Journal articles on the topic 'Political campaigns Great Britain'
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1
Sewell, Mike. "Political Rhetoric and Policy-Making: James G. Blaine and Britain." Journal of American Studies 24, no. 1 (April 1990): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028711.
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James Gillespie Blaine has been seen by his contemporaries and historians alike as the archetypal late nineteenth-century politician. Acclaimed by supporters as the “Plumed Knight” and derided by opponents as the “continental liar from the state of Maine,” his political career was impressive. He was Speaker of the House of Representatives, Senator from Maine, came within 2,000 New York votes of winning the Presidency in 1884, and was twice Secretary of State. But his reputation endures mainly as a corrupt and unscrupulous politico. Historians have labelled him immoral, demagogic and “openly anti-British.” They have depicted him as a spokesman for a “seething” late nineteenth–century Anglophobia who was “excessively political, notably in his penchant for cultivating the Irish at Great Britain's expense.” This aspect of Blaine's reputation has been misinterpreted. However, he can still stand as the personification of politics at a time when the spread-eagle rhetoric of campaigns co-existed with pragmatism in policy formulation.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.
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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Pattie, Charles, Todd K. Hartman, and Ron Johnston. "Not all campaigns are created equal: Temporal and spatial variability in constituency campaign spending effects in Great Britain, 1997–2015." Political Geography 71 (May 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.010.
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Galbraith, John W., and Nicol C. Rae. "A Test of the Importance of Tactical Voting: Great Britain, 1987." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (January 1989): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005366.
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The issue of ‘tactical voting’ aroused a great deal of interest during the 1987 United Kingdom general election campaign. This Note considers the nature and importance of tactical voting in Britain and makes an attempt to detect its presence empirically using electoral data.
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Soine, Aeleah. "“The Relation of the Nurse to the Working World”: Professionalization, Citizenship, and Class in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States before World War I." Nursing History Review 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.18.51.
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Campaigns for state nursing registration in the United States and Great Britain have a prominent place in the historical scholarship on nursing professionalization; the closely related German campaign has received less scholarly attention. Applying a transnational perspective to these three national movements highlights the collaborative and interrelated nature of nursing reform prior to World War I and recognizes the important contribution of German nurses to this dialogue and agenda. Focusing particularly on the years 1909–12, this article depicts a generation of German, American, and British nurses who organized national and international nursing associations to realize state registration as a stepping stone to other markers of professional recognition, such as collegiate education, full political citizenship, social welfare, and labor legislation. However, the consequent reliance of these strategies on nation-states as arbiters of citizenship and professional status undermined the shared ideological foundation of international and national nursing leaders. This article contributes to a more multinational understanding of how these international nursing leaders transcended and were confined by the limits of their nation-states in the years leading up to World War I.
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Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Shkvorchenko, N. "SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE: A MULTIMODAL ASPECT." MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, no. 1 (August 26, 2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.
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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.
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Appeltová, Michaela. "Women’s Agency, Catholic Morality, and the Irish State." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 212–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566244.
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Abstract The text reviews four new books in Irish women’s history and the history of sexuality: Mary McAuliffe’s biography of the revolutionary Margaret Skinnider; Jennifer Redmond’s Moving Histories, exploring the discourses about Irish women migrants to Great Britain in the first few decades of the Irish state, and their everyday lives in Britain; Lindsey Earner-Byrne and Diane Urquhart’s The Irish Abortion Journey, which documents the repressive discourses and policies surrounding abortion in twentieth-century Ireland and relates stories of traveling to Great Britain to obtain it; and finally, Sonja Tiernan’s book examining the ultimately successful political and legal campaign for marriage equality in Ireland. These highly readable, well-researched books place gender and sexuality at the center of Irish history; provide insight into the contradictory political, religious, and medical discourses about Irish women, gays, and lesbians; and document the lives of women both in and out of Ireland.
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Balls, Ed. "Call for action over UK poverty." Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 14, no. 1 (February 2006): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/lbvp7661.
