Journal articles on the topic 'Political campaigns – Canada'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political campaigns – Canada.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Political campaigns – Canada.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Speers, Kim. "For Better or Worse: How Political Consultants are Changing Elections in the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 446–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906349980.
Full textAbstract:
For Better or Worse: How Political Consultants are Changing Elections in the United States, David Dulio, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004, pp. xvii, 289.During the 2004 federal election, the media shone light on the political consultants who were reportedly affiliated or somehow related to Paul Martin's election campaign. By their account, the traditional party machine, often viewed to be the primary, if not the only, actor in political campaigns in Canada, seemed to have taken a backseat to the expensive, polished and professional campaign machinery the private sector had to offer. Campaign management through consultancy was now publicly visible in Canada and reliance on the party machine, while still important, seemed to face competition in terms of expertise and proximity to power. However, the study of political campaigns and specifically, the role of political consultants within campaigns, has received sparse attention from the political science community outside of the United States. Yet even in the US, in spite of the prevalent and pervasive presence of political consultants in electoral politics, the study of this group is relatively new.
2
McKelvey, Fenwick, and Jill Piebiak. "Porting the political campaign: The NationBuilder platform and the global flows of political technology." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675439.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties rely on digital technologies to manage volunteering, fundraising, fieldwork, and data collection. They also need tools to manage web, email, and social media outreach. Increasingly, new political engagement platforms integrate these tasks into one unified system. These platforms pose important questions about the flows of political practices from campaigns to platforms and vice versa as well as across campaigns globally. NationBuilder is a critical case in their study. It is a leading non-partisan platform used in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The case of NationBuilder in Canada analyzes how political engagement platforms coordinate the global flows of politics. Through interviews, we find reciprocal influence among developers, party activists, consultants, and the NationBuilder platform. We call this process porting. It results in NationBuilder becoming a more portable global platform in tandem with becoming an imported, hybridized part of a campaign’s digital infrastructure.
3
Clark, Marianne I., Kerry R. McGannon, Tanya R. Berry, Colleen M. Norris, Wendy M. Rodgers, and John C. Spence. "Taking a hard look at the Heart Truth campaign in Canada: A discourse analysis." Journal of Health Psychology 23, no. 13 (September 28, 2016): 1699–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359105316669581.
Full textAbstract:
The Canadian Heart and Stroke Foundation launched the Heart Truth campaign to increase women’s awareness of heart disease. However, little is known about how such campaigns intersect with broader understandings of gender and health. This discourse analysis examined the construction of gender, risk, and prevention within campaign material. Two primary discourses emerged: one of acceptable femininity, which outlines whose risk, survivorship, and prevention matters, and another of selfless prevention. Women of diverse ethnic, sexual, and socio-economic background were largely absent. Prevention was portrayed as a personal choice, eclipsing conversations about social determinants of health and the socio-political context of heart disease.
4
Maillé, Chantal. "Improving Democracy: Gender Quotas and Diversity in Canada." International Conference on Gender Research 5, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): pp123–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/icgr.5.1.298.
Full textAbstract:
The adoption of quotas for the election of women is a worldwide trend that is changing the face of national politics in many countries. Research shows that such measures are successful. First, this text reviews international literature on the adoption of gender quotas for electing women and their impact on minority women. What are the processes leading to the adoption of gender quotas in different contexts? Who initiates the process? How do quota campaigns get started? In the second section, the text uses Canada as a case study to understand the starting point for gender and/or diversity quota campaigns. In Canada, the idea of quotas for women and for minorities is on the agenda of many political organizations, but although there seems to be a new symbolic opening for having gender quotas at some levels of Canadian political institutions, popular support is still low. What about quotas for other groups such as minorities? A survey conducted in 2016 found that a majority of Canadians are open to designating seats for the country’s Indigenous peoples to boost their representation in Parliament and on the Supreme Court. Another study conducted on existing affirmative action programs provides insight on how quotas are perceived. These programs, in operation since the 1980s, are aimed at redressing past inequities and promoting the hiring of five designated groups. The survey indicates that no one is in favour of discriminating against marginalized groups; nevertheless, a large majority of respondents supported meritocracy and resisted affirmative action. In the 2021 Canadian federal election, there were no gender quotas and the number of women elected at the Canadian Parliament was 30% percent, a 1% increase from the 2019 election. In Quebec, one of the thirteen provinces and territories of Canada, an informal campaign for gender quotas in the 2018 provincial election has led to the election of 41% of women. Gender quota campaigns create openings to introduce diversity into the conversation. More research is needed to explain why there is still resistance to certain types of quotas such as gender quotas in the specific context of Canada. Overall, bringing a more diversified body of representatives to parliaments contributes to the revitalization of electoral politics and can improve democracy.
