Academic literature on the topic 'Political campaigns Great Britain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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Sewell, Mike. "Political Rhetoric and Policy-Making: James G. Blaine and Britain." Journal of American Studies 24, no. 1 (April 1990): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028711.

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James Gillespie Blaine has been seen by his contemporaries and historians alike as the archetypal late nineteenth-century politician. Acclaimed by supporters as the “Plumed Knight” and derided by opponents as the “continental liar from the state of Maine,” his political career was impressive. He was Speaker of the House of Representatives, Senator from Maine, came within 2,000 New York votes of winning the Presidency in 1884, and was twice Secretary of State. But his reputation endures mainly as a corrupt and unscrupulous politico. Historians have labelled him immoral, demagogic and “openly anti-British.” They have depicted him as a spokesman for a “seething” late nineteenth–century Anglophobia who was “excessively political, notably in his penchant for cultivating the Irish at Great Britain's expense.” This aspect of Blaine's reputation has been misinterpreted. However, he can still stand as the personification of politics at a time when the spread-eagle rhetoric of campaigns co-existed with pragmatism in policy formulation.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.

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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Pattie, Charles, Todd K. Hartman, and Ron Johnston. "Not all campaigns are created equal: Temporal and spatial variability in constituency campaign spending effects in Great Britain, 1997–2015." Political Geography 71 (May 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.010.

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Galbraith, John W., and Nicol C. Rae. "A Test of the Importance of Tactical Voting: Great Britain, 1987." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (January 1989): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005366.

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The issue of ‘tactical voting’ aroused a great deal of interest during the 1987 United Kingdom general election campaign. This Note considers the nature and importance of tactical voting in Britain and makes an attempt to detect its presence empirically using electoral data.
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Soine, Aeleah. "“The Relation of the Nurse to the Working World”: Professionalization, Citizenship, and Class in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States before World War I." Nursing History Review 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.18.51.

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Campaigns for state nursing registration in the United States and Great Britain have a prominent place in the historical scholarship on nursing professionalization; the closely related German campaign has received less scholarly attention. Applying a transnational perspective to these three national movements highlights the collaborative and interrelated nature of nursing reform prior to World War I and recognizes the important contribution of German nurses to this dialogue and agenda. Focusing particularly on the years 1909–12, this article depicts a generation of German, American, and British nurses who organized national and international nursing associations to realize state registration as a stepping stone to other markers of professional recognition, such as collegiate education, full political citizenship, social welfare, and labor legislation. However, the consequent reliance of these strategies on nation-states as arbiters of citizenship and professional status undermined the shared ideological foundation of international and national nursing leaders. This article contributes to a more multinational understanding of how these international nursing leaders transcended and were confined by the limits of their nation-states in the years leading up to World War I.
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Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.

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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Shkvorchenko, N. "SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE: A MULTIMODAL ASPECT." MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, no. 1 (August 26, 2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.

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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.
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Appeltová, Michaela. "Women’s Agency, Catholic Morality, and the Irish State." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 212–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566244.

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Abstract The text reviews four new books in Irish women’s history and the history of sexuality: Mary McAuliffe’s biography of the revolutionary Margaret Skinnider; Jennifer Redmond’s Moving Histories, exploring the discourses about Irish women migrants to Great Britain in the first few decades of the Irish state, and their everyday lives in Britain; Lindsey Earner-Byrne and Diane Urquhart’s The Irish Abortion Journey, which documents the repressive discourses and policies surrounding abortion in twentieth-century Ireland and relates stories of traveling to Great Britain to obtain it; and finally, Sonja Tiernan’s book examining the ultimately successful political and legal campaign for marriage equality in Ireland. These highly readable, well-researched books place gender and sexuality at the center of Irish history; provide insight into the contradictory political, religious, and medical discourses about Irish women, gays, and lesbians; and document the lives of women both in and out of Ireland.
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Balls, Ed. "Call for action over UK poverty." Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 14, no. 1 (February 2006): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/lbvp7661.