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When people say that politics is not relevant and that young people are disengaged from political issues, or when some say we are all too small or insignificant to make a difference, we can reply: look at the Make Poverty History campaign. Yet here in Britain, we cannot with credibility call for an end to world poverty if we cannot take the necessary actions – and build a political consensus – to end child poverty here in our own backyard. It is a source of great shame to us all – a scar across Britain’s soul – that between the 1970s and 1990s the proportion of children in relative low-income households more than doubled to over four million.
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Ryan, Raymond. "The anti-annuity payment campaign, 1934–6." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004491.
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The retention by the Fianna Fáil government of the land annuities in 1932 and the consequent trade dispute with Great Britain, the ‘economic war’, is a subject extensively covered in the existing historiography, both in terms of the diplomatic and economic facets of the dispute. Opposition by the opponents of Fianna Fáil to the collection of land annuities has been well documented in the context of the political conflict between supporters and opponents of the treaty. Another trend in the historiography has emphasised, as the central characteristic of the anti-annuity payment campaign, the opposition by farmers to the payment of annuities on economic and social rather than on political grounds. Paul Bew and others have argued that large farmers supported the Blueshirts during the ‘economic war’ for material reasons; Mike Cronin has argued that the crisis of the ‘economic war’ encouraged opposition to de Valera’s policies among farmers, rather than pro-Treaty political considerations; and Andrew Orridge has also argued that the anti-annuity payment campaign included both a political element, in the form of Blueshirt hostility to Fianna Fáil, and a non-political element, on the part of farmers protesting at how their dependence on agricultural exports to Britain was threatened by Fianna Fáil policies.
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Peregudov, S. "2010 Elections in Great Britain: Dismantlement of Two-Party System or Recurrent Failure?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-12-21.
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The inability of either Labourists or Conservatives to form a parliamentary majority government after elections, and Liberal-Democratic Party's assuming a position that allows to qualify for a real participation in the state administration, change not only the balance of power, but also the contry's party-political system functioning principles themselves. Not less essential is the change in relations between society and government which became apparent during the electoral campaign and allows to raise an issue of a qualitative shift in the British democracy model.
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Ahn, Suntai. "Comparative Political Finance Among the Five Democratic States: The United States, Great Britain, Australia, Japan, and South Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 16, no. 2 (February 28, 2002): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps16203.
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This study of comparative political fiancé deals primarily with how campaign money is regulated in five democratic states which include the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Japan, and South Korea. One central theme that can be detected in all the countries examined is that there is an universal trend towards consideration of the public funding of the electionerring process, with the United States leading the pack with a successful implementation of the public financing of its presidential elections since 1976. Japan and Korea are considered relatively newcomers in joining the ranks emerging democracies but both countries are certainly making valiant attempts at reforming their systems of campaign finances to ensure more transparency and accountability.
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Birch, Sarah, and James Dennison. "How protest voters choose." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817698857.
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Political scientists have identified protest voting – voting for an anti-establishment party as a protest against mainstream politics – as a consequence of dissatisfaction with traditional political options. Yet we know little about what motivates people to cast a protest vote or why voters select one such protest option over another. Taking as its empirical referent the 2015 General Election in Great Britain, this article assesses the ‘protest choice’ in parliamentary democracies. We test three possible theoretical explanations for protest voting: ideology, mistrust of political elites and campaign effects. We find that the most important factors affecting protest choice are issue positions and campaign effects. The findings suggest that protest voting is a complex phenomenon that cannot be reduced to knee-jerk anti-politics reactions.
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Smedley, Stuart. "Making a Federal Case: Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (November 28, 2020): 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.
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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Young, Lewis. "Fascism for the British Audience." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302002.
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A key player in the campaigns against fascism, the Communist Party of Great Britain (cpgb) has been subject of much attention by historians of anti-fascism. The Party’s approach to anti-fascism, through various campaigns such as the ‘united front from below’ and the Popular Front have been well documented, however its own analysis of fascism has been subjected to much less scrutiny. It has generally been accepted that the cpgb faithfully followed the interpretation of the Communist International. While this is true, this article will argue that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was often adapted to suit the British political climate. By examining the cpgb’s approaches to ‘social fascism’, democracy and the British Union of Fascists (buf), this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was much more fluid. Moreover it will suggest that the Party only adhered to the strictest of Comintern analyses at times of increased attention from Moscow. Finally this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism as an antithesis to all things ‘British’ survived, and indeed was strengthened, by the end of the Second World War. By 1945 its analysis of fascism was much more generic, following an economic and ideological reading as per the Stalinist interpretation, but with a strong focus on patriotism, and the empirical evidence of the destructive and murderous qualities of fascism as shown by the Holocaust.
