Fahd equated chauvinist rightwing Iraqi nationalism in its anti-Jewish and anti- Kurdish manifestations with fascism and Nazi racism. I then look at the ways in which Iraqi Jewish communists internalized the party’s localized antifascist agenda. I argue that Iraqi Jewish communists identified rightwing Iraqi nationalism (especially the agenda espoused by a radical pan-Arab Party called al-Istiqlāl) as symptomatic of a fascist ideology. Finally, I demonstrate how Iraqi Jewish communists who migrated to Israel in the years 1950-1951 continued using the word “fascist” in their campaigns against rightwing Jewish nationalism and how this antifascist discourse influenced prominent Palestinian intellectuals
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Armstrong, T. D. "An Old Philosopher in Rome: George Santayana and his Visitors." Journal of American Studies 19, no. 3 (December 1985): 349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800015322.
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Rome after the Second World War presented something of an anomaly. Of all the traditional capitals of European civilization it was the least affected by the conflict. Because of the Pope's presence, it had not been bombed, and it had escaped the heavy fighting in the campaigns to the south. Indeed, so easily was it taken that one film was to show the Eternal City captured by a single jeep. Italy was also faster to recover than any of the other combatants. American money flooded into the country, and political life was quickly under way again. All this made it a good place for visitors, a relative bright spot amidst a shattered landscape. Harold Acton, the English historian who went there in 1948, remarked that “After the First World War American writers and artists had migrated to Paris: now they pitched upon Rome.” Among those who visited Rome or lived there for a period after the war were Edmund Wilson, Gore Vidal, Tennessee Williams, Frederic Prokosch, Daniel Cory, Alfred Kazin, Samuel Barber, Robert Lowell and Elizabeth Hardwick (slightly later), as well as Acton himself and a host of less well-known figures. Many were entertained by Lawrence and Babel Roberts, under whose influence “the Roman Academy became an international rendezvous for artists and intellectuals.” While they were there, a large proportion of these writers made a pilgrimage to the Convent of the Blue Sisters, where since 1941 George Santayana had been living in a single room.
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Guiné, Raquel, Ana Cristina Ferrão, Manuela Ferreira, Paula Correia, Ana Paula Cardoso, João Duarte, Ivana Rumbak, Abdel-Moneim Shehata, Elena Vittadini, and Maria Papageorgiou. "The motivations that define eating patterns in some Mediterranean countries." Nutrition & Food Science 49, no. 6 (November 11, 2019): 1126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/nfs-12-2018-0360.
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Purpose This study to investigate several issues related to food choice and consumption patterns in different countries, including health-related factors; economic and availability aspects; emotional determinants; social, cultural and religious influences; marketing and advertising campaigns; and finally environmental concerns. Design/methodology/approach The present study was based on a questionnaire that was exclusively prepared for the project, and which was applied to collect data in different countries, in particular Croatia, Egypt, Italy, Greece and Portugal, which are typically associated with the Mediterranean diet (MD). Findings The results obtained allowed, in general, to conclude that in all five countries the motivations related to health as well as environment and politics were the more relevant to determine people’s eating habits (scores varying from 0.3 to 0.7). Women were more influenced by eating motivations than men, and people with moderate exercise were more susceptible to health and environmental motivations and less to emotional, social or marketing motivations (p < 0.001 in all cases). It was also observed that people who adopted a special diet were more prone to eating motivations and that the emotional motivations were more pronounced in people with eating disorders (p < 0.001). Finally, people without chronic diseases or allergies were even more influenced by health motivations than those who actually suffered from these health problems (p < 0.001 in both cases). Originality/value This work is important because of the multinational coverage, thus allowing to evaluate the most relevant factors that influenced the food choices of the populations around the Mediterranean Sea, sharing the common link to the MD. The study allowed concluding that, in general, the food choices were primarily determined by health factors and also by concerns related to the environment and sustainability as well as by political influences.
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Porta, Donatella, and Massimiliano Andretta. "Changing Forms of Environmentalism In Italy: The Protest Campaign on The High Speed Railway System." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2002): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.1.j5248k8559158165.
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This article focuses on a protest campaign against the building of a high-speed railway in Tuscany, a region characterized by a "red" territorial subculture, that is, a dense network of associations and local institutions associated with the main left-wing party. The eight-year long protest campaign involved formal environmental movement organizations as well as parties and local institutional actors that often staged protests. The main actors of the campaign were, however, the local environmental movement organizations that were formed in most of the areas directly menaced by the project. Looking at the historical evolution of protest campaign, the authors investigate cooperation and competition inside the movement between the ideologically "purer" environmental organizations and the more moderate forms of action on the one hand, and the local, single-issue, and sometimes NIMBY groups that were more prone to protest, on the other. Drawing on a political process approach, the dynamics of the protest are explained by reference to a multilevel policy-making process, involving local, national, and even international political institutions. Moreover, a distinction is introduced between political opportunities and policy opportunities, all framed within the local political culture. Protest event analysis allows to relate the different repertoires with the changing set of resources and opportunities for the various actors in the different steps of the policy making process.
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Körner, Axel. "Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Fiume, Giovanna. "Women's History and Gender History: The Italian Experience." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.
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Dragišić, Petar. "Yugoslavia and General Election in Italy in 1948." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.dra.71-88.
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The paper deals with Yugoslav perceptions of the 1948 general election in Italy. The research focuses primarily on reports of the Yugoslav legation in Rome, which closely monitored the election campaign as well as the consequences of this watershed in the Cold War phase of Italian history. The Yugoslav sources cast a light on the strategies of the principal protagonists in the Italian political turmoil in April 1948.