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When people say that politics is not relevant and that young people are disengaged from political issues, or when some say we are all too small or insignificant to make a difference, we can reply: look at the Make Poverty History campaign. Yet here in Britain, we cannot with credibility call for an end to world poverty if we cannot take the necessary actions – and build a political consensus – to end child poverty here in our own backyard. It is a source of great shame to us all – a scar across Britain’s soul – that between the 1970s and 1990s the proportion of children in relative low-income households more than doubled to over four million.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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Richardson, David William. "Non-party organisations and campaigns on European integration in Britain, 1945-1986 : political and public activism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5266/.

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This thesis is about non-party and non-governmental organisations campaigning for and against European integration in Britain between 1945 and 1986. These groups have been largely overlooked by studies on Britain’s relationship with Europe. The thesis will examine how these groups operated between the spheres of public activism and institutional politics. They targeted the general public directly with the aim of becoming popular mass movements, and focused on emotive and populist themes and adopted a moralistic tone as part of a broad non-party or cross-party appeal. Old-fashioned methods of activism, including pamphleteering and mass meetings, were used to cultivate a groundswell of support. However, these groups were not able to wrest control of the EEC membership issue away from Westminster. In the case of anti-EEC groups, attempts to acquire political influence and attract more parliamentarians to the campaign were at odds with the “anti-establishment” or “anti-political” tone adopted by sections of their support. Divisions over whether to adopt a more “insider” strategy of lobbying and adopting the model of a research-based think-tank or whether to continue seeking mass support stifled the campaign. Disagreement over strategy, and the confused position between public protest and Westminster politics, caused the anti-EEC campaign’s to fail.
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Dekavalla, Marina. "General elections in the post-devolution period : press accounts of the 2001 and 2005 campaigns in Scotland and England." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2301.

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This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.
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Koštel, Jakub. "K proměně politického prostředí ve Velké Británii v důsledku nástupu masových médií (60.-70. léta 20. století)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165672.

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The main theme of this thesis is the relationship between media and politics in Great Britain mainly in the twentieth century. The research is based on the fact that dynamic post-war growth in technological and economical areas resulted in the development and mass expansion of new media, especially radio and television broadcasting. The main goal of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of British political environment and to verify the hypothesis arguing that this transformation was primarily caused by the development of new media. Changes in the British politics during the twentieth century are demonstrated especially by the election campaigns and methods of political communication. Another part of this work is also the brief analysis of the development of British mass media (press, radio and television) which provides an important context for achieving the stated objectives. The thesis is methodologically based on the research from fields of media history, political history and sociology which concentrates on political communication.
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Desrumaux, Clément. "Contes de campagne : sociologie comparée des conjonctures électorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne (1997-2007)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20008.

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Qu'est-ce qu'une campagne électorale ? Entendue tantôt comme une période, parfois comme unecompétition ou encore comme un ensemble de techniques de sollicitation des suffrages, la notion de"campagne électorale" est difficile à circonscrire. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment semodifient les pratiques des agents, leurs interactions et les structures du jeu politique pour former cequi se présente et s’interprète comme étant une "campagne électorale". Il s'agit alors d'analyser uneconjoncture particulière du politique, coproduite par les agents de champs différents (notammentpolitique et journalistique). Cette conjoncture se décline pratiquement en un ensemble de jeuxélectoraux plus ou moins compétitifs en fonction des propriétés sociales et politiques des candidats etdes représentations qu’ils se font du jeu. Ces jeux déterminent en grande partie les mobilisationsélectorales menées, tant dans l’adaptation du programme électoral défendu, que dans les modesd’action mis en oeuvre. Au final, l'espace politique des conjonctures électorales s'analyse comme unensemble de configurations d'agents plus ou moins liées et imbriquées. Cette approcheconfigurationnelle des conjonctures électorales se fonde sur l'analyse empirique des campagnesélectorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne et se concentre sur les candidats de quatrepartis politiques (Parti socialiste, Union pour un mouvement populaire, Parti travailliste et Particonservateur)
What is exactly an electoral campaign? Sometimes understood as a period, occasionally as acompetition or as a set of techniques to get out the vote, the notion of "electoral campaign" is hard toclarify. The core of this work is to analyse changes in the practices of social agents, in theirinteractions and in the structures of the political game that, in the end, form what looks like - and isinterpreted as- an "electoral campaign". Thus, a campaign is conceived as a particular politicalconjuncture constructed jointly by agents, belonging to different fields (notably the political and thejournalistic ones). This conjuncture presents itself as a set of electoral games, which are more or lesscompetitive according to the social and political properties of candidates and the representations theyhave concerning the game. These games largely determine how electoral mobilisations are carriedout, both regarding the adaptation of manifestos and the means of action implemented. Eventually, thepolicy space during electoral conjunctures can be analysed as a set of configurations of agents thatare more or less linked and intertwined together. The configurational approach of electoralconjunctures is based on the empirical analysis of parliamentary campaigns in France and GreatBritain and focuses on the candidates of four political parties (French Socialist Party, French Union fora Popular Movement, British Labour Party and British Conservative Party)
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Bregman, Abigail Sibley. "The view from the classroom : English school-teachers' responses to domestic and international problems of the interwar years 1919-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=72832.