5
Sullivan, Katherine V. R. "The gendered digital turn: Canadian mayors on social media." Information Polity 26, no. 2 (June 3, 2021): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-200301.
Full textAbstract:
Women continue to occupy lesser positions of power at all political levels in Canada, although scholars still argue on the accessibility of municipal politics to women. However, no previous study has systematically examined the gender ratio of mayors across Canada, as well as their (active) use of social media platforms in a professional capacity. Using novel data, this study examines the variation in social media adoption and active use by gender outside of an electoral campaign. Results show that there is a higher proportion of women mayors who have a Facebook page, as well as Twitter and Instagram accounts and who actively use them outside of electoral campaigns, when compared with men mayors’ social media practices.
6
Eagles, Munroe. "The Effectiveness of Local Campaign Spending in the 1993 and 1997 Federal Elections in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040065.
Full textAbstract:
Recent studies of the effects of campaign spending by political parties and candidates at elections in Canada and elsewhere have established the importance of local constituency campaigns. However, particular claims to measure the effects of campaign spending on the vote have been questioned on methodological grounds. This article revisits the question of whether local spending matters in Canadian federal elections. Responding to some criticisms of earlier work, this analysis presents the results of two parallel regression analyses (the first employing two–stage least squares estimation, the second using three–stage least squares techniques) of the effects of local spending in the 1993 and 1997 elections. The results offer strong confirmation that comparatively greater local spending by candidates enhances their vote shares, and diminishes that of rivals, albeit to different degrees for different parties and elections.
7
Palmer, Susan J., Dilmurat Mahmut, and Abdulmuqtedir Udun. "Women in the Uyghur Advocacy Movement in Canada: The Making of a Political “Activist"." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v3i1.69.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyzes the life stories of three female Uyghur political activists. Born and raised in East Turkestan/Xinjiang, all three chose to emigrate to the West. Today they live in Canada, advocating for the rights of Turkic peoples in their “Homeland” and raising public awareness of the CCP’s campaign against the Uyghurs, a campaign which is currently recognized as genocidal by seven countries as well as a number of human rights organizations. This study adopts a narrative analysis of these life stories, which were collected as a form of oral history. The narratives focus on the experiences of ethnic Uyghurs living, studying, and working in China in the 1980s–2000s during the ongoing crackdowns and “strike hard” campaigns in East Turkestan/Xinjiang. Through the techniques of narrative analysis, we investigate and analyze the tensions, turning points, and motivations which led to their personal transformations and decision to become publicly involved in creating social and political change for their community. While the political statements of Rukiye Turdush, Arzu Gul, and Raziya Mahmut have been widely circulated in Canadian government and media reports, this study focuses on their personal lives and the troubling, traumatic events in their youth which triggered their choice to leave China. We ultimately argue that a narrative analysis of their stories helps us perceive these narratives as a continuation of their activism.
8
Hebert, Joel. "“Sacred Trust”: Rethinking Late British Decolonization in Indigenous Canada." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 3 (July 2019): 565–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.3.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.
9
Sevin, Efe, and Sarphan Uzunoğlu. "Do Foreigners Count? Internationalization of Presidential Campaigns." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 3 (March 2017): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217701215.
