Academic literature on the topic 'Political campaigns – Italy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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Richardson, John, and Monica Colombo. "Continuity and change in anti-immigrant discourse in Italy." Discourse and politics of migration in Italy 12, no. 2 (August 2, 2012): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.2.02ric.
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Anti-immigrant political arguments have long been at the centre of the campaigning of the Lega Nord (the Northern League), the Italian extreme-right secessionist party. The paper analyses posters from political campaigns between 2001 and 2008 in order to detect similarities and differences emerging over time, and to show how continuity and change intertwine in the Lega Nord’s anti-immigrant discourse. The analysis is presented across two axes: first, the visual dimensions of the texts are examined, concentrating predominantly on the use of images; and second, we analyse the linguistic content of the leaflets, paying particular attention to referential strategies and argumentative structure. The sampled posters show that although the Lega Nord’s immigration policies have long been driven by an enduring basic antipathy towards foreigners, in the 2008 campaign the strategy shifted to one stressing arguments reminiscent of the Nouvelle Droite’s ethnopluralism. Accordingly, in the interest of respecting cultural diversity, the Lega Nord argues that different national communities need to be kept separate, thereby inverting liberal values for the purpose of countering multiculturalism.
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Risso, Linda. "18 April 1948: Italy between continuity and rupture." Modern Italy 16, no. 2 (May 2011): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.557207.
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In the first months of 1948, Italy witnessed one of the fiercest electoral campaigns in its history, which saw the mobilisation of all sectors of society and the involvement of numerous international actors. In the end, the Christian Democrats and their political allies gained the majority of the votes at the first post-war general elections of 18 April 1948, thus officially inaugurating the history of the new Italian Republic.
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Montemagno, Francesca, and Rossana Sampugnaro. "Quanto influiscono i sistemi elettorali sulle campagne?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 81, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8524.
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The demand for specific expertise to manage strategically election campaigns is growing. However, their use depends on the history of political party, on their values and on their economic resources and to the context in which the election campaign takes place. In this sphere, the electoral system produces constraints and incentives for the development of the electoral campaigns.This study aims to examine the influence of electoral system on electoral campaign style and on its management. In particular, the focus is on professionalization and personalization of electoral campaigns within a comparative approach among the European states. The data are from a comparative study on candidates (CCS).The study focuses on the candidates who participated in the most recent general elections included in the database. In particular, we selected nine countries with different electoral systems: for Candidate-based electoral system, we choice Romania, United Kingdom, Ireland and Malta; for Party-based electoral system, we examined Norway, Portugal and Italy; we also included in our analysis Hungary and Germany, which have a Mixed system with single-member constituency and closed List, which can be placed between the two previous systems.The results of the study show that the electoral systems influence the election campaigns of candidates, producing different models of mobilization.
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Jensen, Jakob Linaa, and Sander Andreas Schwartz. "Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections." Social Media + Society 8, no. 1 (January 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
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Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
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Flamini, Marta, and Maurizio Naldi. "Maturity of Industry 4.0: A Systematic Literature Review of Assessment Campaigns." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 8, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc8010051.
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The Industry 4.0 paradigm represents the fourth industrial revolution, embodied by the marriage between information and communication technologies and manufacturing. Assessment campaigns are conducted to examine the status of deployment of that paradigm, mostly through self-assessment questionnaires. Each campaign is typically limited in scope, involving just a group of companies located in a few countries at most. Such limitation does not allow an overall view of Industry 4.0’s diffusion. In this paper, we offer that panoramic view through a systematic literature review. The number of papers devoted to Industry 4.0 assessment grows steadily. However, many papers do not provide essential information about the assessment campaigns they report, e.g., not detailing the number, type, or location of companies involved and the questionnaire employed. We observe a large diffusion in Europe and Asia but not in the U.S., with the Top 5 countries being Malaysia, Poland, Italy, Germany and Slovakia. The campaigns uniformly cover small, medium, and large companies but not all industrial sectors. The choice of questionnaires is extremely varied, with no standard emerging.
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Basile, Linda. "The ‘(party) politics of attention.’ Party competition and decentralist reforms: the Italian case." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.14.
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AbstractThis paper sheds light on the role played by political parties in influencing policy change, by connecting literature on party competition and agenda-setting and focusing on a single-issue domain, namely decentralization in Italy from 1948 to 2013. The article argues that major decentralist reforms usually followed electoral campaigns in which most parties focused attention on the issue. Such shifts in attention are caused by, among other things, the issue entrepreneurship activity undertaken by individual parties that are trying to influence the party system agenda and obtain electoral, office, or policy advantage. Contrary to the expectations of the issue entrepreneurship model, however, the analyses reveal that the entrepreneurship role on decentralization in Italy was not played by those parties that can be classified as ‘political losers’ in the party system; rather, in the case of the policy of decentralization in Italy, issue entrepreneurship activity is mostly explained by strategic considerations other than purely electoral ones.