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Mackillop, Andrew. "Military recruiting in the Scottish Highlands 1739-1815 the political, social and economic context /." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/680/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 1995.
PH.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, Department of History, University of Glasgow, 1995. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Tsang, S. Y. S. "Great Britain and constitutional reform in Hong Kong (1945-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371769.

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Chiarodo, Nicole M. "From Behind Closed Doors to the Campaign Trail: Race and Immigration in British Party Politics, 1945-1965." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002660.

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Thévoz, Seth Alexander. "The political impact of London clubs, 1832-1868." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62958/.

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This thesis examines the political role played by the private members' clubs of the St. James's district of London, between the first two Reform Acts. The thesis looks at the institutional history of such establishments and their evolution insofar as it affected their political work. It then analyses the statistical trends in club membership among Members of Parliament, the overwhelming majority of whom belonged to political clubs. The crucial role of clubs in whipping is detailed, including analysis of key divisions. The distinctive political use of space by clubs is then set out, including an overview of the range of meetings and facilities offered to parliamentarians. Finally, the thesis seeks to address the broader impact of clubs on national electoral politics in this period.
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Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.

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Books on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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Pippa, Norris, and Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government., eds. Britain votes, 2001. Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with Hansard Society series in politics and government, 2001.

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Ivor, Crewe, and Gosschalk Brian, eds. Political communications: The general election campaign of 1992. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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Campaign 2001. London: Politico's, 2001.

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Campaign!: The selling of the Prime Minister. London: Grafton Books, 1987.

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Ivor, Crewe, and Gosschalk Brian, eds. Political communications: The general election campaign of 1992. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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The funding of political parties in Britain. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge Universty Press, 1987.

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Campaign 2010: The making of the Prime Minister. London: Biteback, 2010.

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Political marketing and British political parties. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.

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From soapbox to soundbite: Party political campaigning in Britain since 1945. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1997.

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Scammell, Margaret. Designer politics: How elections are won. Basingstoke: Palgave, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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McDowell-Naylor, Declan. "#GE2017: Digital Media and the Campaigns." In Political Communication in Britain, 187–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00822-2_13.

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Shaw, John Stuart. "The Politics of Great Britain." In The Political History of Eighteenth-Century Scotland, 18–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27645-5_2.

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Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "The Changing Electoral Geography of Great Britain." In The Political Geography of Contemporary Britain, 51–68. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20199-0_4.

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Bowler, Shaun, David Broughton, Todd Donovan, and Joseph Snipp. "The Informed Electorate? Voter Responsiveness to Campaigns in Britain and Germany." In Electoral Strategies and Political Marketing, 204–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22411-1_11.

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Madajczyk, Czeslaw. "Poland and Great Britain in 1944." In British Political and Military Strategy in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe in 1944, 212–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19379-0_14.

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Soper, J. Christopher. "Political Structures and Evangelical Activism." In Evangelical Christianity in the United States and Great Britain, 127–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379305_6.

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Preston, P. W. "Freedom from ‘Britain’: A Comment on Recent Elite-sponsored Political Cultural Identities." In England after the Great Recession, 82–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355675_4.