Full textAbstract:
The U.S. presidential elections always attract the attention of foreign audiences—who, despite not being able to vote, choose to follow the campaigns closely. For a post that is colloquially dubbed as the “Leader of the Free World,” it is not unexpected to see such an interest coming from nonvoters. Mimicking almost hosting a megaevent, the elections increase the media coverage on the United States, thus making the elections a platform to communicate with the rest of the world and to influence the reputation of the country, or its nation brand. This study postulates that the increasing adoption of social media by campaigns as well as ordinary users, increase the symbolic importance of presidential elections for foreign audiences in two ways. First, foreign audiences no longer passively follow the campaign but rather present their input to sway the American public opinion through social media campaigns. Second, foreign audiences are exposed to a variety of messages ranging from official campaigns to late-night comedy shows to local grassroots movements. The audiences both enjoy a more in-depth understanding of the elections campaigns and are exposed to alternative political views. In this study, the 2016 U.S. presidential elections are positioned as a megaevent that can influence the American nation brand. Through a comparative content and network analyses of messages disseminated over social media in the United Kingdom, Turkey, Canada, and Venezuela, the nation branding–related impacts of election campaigns are investigated.
10
Webber, Cole, and Ashleigh Doherty. "Staking out territory: District-based organizing in Toronto, Canada." Radical Housing Journal 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/worg9211.
Full textAbstract:
Capital’s renewed drive to profit from real estate has precipitated the multiplication of organizing initiatives around tenancy. In Toronto’s Parkdale neighbourhood, social dislocation results from, among other conditions, the consolidation of rental housing by firms and investors pursuing a strategy of “repositioning”. In this conversation, Ashleigh Doherty and Cole Webber, members of Parkdale Organize, discuss how, more than any particular organizing method, political principles have guided their interventions. Neither tenant union nor activist network, neither political party nor social agency, Parkdale Organize is a group of militant working-class people whose aim is to facilitate independent organizations of struggle within a specific territory. Members adhere to a set of principles which compel them to intervene in struggles of daily life as they affect working-class people in their area. To date these struggles have included fights against evictions and rent increases, support for labour strikes, and campaigns to defend neighbourhood services.
11
Boatright, Robert G. "Interest Group Adaptations to Campaign Finance Reform in Canada and the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090027.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.The United States and Canada enacted similar campaign finance reforms in the early 2000s. This article draws upon interviews with leaders of the major Canadian interest groups to explore similarities and differences in the responses of Canadian and American interest groups to reform. While groups in both countries shared an increased emphasis on mobilization and communication with members, the Canadian reforms were more effective at removing many groups from political campaigns entirely. This difference is primarily a result of differences in the two nations' party systems and the historical development of interest groups in the two countries.Résumé.Au début des années 2000, les États-Unis et le Canada ont promulgué des lois similaires visant la réforme du financement des campagnes électorales. Cet article est basé sur des entretiens avec les chefs des principaux groupes d'intérêt canadiens. Il étudie les ressemblances et les différences entre leurs réponses à ces réformes et celles des groupes d'intérêt américains. Même si les groupes des deux pays ont tous insisté sur la communication et la mobilisation de leurs membres, les réformes canadiennes ont mieux réussi à éliminer entièrement plusieurs groupes des campagnes électorales. Cette différence s'explique surtout par la structure différente des deux systèmes de partis politiques et par l'évolution historique des groupes d'intérêt dans ces deux pays.
12
Nyers, Peter. "No One is Illegal Between City and Nation." Studies in Social Justice 4, no. 2 (February 16, 2011): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v4i2.998.
Full textAbstract:
By challenging the state's prerogative to distinguish between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, political movements by and in support of migrants and refugees are forcing questions about what criteria, if any, can and should be used to determine who can claim membership in the political community. To illustrate the complexity of this politics this article analyzes the major demand that underscores every campaign undertaken by non-status refugees and migrants in Canada: a program that would allow them to "regularize" their status. Notably, these campaigns are being directed at both the state and city levels of governance. Together, these are two sites in which claims and counter-claims about community, belonging, and citizenship are being made by, for, and against non-status immigrants. In each case, migrant political agency is asserted in places meant to deny, limit, or repress it. The article argues that the significance of these sites is that they allow for non-status refugees and migrants themselves to act as mediators or translators between the city and nation, between polis and cosmopolis.