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Sigsworth, Michael, and Michael Worboys. "The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain." Urban History 21, no. 2 (October 1994): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.
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What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.
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Woodcock, Jamie. "How to beat the boss: Game Workers Unite in Britain." Capital & Class 44, no. 4 (February 12, 2020): 523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816820906349.
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This article provides an overview of the growth of game worker organising in Britain. These workers have not previously been organised in a trade union, but over the last 2 years, they have developed a campaign to unionise their sector and launched a legal trade union branch. This is a powerful example of so-called ‘greenfield’ organising, beyond the reach of existing trade unions and with workers who have not previously been members. The article provides an outline of the industry, the launch of the Game Workers Unite international network, the growth of the division in Britain as well as their formation as a branch of the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain. The aim is to draw out lessons for both the videogames industry, as well as other non-unionised industries, showing how the traditions of trade unionism can be translated and developed in new contexts.
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Kozłowski, Artur Roland. "Populism as a Factor of Destabilisation in Consolidated Democracies." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2019-0015.
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AbstractThis study offers a discussion of the dangers to the stability of political systems in consolidated democracies posed by contemporary populism, with a particular focus on the dynamic development of extreme right-wing populism. The author considers the consequences of efficient populist campaigns, such as Brexit in Great Britain, lowered trust towards the United States under Trump’s administration and practices followed by the Law and Justice party (PiS) under the leadership of Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland, which seem especially destructive for liberal democracy. Further examples are those of Hungary and Turkey, where the political systems have eroded into semi-consolidated democracy in the case of the former and an authoritarian system in the latter case. A comparative analysis of freedom indices indicates some dangers related to de-consolidation of the democratic system in Poland. Furthermore, the study points out dangers arising from the transformation of soft populism, understood as communication rhetoric oriented towards the concentration of power in the hands of populist leaders, which clearly paves the way for the dismantling of consolidated democracy in favour of an authoritarian system. The conclusions of the study outlines a variety of actions which can be undertaken to protect the achievements of liberal democracy.
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Franzéén, Johan. "Communism versus Zionism: The Comintern, Yishuvism, and the Palestine Communist Party." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.6.
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This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War II. In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and ““Yishuvism,”” a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 1936––39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign.
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Thane, Patricia M. "What difference did the vote make? Women in public and private life in Britain since 1918*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (March 27, 2003): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00175.
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Abstract This article looks at what has and has not changed in women's lives since they gained the vote. Women are still more prone to poverty than men, especially single mothers and older women, a fact which would have disappointed the suffragists, many of whom saw elimination of poverty as a priority and played a major role in bringing the Welfare State into being. Suffragists did not expect gender equality to follow quickly after getting the vote. They expected – and got – a long, hard struggle. The women's movement was stronger in the nineteen-twenties and thirties than it had ever been and led to an impressive number of legislative changes. Women's activism was more muted after the Second World War, but revived in the nineteen-fifties even before the great wave of feminism after 1968. The spate of legislation which resulted was comparable with that of the nineteen-twenties. It is not enough to examine legislation. The greatest change in women's lives has been due to increased use of birth control from the late nineteenth century. From the nineteen-sixties the Pill has allowed women to delay starting families without sacrificing sexual relationships, and to establish themselves in a career. However, career opportunities for women remain limited, especially in the skilled trades, while divorce and the ‘long hours’ culture since the nineteen-eighties have made it more difficult for women to combine family and career. The historical record suggests that increased gender equality has been achieved only by campaigns, legislation and measures of positive discrimination, not by gradual persuasion.
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Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.