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Ryabtsev, Kirill. "Political Micro-Targeting in Europe: A Panacea for the Citizens’ Political Misinformation or the New Evil for Voting." Groningen Journal of International Law 8, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.8.1.69-89.
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Personalised interaction between political parties and the electorate has existed since the emergence of modern elections. Nowadays, digital technology has moved the relationship between political candidates and voters to a more advanced level. Through collecting and analysing citizens’ personal data via digital means, politicians have the capacity to foresee the electorate’s political behaviour, its preferences, and the choices it is inclined to make. Such campaign strategy is known as ‘political micro-targeting’, and it has raised great interest in academia. One may consider it a panacea for political misinformation, given that political micro-targeting can increase the population’s participation in politics. Nonetheless, it can be argued that this phenomenon poses a long-term threat to democracy. Accordingly, due to the high engagement with personal data that political micro-targeting entails, the question of its compatibility with citizens’ voting rights arises. This thesis will explore the issue of online political micro-targeting and seek to conduct a comparative analysis between presidential election campaigns in three European states, namely France, Italy and the United Kingdom. Accordingly, current political micro-targeting practices in these legal systems, and how they can influence each other, will be illustrated. An important place will be devoted to the analysis of political micro-targeting’s interference with the electorate’s voting rights and its regulatory framework.
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Schmidtke, Oliver. "‘We the People’: Demarcating the Demos in Populist Mobilization—The Case of the Italian Lega." Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (September 23, 2021): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10100351.
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This article is a theoretically guided and empirically based analysis of how populist movements invoke the notion of the ‘people’ as a cornerstone of their political mobilization. While the confrontation between the virtuous ‘people’ and the unresponsive elites speaks to how populism challenges established political actors and institutions, the actual meaning of who the ‘people’ are and what they represent is shifting and often driven by strategic considerations. Analytically the article investigates the distinct ways in which nationalism and populism conceptualize and politically mobilize the notion of the ‘people’. Empirically it focuses on the Italian League and engages in a discourse analysis of its political campaigns over the past 30 years. Based on this textual analysis of political campaigns, the article sheds light on how the reference to the ‘people’ has been employed as this political actor has transformed from a regionalist party advocating for autonomy in Northern Italy to one taking up the role of a populist-nationalist party at the national level. This case study allows the author to make a generalizable hypothesis about the nature of identity politics promoted by populist actors and the way in which the invocation of the ‘people’ and their alleged enemies is a pivotal political narrative that opens and restricts opportunities for political mobilization. This interpretative approach also allows for a more concise conceptual understanding of the affinity that right-wing populists demonstrate toward nativist ideologies.
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Piazza, Gianni. "Come decidono gli attivisti all'interno dei Centri Sociali? Uno studio comparato delle occupazioni in una cittŕ italiana." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 1 (May 2012): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-001006.
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The Social Centres in Italy are autonomous groups set up by left-wing radical activists, who occupy and/or self-manage unused buildings, where they organize political campaigns, social and countercultural activities. In this article, a typology of decision-making and internal democracy models, based on decisional method and preferences' treatment adopted (Consensual vs. Majoritarian), is here proposed and tested through the binary comparison of two Social Centres, as empirical cases, in the same city (Catania in Sicily), with the most dissimilar characteristics (campaigns/activities, political ideological orientations, national networks, legal position, attitude towards institutions). The research, methodologically founded on participant observation, the analysis of self-produced documents and a set of semi-structured interviews, provided unexpected findings, entailing an explanation through the procedure of re-identification and/or cultural recollocation of Pizzorno. As a consequence, the diverse models of decisionmaking and internal democracy adopted by activists of the two Social Centres seem to be depended on their different ends, collective identities and political-ideological orientations
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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. "Emergence of the candidate and political marketing: Television and election campaigns in Italy in the 1980s." Political Communication 8, no. 3 (July 1991): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1991.9962919.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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UGOLINI, LORENZO. "Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.
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Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono.The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.
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UGOLINI, LORENZO. "Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.
Full textAbstract:
Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono.The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.
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ABBIATI, MICHELE. "L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.
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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811)
Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica
Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02
La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero.
La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness.