13
Howlett, Michael, Jonathan Craft, and Lindsay Zibrik. "Government communication and democratic governance: Electoral and policy-related information campaigns in Canada." Policy and Society 29, no. 1 (January 2010): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2009.11.002.
Full text
14
Jaeger, Paul T., Scott Paquette, and Shannon N. Simmons. "Information Policy in National Political Campaigns: A Comparison of the 2008 Campaigns for President of the United States and Prime Minister of Canada." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 7, no. 1 (February 5, 2010): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331680903316700.
Full text
15
MacLellan, Duncan. "FAITH-BASED SCHOOLING AND THE POLITICS OF EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY OF ONTARIO, CANADA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0601037m.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the political intersection of religion and education in Ontario, Canada, from1840 to 2011. Currently, Ontario is Canada’s most ethno culturally diverse province, and Toronto, its capital city, is one of the most multicultural cities in the world. The issue of public funding of religious education in Ontario has emerged at varying times in the province’s history. In particular, selective Ontario provincial election campaigns are discussed in relation to exploring the degree to which public funding of religious education and religious accommodation emerged as political issues. Social mobilization theory provides a rich and varied conceptual lens through which to examine decisions that have led to the current place of state funding of religious education in Ontario.
16
Ptashnick, Melita, and Daniyal Zuberi. "Certifying voluntary living wage employers." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, no. 9/10 (September 8, 2015): 618–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-09-2014-0070.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – Living wage campaigns are popular responses to counter increasing inequality in advanced industrial countries. The purpose of this paper is to examine how voluntary living wage employer certification engages business in multi-sectoral coalitions to reduce poverty. Design/methodology/approach – The authors utilize qualitative interviews with 30 members of a living wage employer certification program in Vancouver, Canada as a case study to explore campaign participation by the business community and business case outcomes. Findings – Certifying voluntary living wage employers engaged business community members as partners and advocates in a living wage campaign. Certified living wage employers fulfilled business case projections for worker compensation fairness, human resource improvements and corporate branding advantages. Research limitations/implications – The study focussed on the early stages of a living wage employer certification program. As the number of living wage certification programs and ordinances grows, future research would benefit from examining how different social policy contexts in other Canadian and international regions affects whether these two avenues support one another or one avenue becomes favoured. Originality/value – Most studies of living wage campaigns have not dealt with how voluntary employer certification programs affect campaign participation and outcomes. The approach the authors adopt in the case takes into account the role of voluntary employer certification programs on campaign participation by the business community and business case outcomes. The study findings are of value to businesses, activists and policy analysts, who engage in or study corporate social responsibility initiatives to facilitate the creation of “good jobs” that provide family sustaining wages and benefits, particularly to lower-tier workers.
17
Benton-Connell, Kylie, and D. T. Cochrane. "“Canada Has a Pipeline Problem”: Valuation and Vulnerability of Extractive Infrastructure." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 325–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8177783.
Full textAbstract:
Indigenous-led movements have shifted oil transport infrastructure from the margins to the center of political contestation throughout North America. These campaigns include confrontation with pipeline financiers. We argue that there are both strategic and theoretical reasons to examine the complex relationship between finance and extractive infrastructure. We provide a broad description of this relationship, starting from the significance of finance in an analysis of colonial expansion and resource extraction, with an outline of the Canadian context generally and the tar sands specifically. We continue with an examination of the link between the banking sector and resource extraction in Canada, a history of financing arrangements for the first major pipelines built across Indigenous territories claimed by colonizers, and the basics of pipeline financing today. Finally, we give an overview of contemporary efforts to stop pipelines by constraining companies’ access to money, arguing that detailed understandings of industry dynamics strengthen such work. Most importantly, we contend that processes of financial valuation provide opportunities for political intervention.
18
De Wals, Philippe. "Epidemiology and Control of Meningococcal Disease in Canada: A Long, Complex, and Unfinished Story." Canadian Journal of Infectious Diseases and Medical Microbiology 2019 (November 25, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/8901847.