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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil society and in the growth of populism. In this respect, France is very different from Germany, where there is a general public consensus, and Great Britain, where confidence in the system-forming parties remains. Populism has gained ground in French politics and explains, more than any other factor, both the distrust in the Presidency and in government health policies. The rise of left-wing and rightwing populism has not led to the disappearance of the division between left and right. A shift toward right values and State intervention can be observed in French public opinion, changing the electoral game for the 2022 presidential campaign.
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Ilkowski, Filip. "Politycy Partii Pracy na rzecz Leave w referendum 2016 r." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.7.
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The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historical roots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective (the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all the argumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On the basis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left-wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.
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Besseghini, Deborah. "The Weapons of Revolution: Global Merchants and the Arms Trade in South America (1808-1824)." Journal of Evolutionary Studies in Business 8, no. 1 (January 9, 2023): 81–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/jesb2023.8.1.34043.
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This article investigates the role that the arms trade connected to Hispanic American Independence Wars played in the transformations at the origins of 19th century globalization. It looks specifically at how arms supplies to governments encouraged the early post-mercantilist development of South American commerce, and some of the domino effects of such development. This turning point in economic history is analyzed through the biographical trajectories of merchants who were well positioned between geopolitics and trade, and who had “imperial” functions without being formally involved in imperialist projects. Business and political correspondence, notarial documents, and customs registers from archives in Europe and the Americas reveal the workings of networks and business affairs of global merchants whose companies were major arms importers in Buenos Aires during the years leading to Chile’s liberation. The threads of John McNeile’s (an important but neglected figure) and David DeForest’s networks hook onto the principal economic and political laboratories of the countries from whence most arms were imported: Great Britain and the United States. They reached Chile and Peru from Buenos Aires and remained crucial to the liberation campaigns, encouraging further commercial expansion along the American Pacific coast and toward Asia, and pioneering financial adventures. Relations between commercial houses active in Hispanic America and Asia reveal British and US transpacific networks and ties between Hispanic American and Asian commerce and economies. The article thus shows how, by bringing together fragmented and scattered sources from both sides of the Atlantic, the significance of the arms trade in South America as a driving force of globalization emerges.
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deJong-Lambert, William. "Hermann J. Muller, Theodosius Dobzhansky, Leslie Clarence Dunn, and the Reaction to Lysenkoism in the United States." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2013): 78–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00309.
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This article outlines the response of three U.S. geneticists—Hermann Muller, Theodosius Dobzhansky, and Leslie Dunn—to the anti-genetics campaign launched by the Soviet agronomist Trofim Lysenko. The Cold War provided a hospitable environment for Lysenko's argument that genetics was racist, fascist science. In 1948, at a session of the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Lysenko succeeded in banning genetics in the USSR. The movement against genetics soon spread to Soviet-allied states around the globe. Efforts to rebut Lysenkoism were launched in the United States, Great Britain, and other Western countries by scientists who saw Lysenko as a pseudo-scientific charlatan. Muller, Dobzhansky, and Dunn were among the biologists most active in this counter-campaign. The history of their campaign reveals the challenges scientists faced at an important moment in the field of biology, with the recent synthesis of genetics and Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection, as well as the difficulties of engaging in politics and persuading a lay audience to support their ideas.
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READ, CHARLES. "THE ‘REPEAL YEAR’ IN IRELAND: AN ECONOMIC REASSESSMENT." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000168.
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AbstractMost of the existing literature on the ‘Repeal Year’ agitation in Ireland explains the rise in popularity of the 1842–3 campaign for repeal of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in political and religious terms. This article argues that, in addition, the British government's economic policy of reducing tariffs in 1842 damaged Ireland's agricultural economy and increased popular support for the Repeal movement. Using both qualitative and quantitative analysis, this article shows that the tariff reductions and import relaxations of the 1842 budget had an immediate negative impact on Irish real incomes by reducing agricultural prices. A negative relationship between these prices and the Repeal rent, together with the economic rhetoric of Repeal in favour of protection, indicate a link between the economic downturn and the rise in the popularity of Repeal. This article concludes that Peel's trade policy changes of 1842 should therefore be added to the traditional religious and political explanations as a cause behind the sudden surge in popularity of the Repeal movement between 1842 and 1843.