La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano).
Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.
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CAMPUS, Donatella. "How voters process information : an inquiry into the formation of electoral preferences." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5215.
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Defence date: 22 September 1997Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (European University Institute) ; Prof. Iain McLean (Nuffield College-Oxford) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino (University of Bologna - co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
L'aumento dell'astensionismo elettorale, fenomeno oggi attuale in Italia così come in molti altri paesi occidentali, e più in generale lo scarso interesse dei cittadini verso la politica generano dubbi e perplessità sull'effettivo funzionamento delle democrazie moderne. Lo studio delle predisposizioni e del comportamento degli elettori mostra che essi sono senza dubbio «pigri», nel senso di poco inclini a dedicare tempo ed attenzione alla politica. Ma gli elettori sono in grado di sopperire alla loro scarsa competenza in materia di politica grazie a «scorciatoie cognitive », vale a dire opportune strategie di raccolta e di elaborazione dell'informazione che consentono di prendere decisioni di voto relativamente informate. L'autrice presenta una rassegna completa ed aggiornata di come la letteratura politologica — dalle teorie tradizionali ai più recenti modelli della cognizione politica — ha interpretato il problema dell'informazione e concentra l'attenzione sui processi di ragionamento attraverso i quali gli individui percepiscono e rappresentano il mondo della politica. Il volume illustra inoltre i risultati di un'indagine empirica sulla conoscenza politica degli elettori italiani, offrendo alcuni interessanti spunti per ricostruire il processo di adattamento dei cittadini alle nuove regole e al mutato panorama politico degli ultimi anni.
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CERNISON, Matteo. "Online communication spheres in social movements campaigns : the Italian referendum on water." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34401.
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Defence date: 21 July 2014Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, European University Institute; Professor Lance Bennett, University of Washington; Professor Mario Diani, Università degli Studi di Trento.
In 2011, a vast coalition of social movement actors coordinated one of the largest and most successful political campaign that characterized recent Italian history, organizing and winning a referendum that blocked a serious attempt to privatize the entire water distribution network. In a year characterized by intense mobilizations throughout the world – with the Occupy, the 15-M and the so called Arab Spring protests dominating the scene – the main Italian organizations and networks coalesced, with the external support of some small declining or newly formed parties, and gradually captured an increasing attention in society. The main environment of action of the Referendum supporters slowly passed from the Italian streets, assemblies, and squares, to the websites of the organizations, and – during the very last phase of the campaign – to Facebook, finally conquering at least in part the very closed space of the Italian mass media. On Facebook, in particular, the politically oriented communication of the referendum supporters proved to be very pervasive: the words referendum and quorum were the most present in the statuses of the Italian users of this platform for the entire 2011. The dissertation explores in detail this successful campaign, focusing on how the activists elaborated new strategies of online communication and on the processes of adaptation that the emergence of the Social Media in the Italian political environment promoted in this social movement milieu. Adopting a very wide set of methodologies, which includes Digital Ethnography, Social Network Analysis, interviews and data collection through computer programming in Python, the author explores different aspects of the mobilization that are particularly relevant for the broader discussion on online activism and campaigning. In particular, he traces the network of websites that supported the campaign, he observes the online communication practices of the activists on the web and Facebook, he describes the link that connects online and off-line activism during this large-scale campaign, and he connects the different ways of perceiving the social media environment with divergent uses of these platforms.
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Planičková, Eliška. "Mediální kampaně Silvia Berlusconiho během voleb do parlamentu v letech 1994 až 2008." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-329062.
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Diploma thesis "Media campaigns of Silvio Berlusconi during general elections from 1994 to 2008" deals with the election campaigns and their cover in mass media. It summarizes style of campaign of the Berlusconi's political party Forza Italia and his coalition. The thesis compares these campaigns with those of main opposition, left- central coalition. The beginning of the thesis devotes to the résumé of Berlusconi's biography and to his entry to the politics. Further chapters summarize political situation between single campaign and they describe these campaign including their media cover. Significant space is devoted to potential influence on voter's decision because of the Berlusconi's media empire and because of his control over dominant commercial television stations Mediaset.
Books on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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Morcellini, Mario, Marzia Antenore, and Christian Ruggiero. Talk&Tweet: La campagna elettorale 2013 tra Tv e Twitter. Sant'Arcangelo di Romagna (RN): Maggioli editore, 2013.
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James, Newell, ed. The Italian general election of 2006: Romano Prodi's victory. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2008.
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Sul treno di Rutelli: Viaggio all'ascolto del Veneto. Padova]: Il prato, 2001.