Full textAbstract:
The epidemiology of meningococcal disease in Canada has been punctuated by outbreaks caused by serogroup A strains in the 1940s, virulent serogroup C clones from 1985 to 2001, a serogroup B clone in Quebec from 2003 to 2014, and more recently a W clone in British Columbia. Region- and province-wide immunization campaigns have been implemented to control these outbreaks using meningococcal C polysaccharide and conjugate vaccines, a quadrivalent ACWY conjugate vaccine, and a serogroup B protein-based vaccine. Meningococcal C conjugate vaccines have been included in routine immunization programs for children, and ACWY conjugate vaccines have been included in school-based programs for adolescents in most jurisdictions. In contrast, serogroup B protein-based vaccines were only recommended and used for high-risk individuals and to control outbreaks. Currently, the immunization schedules adopted in provinces and territories are not uniform. This is not explained by notable epidemiologic differences. Publicly funded immunization programs are the result of a complex decision-making process. Political factors including public opinion, media attention, interest groups’ advocacy campaigns, decision-makers’ priorities and budgetary constraints have played important roles in shaping meningococcal programs in Canada, and this should be recognized. As the recent occurrence of outbreaks caused by virulent W clones shows, continued investments in epidemiological surveillance at both the provincial and national levels are necessary, so there can be early warning and informed decisions can be made.
19
Vass, Ágnes. "The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
20
Esselment, Anna Lennox. "Fighting Elections: Cross-Level Political Party Integration in Ontario." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2010): 871–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000727.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.Conventional wisdom about the structure of political parties in Canada has emphasized their confederal nature. In other words (and the New Democratic party excepted), parties with identical partisan complexions at the federal and provincial levels are thought to operate in “two political worlds.” This paper argues that election campaigns are a key integrating link between parties. How they fight elections reveals extensive cross-level co-operation, particularly through shared activists (local party activists, party staff and party professionals) and technological expertise. This has the effect of shrinking the space between party cousins and forges unity between them. While there are certain obstacles to electoral collaboration, there are also incentives for these parties to work to maintain and strengthen their ties with their partisan cousin at the other level. These findings make an important contribution by directly challenging the notion that Canada's federal system has led to increasingly disentangled political parties.Résumé.L'opinion communément admise au sujet de la structure des partis politiques au Canada a mis l'accent sur leur nature confédérale. En d'autres termes (exception faite du Nouveau Parti démocratique), on considère en général que les partis à caractère partisan identique au palier fédéral et provincial fonctionnent dans «deux mondes politiques à part». Le présent article avance que les campagnes électorales constituent un facteur d'intégration clé entre les différents niveaux d'un parti. La façon dont un parti dispute une élection révèle un haut degré de coopération entre les organisations provinciales et fédérales, surtout du fait qu'ils partagent des militants communs (militants locaux, personnel politique et professionnels du parti) et leur expertise technologique. Ce phénomène tend à rétrécir l'espace entre cousins du même parti et à bâtir l'unité d'organisation entre les deux niveaux. Même s'il y a des obstacles inévitables à la collaboration électorale, les partis cousins ont de bonnes raisons de veiller à maintenir et à renforcer leurs liens réciproques. Ces conclusions apportent une contribution importante à l'étude des partis politiques, en contestant directement l'idée que le système fédéral au Canada a encouragé les partis politiques de même allégeance à mener leurs activités de manière indépendante.
21
Wilner, Alex S. "Cybersecurity and its discontents: Artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, and digital misinformation." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (June 2018): 308–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018782496.
Full textAbstract:
The future of cybersecurity is in flux. Artificial intelligence challenges existing notions of security, human rights, and governance. Digital misinformation campaigns leverage fabrications and mistruths for political and geostrategic gain. And the Internet of Things—a digital landscape in which billions of wireless objects from smart fridges to smart cars are tethered together—provides new means to distribute and conduct cyberattacks. As technological developments alter the way we think about cybersecurity, they will likewise broaden the way governments and societies will have to learn to respond. This policy brief discusses the emerging landscape of cybersecurity in Canada and abroad, with the intent of informing public debate and discourse on emerging cyber challenges and opportunities.