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Thom, Françoise. "Reflections on Stalin and the Holodomor." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 1 (January 23, 2015): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2tg6w.
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The mechanisms and the chronology of the great crimes committed by totalitarian regimes are now well documented. While they may explain the mechanics of these events, they do not always explain <em>why</em> they transpired. The implementation of Stalin’s policy of collectivization and de-kulakization relied on dissimulation. Moreover, the pace of collectivization was justified by external threats, initially from Great Britain and Poland, and later extending to Japan. This made possible the branding of any political adversary as a traitor. As long as Stalin faced organized political opposition, he was unable to launch any maximal policies. After the defeat of Trotsky in December 1927 he was able to create crisis situations that ultimately furthered his own power. The offensive he unleashed against the peasants became a means of reinforcing his increasing dictatorship. The collectivization campaign employed the rational argument that the backward countryside needs to modernize production. Its ultimate aim, however, was the crushing of an independent peasantry. There are enlightening comparisons that can be made between collectivization in China and the USSR, which are explored in this essay. The resistance to collectivization was particularly strong amongst Ukrainians. Stalin, who had long regarded the national question as inseparable from the peasant question, deliberately chose mass starvation to break resistance to his will. The history of these events was for a long time shrouded in great secrecy until it began being discussed by Western scholars, becoming a matter of considerable debate between the “totalitarian” and “revisionist” schools of Soviet historiography.
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Selvage, Douglas. "Operation “Denver”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 4–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01024.
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Abstract This second part of a two-part article moves ahead in showing how the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) came to play a key role in the disinformation campaign launched by the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) in 1983 regarding the origins of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). The KGB launched the campaign itself, but in the mid-1980s it sought to widen the effort by enlisting the cooperation of intelligence services in other Warsaw Pact countries, especially the Stasi. From the autumn of 1986 until November 1989, the Stasi played a central role in the disinformation campaign. Despite pressure from the U.S. government and a general inclination of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to curtail the campaign by the end of 1987, both the KGB and the USSR's official Novosti press agency continued until 1989 to spread false allegations that HIV was a U.S. biological weapon. Even after the KGB curtailed its disinformation in 1989, the Stasi continued to disseminate falsehoods, not least because it had successfully maintained plausible deniability regarding its role in the campaign. The Stasi worked behind the scenes to support the work of Soviet–East German scientists Jakob Segal and Lilli Segal and to facilitate dissemination of the Segals’ views in West Germany and Great Britain, especially through the leftwing media, and to purvey broader disinformation about HIV/AIDS by attacking U.S. biological and chemical weapons in general.
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Burke, James. "The New Model Army and the problems of siege warfare, 1648–51." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010282.
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The destruction of the Royalist field armies at Naseby and Langport in 1645 did not end the English Civil War. Althought the king had suffered irreversible military defeats, Parliament was unable to govern effectively while politically important towns and fortresses remained in enemy hands. To ensure political stability Parliament’s army was forced to besiege and reduce a large number of strongholds in England, Ireland and Scotland, a task that was not finally completed until the surrender of Galway in 1652. In particular the war in Ireland was to test the army’s siege-making capacity more severely than any previous campaign. To complete the political conquest of Britain and Ireland the army and its generals were compelled increasingly to practise an aspect of warfare that had been traditionally neglected by English soldiers. In contrast, siege warfare was an area in which their continental counterparts had excelled.In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, European wars produced few set-piece battles. Conflicts were more frequently resolved by the assault and defence of fortified cities and towns. Consequently the art of siege warfare evolved rapidly. England’s political and military insularity during this period detached the country from advances in siege technology that had transformed the conduct of European warfare. No major siege had been undertaken by an English army since Henry VIII had invested Boulogne in 1544, and as there had been no siege of English towns or fortresses since medieval times, there had been little innovation in defensive fortifications. What improvements did occur were sporadic and unco-ordinated. In the sixteenth century a great fortress was built at Berwick-on-Tweed to counter Scottish infiltration and a number of coastal towns in the south-east were refortified against the threat of Spanish invasion. However, by the outbreak of civil war in 1642, even these were obsolete by contemporary continental standards.