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Lilleker, Darren G., and Nigel A. Jackson. "Elections 2.0: Comparing E-Campaigns in France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States." In Das Internet im Wahlkampf, 96–116. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-92853-1_3.

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Soper, J. Christopher. "The Political Mobilization of Evangelicals from 1960 to the Present." In Evangelical Christianity in the United States and Great Britain, 96–126. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379305_5.

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Kaprāns, Mārtiņš. "Latvian Migrants in Great Britain: ‘The Great Departure’, Transnational Identity and Long Distance Belonging." In IMISCOE Research Series, 119–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_6.

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Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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Horobets, Olena. "EXPORT AND IMPORT CAPACITIES OF BOOK TRADE IN THE U.S. AND GREAT BRITAIN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v1.05.

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Жолудов, М. В. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWO-PARITY SYSTEM OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE XIXth CENTURY." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.22.66.016.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития партийно-политической системы Велико-британии в XIX в. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентских реформ на формирование партийных структур. Автор подчеркивает роль парламентской реформы 1832 г., положившей начало серьезным преобразованиям парламентской системы государства. В результа-те произошла трансформация двухпартийного тандема «виги – тори» в связку «либералы – кон-серваторы». Утверждается также, что к концу XIX в. в Великобритании были созданы массовые политические партии современного типа. The article deals with the specific features of the development of the party and political system of Great Britain in the XIXth century. The author emphasizes the role of the parliamentary reform of 1832, which marked the beginning of serious transformations of the parliamentary system of the state. As a result, there was a transformation of the bipartisan tandem of “Whig – Tory” into a bunch of “Liberals – Conservatives”. It is also argued that by the end of the XIXth century mass political parties of the modern type were created in Great Britain.
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Tleulesova, A. Sh, and A. N. Nugumanova. "STYLISTIC FEATURES OF RUSSIAN AND KAZAKHSTAN PRE-ELECTION POLITICAL SLOGANS." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7257.

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Such a specific element of political communication as a slogan, which is often used within the election campaign, has been to the present day a less studied issue in the Russian and Kazakh political linguistics. Nowadays this genre of political text is being mainly mastered by the sociologists, politologists, image-makers, etc., dealing with the issues of electoral technologies. This article deals with the study of stylistic features of a political slogan which are characteristic for the election campaigns of Russia and Kazakhstan held in the period of recent decades. The results of the study show that the main purpose of their use is to enhance the expressiveness of the statement. This allows us to conclude that the language of political slogans has great opportunities and resources to implement this impact. It also becomes apparent that persuasiveness is one of the key functions of the slogan's pragmatic functions.
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Sahnov, A., A. Klyuev, and L. Litvinova. "HISTORICAL LONDON." In Manager of the Year. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/my2021_276-280.

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The article is devoted to the capital of the United Kingdom. The description is based on a comparison of information about London in the past and modern London. It helps you to see the history of the capital of the United Kingdom in dynamics, assess the scale of changes and understand the reason for these changes. Modern London plays a significant role in the political, economic and cultural life of the country. Geographically the city, which is now a metropolis, is located on the River Thames in the south-eastern part of the island of Great Britain. All the famous parts of the city – the City, the West End, the East End, Westminster are quite old and historically significant and interesting. The authors trace the history of the city since its foundation, separately considering the informative names of London streets, its historical parts – the Town, many boroughs, the Tower and Hamlet.
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Креленко, Н. С. "REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES IN THE ASSESSMENT OF H. WALPOLE." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.45.40.012.