22
Li, Eric Ping Hung, Ajnesh Prasad, Cristalle Smith, Ana Gutierrez, Emily Lewis, and Betty Brown. "Visualizing community pride: engaging community through photo- and video-voice methods." Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 14, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrom-03-2018-1621.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the potential of visual (i.e. non-textual) research methods in community-based participatory research. Design/methodology/approach The authors draw on a case illustration of a photo- and video-voice campaign involving rural communities in British Columbia, Canada. Findings The authors find that visual research methods, in the form of photo- and video-voice campaigns, allow participants to form ties between their community and the broader sociocultural, natural and political milieu in which their community is located. The authors highlight the benefits of using such methodological approaches to capture an emic perspective of community building. Originality/value The contribution of this study is twofold. First, this study uses a photo- and video-voice campaign to showcase the role of visuals in articulating community pride – that is, how locals construct identity – and a sense of belongingness. Second, by focusing its analytical gaze on the idea of “community,” this paper revisits the importance of active involvement of research participants in the execution of empirical studies. Ultimately, the authors urge organization and management studies scholars, as well as those working in the social sciences more broadly, to further explore the value of innovative community-based research approaches in future work.
23
Bodet, Marc André, Joanie Bouchard, Melanee Thomas, and Charles Tessier. "How Much of Electoral Politics Is in the District? Measuring District Effects on Party Support." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (December 17, 2021): 150–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842392100086x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe electoral district is the fundamental unit of representation in single- and multi-member electoral systems, yet most research shows little interest in district effects on election outcomes, focusing instead on national and individual factors. This is problematic as parties and candidates often put a great deal of effort into district-based campaigns. How, then, can we best capture district effects on party support? We propose a new method using official election returns and geospatial techniques. The result is a measure of how much of a party's vote share is explained by district effects. Using data from the 2006–2019 Canadian federal elections, we find that, on average, 6 to 10 per cent of the variation in a party's vote in Canada is explained by district effects. While district effects on party support are trivial for some districts, in others they account for more than 80 per cent of the variance in party vote shares. The effect of districts on party support is composed, in part, of electoral context, province, socio-economic factors and district campaign intensity. Importantly, the size and sources of district effects on party support vary across parties, suggesting heterogeneity. The benefits of our approach are threefold: (1) it is cost-effective, (2) it can be easily replicated in any setting—past or present—where districts are relevant electoral units and where districting is nonpartisan, and (3) it is responsive to differences in district composition and parties’ campaign effort.
24
Van Die, Marguerite. "Protestants, the Liberal State, and the Practice of Politics: Revisiting R.J. Fleming and the 1890s Toronto Streetcar Controversy." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 1 (May 12, 2014): 89–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024998ar.
Full textAbstract:
Through the lens of R. J. Fleming, Irish Methodist businessman, alderman, and four times mayor of Toronto in the 1890s, this paper re-examines the moral reform campaigns of middle-class Protestants described by Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles in their now classic study, The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company (1977). Instead of looking at the Sunday car issue from the perspective of the promoters and as evidence of secularization, it presents as a case study Fleming’s conflicted and controversial role as an evangelical politician confronted with a divisive moral and religious issue within the late nineteenth-century liberal state. Scholarly debates on the process of secularization in late nineteenth-century Canada have given little attention to the influence of the timing and nature of the country’s political arrangements and have thus neglected the contradictions and tensions devout politicians faced within the new state and social order. This paper argues the need to make an important but often overlooked distinction between political and social secularization. With close attention to detail, it examines Fleming as an “evangelical modernizer” who as a politician had to maintain the neutrality of the state and at the same time address the concerns of a religious constituency that feared a favourable vote on Sunday cars would lead to social secularization.
25
Thomas, Mark P., and Steven Tufts. "Blue Solidarity: Police Unions, Race and Authoritarian Populism in North America." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019863653.