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James, Newell, ed. The Italian general election of 2008: Berlusconi strikes back. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Nardis, Fabio De. Logomachia: I linguaggi della politica nelle elezioni amministrative a Roma. Roma: Carocci, 2002.
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Simon, Yves René Marie. The Ethiopian campaign and French political thought. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009.
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The Ethiopian campaign and French political thought. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009.
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Simon, Yves René Marie. The Ethiopian campaign and French political thought. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009.
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Simon, Yves René Marie. The Ethiopian campaign and French political thought. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009.
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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem ; Epistulae ad M. Brutum: Accedunt commentariolum petitionis, fragmenta epistularum. Stutgardiae: Teubner, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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Battisti, Danielle. "Italian American Identity and Politics: World War II To the Cold War." In Whom We Shall Welcome, 17–48. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823284399.003.0002.
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This chapter examines Italian American loyalty campaigns during World War II as well as postwar campaigns to promote the democratic reconstruction of Italy. It argues that even though Italian Americans had made great strides toward political and social inclusion in the United States, they were still deeply concerned with their group’s public identity at mid-century. This chapter also demonstrates that in the course of their increased involvement with their homeland politics in the postwar period, Italian Americans gradually came to believe that the successful democratization of Italy (and therefore their own standing in the United States) was dependent upon relieving population pressures that they believed threatened the political and economic reconstruction of Italy. That belief played an important role in stirring Italian Americans to action on issues of immigration reform.
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Porta, Donatella della, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos, and Anna Subirats Ribas. "Referendums from below: an introduction." In Social Movements and Referendums from Below. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333418.003.0001.
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This book examines how social movements exploited windows of opportunity offered by institutions of direct democracy, in particular through referendums ‘from below’, and the ways in which the socioeconomic and political crisis of neoliberalism affected the referendums' dynamics and results. It considers events that have been either promoted or appropriated by social movements, such as the referendums in Scotland, Italy, Iceland, and Greece, and the consultation on independence in Catalonia. It also discusses the transformative impact of participation from below on the organisational strategies as well as the framing of the referendum campaigns. This chapter provides an overview of normative conceptions of democracy, social movements, and referendums; how referendums presented opportunities for movements; contentious referendum campaigns; issues surrounding the framing of referendum campaigns; and two cases of consultations that involved social movements in Scotland and Catalonia.
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Pasqualetto, Martina, and Fabio Perocco. "For Dignity, Against Racism: The Struggles of Asylum Seekers in Italy." In Stuck and Exploited Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Italy Between Exclusion, Discrimination and Struggles. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-532-2/009.
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In Italy, over the last years in the world of social struggles asylum seekers have been in the spotlight several times, having led several episodes of mobilisations and protests. They emerged as political subjects, with their own claims and situations; parallel to the issue of reception, they expressed themselves in the public space as asylum seekers, with campaigns, pickets, and marches, with which the respect for their rights and dignity is advocated. This study analyses the causes, forms and repercussions of the struggles of asylum seekers in the last decade. After the analysis of the experience of immigrants’ struggles over the last three decades, the article examines the social roots and the features of the struggles of asylum seekers between 2011 to 2019, and considers their meaning in the political context.
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Porta, Donatella della, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos, and Anna Subirats Ribas. "Referendums from below: some reflections." In Social Movements and Referendums from Below. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333418.003.0006.
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This book has examined how referendums from below serve as opportunities that are particularly conducive to broadening participation as well as enhancing political engagement and understanding among the electorate. Using the campaigns in Scotland, Catalonia and Italy, the book has provided evidence that referendums offer social movements the chance to make a decisive contribution to issues of substantial political importance. By analyzing these movements' resource mobilisation, appropriation of opportunities, and capacity to develop resonant frames, the book has shown how movements have shaped political debates. This concluding chapter summarises the book's main ideas and contributions and considers how some of the traits and patterns identified in the Catalan, Scottish and Italian cases hold in two additional settings: the Icesave referendum in Iceland and the consultation on the Troika's ultimatum in Greece.
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Porta, Donatella della, Lorenzo Cini, and César Guzmán-Concha. "The Outcomes of Student Protest." In Contesting Higher Education, 129–70. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208627.003.0005.