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Статья посвящена анализу восприятия Х. Уолполом конфликта между Великобританией и североамериканскими колониями. Х. Уолпол был близким к придворным кругам членом парла-мента, видным интеллектуалом. Его отношение к происходившим событиям отражены в письмах, которые он писал своим единомышленникам и знакомым. Содержание писем позволяет просле-дить, как менялись взгляды и настроения их автора, как корректировалась вигская система ценно-стей по мере изменения политической ситуации. The article is devoted to the analysis of H. Walpole's perception of the conflict between Great Britain and the North American colonies. H. Walpole was a member of parliament close to court circles and a prominent intellectual. His attitude to the events that took place are reflected in the letters that he wrote to his associates and acquaintances. The content of the letters allows us to trace how the views and moods of their author were changing, how the Whig system of values was corrected as the political situation changed.
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GREBLIKAITE, Jolita, Neringa GERULAITIENE, and Wlodzimierz SROKA. "FROM TRADITIONAL BUSINESS TO SOCIAL ONE: NEW POSSIBILITIES FOR ENTREPRENEURS IN RURAL AREAS." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.139.

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In many EU countries economic and social development stagnates. The reasons are various and depends on the country. Some countries are still leaders (Germany, Great Britain, France), but depending on political events and complicated issues in each of them common EU internal market is kept as rather passive and not expanding in terms of consumption and investments. Especially it is related to countries suffering their internal business problems. The research problem of this paper is related to the issues how to provide some innovative solutions to traditional enterprises in Lithuania and Poland for their prosperous development. The aim of the paper is to analyse the situation and problems of traditional business in rural areas of Lithuania and Poland and propose development possibilities applying social initiatives and becoming social enterprises. The research object of the paper is traditional and social enterprises in rural areas. The research discloses that in Lithuania and Poland the situation in rural areas has a lot of similarities in terms of development and problems. Social entrepreneurship in both countries is kept as possibility but still problems and specificity exist in the countries.
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خزعل جبر, لؤي. "Social Psychological Dynamics of the Saddamist and ISIS genocides in Iraq." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/11.

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Genocide is an attempt to wipe out an entire group of human beings, either directly by killing them, or indirectly by creating conditions favorable to their death, for disciplinary purposes aimed at punishing, blaming and retaliating against the victim, routine institutionalization in the context of war, utilitarianism aimed at achieving a specific gain, A monopoly aimed at identifying the dominant in power, and an ideology aimed at creating an optimal society and erasing all that is impure. The scientific study of genocide in a calm cognitive way is a humanitarian and historical necessity, because the horrific and tragic outcomes of this phenomenon threaten the depth of human existence and human values. It is a complex phenomenon that can be approached from multiple sides, philosophical, political, sociological, economic, historical and psychological, each of these approaches has a great value in understanding the phenomenon, but the psychological and social dimensions are at the core of these approaches. In a previous study by the researcher on the Iraqi historical memory (Ghabr, 2014), the strength of the presence of the genocides - Saddamism and terrorism - was found among the most important events in contemporary Iraqi history in the Iraqi historical memory, and it fell within the first factor (suffering) in the content of that memory, the factor that Intertwined with a complex web of relationships with political cultures and social movements. Therefore, the current study will work on clarifying the psychosocial dynamics of genocide through a comprehensive review of the specialized literature, and employing those insights in understanding the genocide in the Iraqi context, as the Iraqi context witnessed multiple and horrific genocide campaigns, in the time of totalitarianism and Daaeshism, and such an approach constitutes an existential necessity in Iraq.
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Yue, Wang, Zhan Lechang, Ma Wenjuan, Zhang Yongxin, and Ma Li. "Research on Approval of Domestic and International Transport Container Application of Radioactive Material." In 2017 25th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone25-66279.