Full textAbstract:
With a focus on police unions in the United States and Canada, this article argues that the construction of ‘blue solidarity’, including through recent Blue Lives Matter campaigns, serves to repress racial justice movements that challenge police authority, acts as a counter to broader working class resistance to austerity and contributes to rising right-wing populism. Specifically, the article develops a case study analysis of Blue Lives Matter campaigns in North America to argue that police unions construct forms of ‘blue solidarity’ that produce divisions with other labour and social movements and contribute to a privileged status of their own members vis-a-vis the working class more generally. As part of this process, police unions support tactics that reproduce racialised ‘othering’ and that stigmatise and discriminate against racialised workers and communities. The article concludes by arguing that organised labour should maintain a critical distance from police unions.
26
Walby, Kevin, and Mike Larsen. "Getting at the Live Archive: On Access to Information Research in Canada." Canadian journal of law and society 26, no. 3 (December 2011): 623–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.26.3.623.
Full textAbstract:
Most of the draft documents, memoranda, communications, and other textual materials amassed by government agencies do not become public record unless efforts are taken to obtain their release. One mechanism for doing so is “access to information” (ATI) or “freedom of information” (FOI) law. Individuals and organizations in Canada have a quasi-constitutional right to request information from federal, provincial, and municipal levels of government. A layer of bureaucracy has been created to handle these requests and manage the disclosure of information, with many organizations having special divisions, coordinators, and associated personnel for this purpose. The vast majority of public organizations are subject to the federal Access to Information Act (ATIA) or the provincial and municipal equivalents.We have been using ATI requests to get at spectrum of internal government texts. At one end of the spectrum, we are seeking what Gary Marx calls “dirty data” produced by policing, national security, and intelligence agencies. Dirty data represent “information which [are] kept secret and whose revelation would be discrediting or costly in terms of various types of sanctioning.” This material can take the form of the quintessential “smoking gun” document, or, more often, a seemingly innocuous trail of records that, upon analysis, can be illuminating. Dirty data are often kept from the public record. At the other end of the disclosure spectrum are those front-stage texts that represent “official discourse,” which are carefully crafted and released to the public according to government messaging campaigns.
27
Molochko, Pavlo, and Daria Hryniova. "Cancel Culture: Leverage Tool in Political Struggle." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 10 (July 28, 2022): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.84-106.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the phenomenon of cancel culture has been gaining traction on social media as well as in real life. Considering the formation of this phenomenon, the authors of the article analyse its emergence and the way it spreads in society. The authors of the article emphasise the fact that cancel culture arose as a means of drawing attention to the actions of individual politicians, committed earlier, but unacceptable in modern society. Gradually, cancel culture has extended from the tool of condemnation on social media to its use in political struggle. The authors of the article analyse cases of politicization of cancel culture in the USA, Canada and Ukraine. Based on the analysis, the authors come to the conclusion that a common feature for all countries is the attempt to reconsider historical events through the lens of cancellation. The attitude towards cancel culture in modern societies is rather ambi-guous. The consequence of this is the appearance of supporters and critics of this phenomenon. Extending cancel culture to the political struggle carries certain risks associated with the need for excessive control over freedom of thought and speech. ‘Cancellation’ is used not only as a tool for manifesting a position on social media, but also becomes a tool in manipulative campaigns and information wars. Meanwhile, conducted studies show that the very appearance of such a phenomenon leads to the fact that representatives of certain groups are not ready to defend their views, if such views are not widely shared by society. That is why the phenomenon of cancel culture needs further detailed study and understanding.
28
Pupo, Norene, and Andrea M. Noack. "Organizing Local Messengers: Working Conditions and Barriers to Unionization." Canadian Journal of Sociology 39, no. 3 (July 7, 2014): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs18509.
Full textAbstract:
As a result of concerns around declining memberships and the growth of precarious employment in recent years, unions have sought to expand their jurisdictions and organize groups of workers who have typically resisted collective bargaining. Research on union renewal has examined working conditions and workplace structures that may give rise to successful organizing campaigns. In this paper we examine working conditions amongst non-unionized same-day messengers working in Toronto, Canada. The research team conducted 143 semi-structured interviews with bikers, drivers and walkers who work primarily for local courier companies. We find that although same-day couriers are typically treated as ‘independent contractors’, they are dependent on brokers, and precariously employed, with unpredictable income and hours of work. Though this group would benefit substantially from unionization, especially organized on a sector-wide basis, their attitudes and culture combined with the structure of the local industry create substantial impediments to organizing.