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Skomorohina, O. "Populism in the UK in the context of the contemporary political process." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-74-84.
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The article analyzes the development of populism in the UK. It is found that, in general, the European Union has experienced three «trust crisis» in the EU institutions over the past ten years, which have also had an impact on the emergence of populism in the United Kingdom. The British vote in the brexit referendum in favor of leaving the European Union was an important manifestation of established populist forces in Europe. Using the methods of comparison and case study, the essence and dynamics of the development of populism in the UK are determined, and the degree of influence of populism on modern British domestic policy is determined. The author concludes that the main support for populist politicians comes from people who are «losers from globalization», who are the key electorate of the Conservative party of Great Britain. The current state of development of populist forces in the United Kingdom is based on the appeal of the Conservative party to the key problems of British society: health, climate change, etc. The conclusion about the continuing triumph of populist forces in the UK is based on the victory of the Conservative party in the parliamentary elections in 2019, when the party's leader B. Johnson actively used the populist narrative in the election campaign. The author also concludes that the electorate is shifting away from the populist forces represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party in favor of the Conservative party. This research adds to the previous knowledge about the development of legal populism in the European Union and, in particular, in the UK, and also allows you to form an idea of the role and place of legal populism in modern domestic politics in the UK.
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Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "INVESTING IN THE ‘FAITHFUL CAPITAL’ AS A MEANS TO SOCIAL CHANGE AND POLITICAL IMAGINATION." ARAB AND ISLAMIC WORLD - THE VIEW FROM INSIDE 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0201127h.
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Faith in the City report (1985) by the Anglican Commission on Urban Priority Areas focused on the rapidly changing context of the inner city life of Great Britain. Faithful Cities report (2006) by the Anglican Commission on Urban Life & Faith addresses key issues and debates on social cohesion and regeneration in the country. Both these documents provide evidence based material, analysis, political imagination and direction for those interested in socio-political change. This paper acknowledges the fertile tapestry of faith traditions within the UK. It argues the importance of recognising, affi rming, and enhancing the user-ledfaith-community work and its grassroots institutional infrastructure in the present inner city contexts. The communities rooted in diff erent faith traditions are obliged therefore by their affi liation to the faiths’ inner vitality to search for new ways of being eff ective instruments of social change, spiritual revival and cultural resurgence in contemporary society. If the ‘faithful’ wish to coexist in diversity, there is a clear option, either to engage in socio-political and religio-cultural life, and be a part of wider society, or face self marginalization in isolation. The concept of the ‘faithful capital’ signifi es a renewed understanding of faith in action, and actions in faithfulness to the tradition that people believe and belong. A robust ‘return to religious faith’ and ‘resurgence of faith’ convey an astute rootedness, affi rmation of identity in one’s faith, a conquest for space, and social mobility in the public domain. The return of religion in public and secular realms and its manifestations portray both a possibility of an investment in that ‘faithful capital’ for social change, while un-channeled religious fervor may be starkly counterproductive and lead to balkanisation of society that the very religious traditions campaign to foster.
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Latysh, Yurii. "Jeremy Corbin and the left turn of the Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.148-169.
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The article touches upon the ideological and political transformation of the Labor Party of Great Britain after the defeat in the 2015 parliamentary elections. The struggle between the supporters of Anthony Blair’s policy (“New Labour”) and “hard left” ended with an unexpected victory by veteran of Labour, Leftist Socialist Jeremy Corbin, despite the resistance of the Blairist establishment and media criticism. No less unexpected was the relative success of the Labour Party in the early 2017 parliamentary elections. The importance of the conceptual and the theoretical understanding of the “Left turn” of the Labor Party and the West in general, where the left-wing representatives (B. Sanders, J. Corbin, J.-L. Mélenchon) had achieved remarkable success in the elections, has been underlined. The article deals with the political biography of the leader of the Labour Party, his views on domestic and foreign policy. The course of the election campaign, the peculiarities of its coverage in the media, the reasons for the fall of conservative popularity and the rise of the Labour ratings have been highlighted. The Labour Party Manifesto 2017 “For the many, not the few”, which became the most left program since 1983, has been analyzed. As a result of the election, the Conservative and Unionist Party lost the majority in the House of Commons. It was a moral triumph of Jeremy Corbin over the “New Labour” which increased his chances of becoming Prime Minister in the future.