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Due to the potentially dangerous properties of radioactive material, it is during the transport that the process of nuclear energy and technology uses are prone to nuclear and radiation accidents. Radioactive material hence must be transported with reasonable containers to achieve heat dissipation, confinement of radioactive material, radiation shielding and prevention of nuclear criticality. The key to transport safety lies in the designing and manufacturing quality of the transport containers. Therefore, the safety supervision for transport containers of radioactive material is a guarantee for the environment and the public from nuclear and radiation hazards, also is international general practice. As the most authoritative international organization, International Atomic Energy Agenda (IAEA) draws up and regularly revises safety regulation ‘Regulation for the Safe Transport of Radioactive Material’, which proposes technical indicators for transport containers of radioactive material and responsibility of competent authorities. According to the transport modes, other international organizations, such as International Maritime Organization, International Civil Aviation Organization, International Air Transport Association, United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, enacted related transport safety regulations based on actual needs. This paper introduces the administrative licensing approval process for the transport containers of radioactive material in China and the research on competent authority and approval procedure in American, Russia, France, Canada, Germany and Great Britain. In China, National Nuclear Safe Administration (NNSA) is responsible for the licensing approval for the transport containers of radioactive material, including designing, manufacturing, using and transporting of transport containers. NNSA also organizes and formulates relevant administrative regulations and approval procedures, and has issued administrative regulation ‘Regulation on the Safe Management for the Transport of Radioactive Material’ and a series of administrative rules, management procedures, guide, technical documents and so on. These regulations established the sort management of radioactive materials and the responsibility for competent authority, and also stipulated approval and supervision for transport and transport containers of radioactive materials. While some other countries, such as America, certifies the transport containers of radioactive material to achieve the control. The domestic and overseas research into administrative licensing approval processes for transport containers is in view of the increasing transport of radioactive material among countries and the requirement of international transport. Transport containers with material of high potential risk, such as spent fuel, need to obtain the transport approval from the competent authority of transit or arrival country. Therefore, the research on domestic and other countries licensing management of transport containers of radioactive material, which is not only beneficial to improving the transport safety management of radioactive material in China, but also can promote international transport campaigns of radioactive material..
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Campos, João. "The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.

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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.
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Nezhadmasoum, Sanaz, and Nevter Zafer Comert. "Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6254.

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Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus Sanaz Nezhadmasoum¹, Nevter Zafer Comert² Department of Architecture. Eastern Mediterranean University. Famagusta. North Cyprus.Via Mersin 10. Turkey E-mail: sanaz.nezhadmasoum@gmail.com, nzafer@gmail.com Keywords: Historic-geographic approach, Typo-morphology, Urban form, Lefke town Conference topics and scale: Urban morphological methods and techniques Morphological analysis in cities have been employed to conduct the research on the urban form and fabric of the place, that helps to determine the conservation plans or strategies of towns that reveal clues to their own history (Whithand,2001). Such analysis methods are a process that reviews the evolution and evaluation of towns throughout history. This paper focuses on, Conzen’s and Caniggia’s ideas, MRG Conzen’s historic-geographical approaches (1968) on planning level and Caniggia’s typo-morphological process (2001) on architectural level. Those methodologies help to understand the transformation procedure of different regions of city throughout the years and recovering how the city elements and urban hierarchy are interrelated. Additionally, the focus of this paper is to study the town’s morphological transformations, regarding its spatial, geographical and historical combinations. Within this context, Geographical and historical surveys done on the whole town of Lefke, in north-west Cyprus, and a detailed explanation on the typo-morphological analyses of some particular regions will be given in this article. One of the significant character that makes the town unique is its historical background which lay down with an organic urban pattern from Ottoman period. Lefke town was first formed with a medieval character, and through centuries of functional and physical transformations, has been highly influenced by British extensions, which were either prearranged modifications affected by socio- natural, economic, and political situations, or instinctive and spontaneous changes. All these historical factors, along with its geographical features, make Lefke an interesting case to be studied with an urban typo-morphological approach. References Caniggia G, Maffei G., 2001, Interpreing Basic building Architectural composition and building typology Alinea editrice, Firenze, Italy Cömert, N. Z., & Hoskara, S. O. (2013) ‘A typo-morphological study: the CMC industrial mass housing district, lefke, northern cyprus’, Open House International, 38(2), 16-30. Conzen, M. R. G. (1968) ‘The use of town plans in the study of urban history’, in Dyos, H. J. (ed.) The study of urban history (Edward Arnold, London) 113-30. Larkham, P. J. (2006) ‘The study of urban form in Great Britain’, Urban Morphology, 10(2), 117. Moudon, A. V. (1997) ‘Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field’, Urban morphology, 1(1), 3-10. Whitehand, J. W. (2001) ‘British urban morphology: the Conzenion tradition’, Urban Morphology, 5(2), 103-109.
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Reports on the topic "Political campaigns Great Britain"

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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.

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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of ​​unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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