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This chapter evaluates the impact of student protests in the four regions on higher education policies. The four cases differ in the degree to which students were able to achieve concessions close to their demands. In both Chile and Quebec, as student demands were supported by significant social constituencies and the government proved unable to appease the protests, the opposition parties presented themselves as allies. These parties committed themselves to delivering reforms that would (partially) meet student demands, while students attempted to gain influence in decision-making bodies by joining political parties and/or participating in elections. By contrast, in England and Italy, students did not obtain concessions from the government, while their campaigns had a minor effect on public opinion, which remained relatively indifferent to their demands. More notably, student protesters failed to build solid alliances with other social and political actors opposing similar neoliberal measures in other fields of policy, such as trade unions, radical left parties, and social movements.
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"Electoral campaign strategies." In The Politics of Migration in Italy, 97–125. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge studies in extremism and democracy: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628677-5.
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"Controlling campaign agendas." In The Politics of Migration in Italy, 146–62. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge studies in extremism and democracy: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628677-7.
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Micalizzi, Alessandra, and Alessandra Nieli. "#M5S (Five Star Movement) and the National Political Campaign." In Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age, 217–34. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch013.
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In 2009, a new political movement was born in Italy. It is called “Five Star Movement” (M5S) and it was positioned as a new voice of Italian people: alternative, populist, against élites, and against the traditional “way of doing” politic in the First and Second Republic Age. The power of this new political subject is linked with the use of social media platforms to communicate and share information, opinions, and positions with its “base” in a participative democracy perspective. In the last national political campaign, the M5S obtained 32% of the votes with a peak in the South of Italy. The chapter aims at presenting the main results of an empirical research focused on Sicilian voters of the East coast, in order to verify if and how digital communication helped in obtaining this success. Data show evidence about the relevance recognized to social media as first direct sources for collecting political information. The respondents express a large consent for traditional media that maintain in the public opinion a strong reputation in construction and share the public-sphere.
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"Nowcasting and forecasting electoral campaigns: evidence from France, the United States and Italy." In Politics and Big Data, 78–114. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, [2017] |: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315582733-9.
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Porta, Donatella della, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos, and Anna Subirats Ribas. "Expanding the comparison: the water referendum in Italy." In Social Movements and Referendums from Below. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333418.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the 2011 water referendum in Italy, focusing on the appropriation of opportunities, resource mobilisation, and the framing of the campaign by social movements and civil society organisations. It shows that some of the characteristics of the referendums from below that were observed in Scotland and Catalonia also fit the Italian case. In terms of appropriation of opportunities, the referendum against the privatisation of water supply was far from a single-issue campaign, instead emerging from long-lasting struggles that made use of a multiple and varied repertoire of contention, including institutional and unconventional forms of action. The chapter also discusses how the closing down of opportunities at the national level and the availability of political allies at the local level prompted the use of forms of direct democracy. Finally, it demonstrates how the provision of water became a symbol of resistance to neoliberalism and austerity policies in Italy.
Conference papers on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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Nardin, Chiara, Oreste S. Bursi, Fabrizio Paolacci, Gianluca Quinci, Igor Lanese, and Alberto Pavese. "Shake Table Testing for a Multi-Component Prototype Industrial Plant: Input and System Modelling Issues." In ASME 2021 Pressure Vessels & Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2021-61702.
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Abstract Recent destructive earthquakes in China (Sichuan, 2008 and Yushu, 2010), Japan (Tohoku, 2011) and Italy (Emilia, 2012) highlighted the social and the political consequences of seismic risk due especially to industrial facilities. More precisely, critical interactions between the supporting structure and process components reveal to be extremely vulnerable in a seismic scenario and capable to lead serious damage of process equipment and potential release of hazardous substances. This latter circumstance, underestimated by current codes, in addition to loss of production, pose a serious danger to humans and the surrounding environment. Based on these premises, the SPIF project — Seismic Performance of Multi-Component Systems in Special Risk Industrial Facilities — was proposed within the framework of the European H2020 - SERA funding scheme. In greater detail, the goal of the project is the investigation of both the seismic behavior and the dynamic interactions of a representative industrial substructure equipped with complex process technology by means of shaking table tests. A full-scale mock-up composed by two single-bay moment resisting frames with three floors equipped with tanks, flanges, pipes, cabinet etc. was built and tested using a unidirectional shaking table activated with several earthquake levels. More precisely, the salient features investigated by shaking table testing are: i) the interaction between a primary moment resisting frame steel structure and secondary process components that influence the performance of the whole system; ii) input and system modelling capable to faithfully reproduce the seismic response of SPIF tested structure. The comprehensive testing campaign demonstrated a clear dynamic interaction between the primary steel structure and secondary process units that emphasizes the need of further investigations and studies.
Reports on the topic "Political campaigns – Italy"
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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.
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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.