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Hendrix, Melvin K. "Africana Resources in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England." History in Africa 14 (1987): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171852.
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Beginning in the latter part of the sixteenth century British naval and shipping interests gradually emerged as one of the major maritime forces operating in African waters and, by the end of the eighteenth century, British shipping dominated the export slave trade. The establishment of colonial plantation economies in the Americas, the global expansion of British political and commercial interests resulting from the Napoleonic Wars, and the anti-slave trade suppression campaign in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century all brought British seafarers into intimate association with African peoples. This relationship became more intense with the scramble for colonial territories throughout the continent in the late nineteenth century.As a direct consequence of this extensive political and economic relationship a voluminous amount of documentary material exists. One of the principal depositories of this material is the National Maritime Museum (NMM) of Great Britain located in Greenwich, southeast of Central London. This essay reviews some of the documentary holdings found in the Library of the NMM, resources that scholars might find useful in reconstructing British maritime activities in relation to peoples of African descent. Located within the Museum its holdings include printed books and other printed materials, maps and atlases, rare and original manuscripts, ship's plans and drawings, collections on shipwrecks, piracy, and boats, together with various photographic and art collections. While the Library is free and open to the public, it is helpful to contact the Secretary of the NMM with a letter of introduction prior to a first visit.
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Connellan, Owen, and Nathaniel Lichfield. "Great Britain." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (November 2000): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00096.
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Johnston, R. J., I. MacAllister, and C. J. Pattie. "The Funding of Constituency Party General Election Campaigns in Great Britain." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 17, no. 4 (August 1999): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c170391.
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Lampard, R. J. "Party Political Homogamy in Great Britain." European Sociological Review 13, no. 1 (May 1, 1997): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.esr.a018207.
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Lyttelton, Adrian. "Political language in Italy and Great Britain." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2009): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802647775.
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Sharapov, Kiril. "Public Understanding of Trafficking in Human Beings in Great Britain, Hungary and Ukraine." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 13 (September 26, 2019): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201219133.
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This article provides a summary of research undertaken to investigate public awareness and understanding of human trafficking in Great Britain, Hungary and Ukraine. Responding to the lack of reliable empirical data on this issue, the research relies on representative national opinion surveys to assess the extent of public awareness of what constitutes human trafficking, the sources of knowledge underpinning this awareness, and respondents’ attitudes towards key dimensions of human trafficking as embedded in international and respective national legal and policy frameworks and discourses. Conceptually, this article reinforces recent calls for policy and media paradigm shifts from understanding human trafficking as a phenomenon of crime and victimhood, to, above all, a human rights concern linked to the broader issues of sustainable development and social justice. Methodologically, the study highlights the role of opinion surveys as a measure of effectiveness and impact of anti-trafficking awareness campaigns. In practical terms, the article presents a set of data which can be useful for policy-makers, anti-trafficking activists, and national media in designing impactful awareness-raising campaigns and interventions.
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ABROMEIT, Heidrun. "PRIVATISATION IN GREAT BRITAIN." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 57, no. 2 (April 1986): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.1986.tb01733.x.
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Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Where's the difference? Decomposing the impact of local election campaigns in Great Britain." Electoral Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1997): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(96)00064-9.
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Savage, Mike, and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain." British Journal of Sociology 47, no. 4 (December 1996): 740. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591107.
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Bottoms, Anthony, and James Dignan. "Youth Justice in Great Britain." Crime and Justice 31 (January 2004): 21–183. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/655336.
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Brackenbury, Simon, and Simon de Montfalcon. "Great Britain and Northern Ireland." Journal of Government Information 30, no. 2-3 (January 2004): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jgi.2003.12.005.
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Beeken, Rebecca J., and Jane Wardle. "Public beliefs about the causes of obesity and attitudes towards policy initiatives in Great Britain." Public Health Nutrition 16, no. 12 (July 18, 2013): 2132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980013001821.
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AbstractObjectiveTo assess attributions for overweight and the level of support for policy initiatives in Great Britain.DesignCross-sectional. Respondents indicated their agreement (5-point scales: strongly disagree to strongly agree) to three potential causes of overweight (environment, genes, willpower) and five policies (free weight-loss treatment, taxing unhealthy foods, healthy lifestyle campaigns, food labelling, advertising restrictions).SettingData were collected as part of a computer-assisted, face-to-face Omnibus survey of adults (aged >15 years) from across Great Britain in April 2012 carried out by a market research company.SubjectsA population-representative sample of British adults (n 1986).ResultsMore people attributed overweight to the food environment (61 %) and lack of willpower (57 %) than to genes (45 %). Policy support was highest for healthy lifestyle campaigns (71 %) and food labelling (66 %), and lowest for taxing unhealthy foods (32 %). Food environment attributions were associated with higher support for all policies (P < 0·001). Genetic attributions were associated with higher support for free weight-loss treatments and healthy lifestyle campaigns (P < 0·001), but not other policies. Attributions to lack of willpower were not associated differentially with support for any policies (P > 0·01).ConclusionsBelief that overweight is caused by the food environment or genes – both seen as outside individual control – was associated with greater support for government policies to prevent and treat obesity. Improving awareness of the multiple causes of obesity could facilitate acceptance of policy action to reduce obesity prevalence.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "Great Britain and Kashmir, 1947–49." India Review 12, no. 1 (January 2013): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2013.759467.
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Chatelet, Luc. "Het Humanitaire Optreden van Leopold II in Kongo-Vrijstaat. De Anti-Slavernijconferentie van Brussel (1889-1890)." Afrika Focus 4, no. 1-2 (January 15, 1988): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040102002.
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The Humanitarian Action of Leopold II in Congo Free State. The Antislavery-Conference of Brussels (1889-1890). Already from the time he was a crown prince Leopold II dreamt of acquiring a colony. He firmly believed in the economic importance for the motherland of overseas territories. However, when he appeared on the African scene he presented himself as a champion of the struggle against slave trade. This disinterested humanitarian image was meant as a means of bypassing Belgian indifference towards colonization and also the foreign rivalry. But in Africa he was forced into an opportunist policy. A total lack of means left him no other choice but resorting to political and economic collaboration with the Arabs, who played a major role in the slave trade. It was at the moment when the European colonization met the Arabic resistance in East-Africa that Cardinal Lavigerie’s campaign called for renewed public interest in the struggle against the Arabic slave trade. Great Britain asked Belgium to summon a diplomatic conference on the subject, In 1889 seventeen nations gathered to discuss a whole range of measures to limit slave trade on land and sea, arms trade and liquor traffic. The hottest issue on the agenda was the imposition of import duties in the Congo bassin. The main obstacle to the introduction of these taxes was the Dutch opposition against the changing of the terms of the Berlin Act (1885). The General Brussels Act did not include import tax regulations. These were the subject of a separate declaration, which Leopold however managed to connect to the General Act in such a way that neither could be ratified singly. Hence, the customs committee, convened after the Brussels negotiations to define more clearly the import duties, was an essential factor in the Antislavery Conference. It was not until 1892 that all obstacles were overcome and the final discussions rounded off. The Brussels Antislavery Conference did not induce Leopold to come to grips with slave trade and did not alter his Arabic policy. For the sovereign the conference was primarily a matter of economy and taxes. He wanted his colony to have more promising financial prospects. His attitude was conditioned by the precarious budget of the Congo Free State. The conference fitted in his new economic policy which consisted in carrying out his domanial projects.
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Wallace, Ian. "GDR Studies in Great Britain." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00025.
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PARRIS, Dr Henry. "PUBLIC ENTERPRISES IN GREAT BRITAIN." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 56, no. 3 (July 1985): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.1985.tb01902.x.
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Sorokina, V. "Great Britain: Private Financial Initiative." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (1999): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-1999-1-90-95.
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Super, Betsy. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Ground Wars: Personalized Communication in Political Campaigns." Political Studies Review 11, no. 3 (August 7, 2013): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12028_122.
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