29
Betts, Richard K. "Striking First: A History of Thankfully Lost Opportunities." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00414.x.
Full textAbstract:
It is unlikely that George W. Bush feels constrained by international law when deciding whether to use military force abroad. Nevertheless, many of the United States' allies are reluctant to cooperate with and participate in military actions that cannot reasonably be justified under international law. And supportive allies, while perhaps not strictly necessary to the United States in its recent and foreseeable military campaigns, do make the military option easier to pursue. A war against Iraq would be difficult without access to bases and airspace in countries as diverse as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Canada. For this reason, at least, it would seem to be worth the president's while to adhere to international law where possible and, where this is not possible, to seek to change the rules.
30
Hamelin, Jean, Jacques Letarte, and Marcel Hamelin. "Les élections provinciales dans le Québec." Cahiers de géographie du Québec 4, no. 7 (April 12, 2005): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/020199ar.
Full textAbstract:
This essay on electoral geography, the first, perhaps, to be published in Canada, is divided into four distinct parts. The first one deals with the themes of the twenty five provincial electoral campaigns. It includes maps showing the results of the votation in every county of the Province, as divided between the two main political parties, the Liberal and the Conservative. The second part, almost exclusively graphic, examines the political attitude of every provincial county. To circumvent the various problems, graphic curves have been established, indicating the percentage of the liberal and conservative voters and of the nonvoters. In a third part, some aspects of a very particular electoral phenomenon, abstention, are studied. After all possible causes of error had been discarded, a nonvoter curve was obtained, which is used, in particular, to study the fluctuations of the parties. Finally, the influence of the rural vote, a basic element in a long life ministerial party, the geographical distribution of the parties and its evolution within the regions according to certain causes v.g. economic crises, and the Québec electoral System, in relation to the vote and to the parties, are analyzed in a last part about the conditions of political life in the Province of Québec.
31
Quinlan, Michael, and David Walters. "Knowledge Activists on Health and Safety: Workmen-Inspectors in Metalliferous Mining in Australia 1901-25." Labour History: Volume 119, Issue 1 119, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2020.17.
Full textAbstract:
Worker campaigns for a more direct say in protecting their health and safety are a significant but under-researched subject in labour history. Largely overlooked are the attempts by coalminers in the UK, Australia and Canada to establish mechanisms for representation on health and safety in the 1870s. This push for a voice then spread to New Zealand, France, Belgium and other countries, with unions eventually securing legislative rights to inspect their workplaces a century before workers in other industries gained similar entitlements. In Australia metalliferous miners’ unions followed coalminers in initiating a parallel campaign for the right to appoint their own mine-site and district inspectors (known as “check-inspectors”) from the late nineteenth century. This article examines the struggle for and activities/impact of workmen-inspectors in Australian metalliferous mines, including adoption of the competing UK-Australian and Continental-European models. It finds the development conforms to a resistance rather than mutual-cooperation perspective with check-inspectors performing the role of “knowledge activists.” The article argues this finding is not only relevant to understanding more recent experience of worker involvement in occupational health and safety but also demonstrates the relevance of historical research to contemporary regulatory policy debates and union strategies.
32
Wood, Tim. "The many voices of business: Framing the Keystone pipeline in US and Canadian news." Journalism 20, no. 2 (July 7, 2017): 292–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917717536.
Full textAbstract:
Corporations rarely enter political battles alone. They have long partnered with trade associations to articulate industry views, and more recently have begun routinely creating their own activist organizations to act as allies. Amid this turn toward grassroots corporate organizing, how is the voice – or perhaps voices – of business articulated in the news? Using the case study of coverage of the Keystone bitumen pipeline, I offer a framing analysis of 480 news items from six outlets in the United States and Canada, showing which voices and frames dominate the debate. My data demonstrate that while corporations have a robust voice in news, trade associations participate only sparingly, and corporately funded grassroots campaigns are almost wholly omitted. Furthermore, key silences characterize corporations’ mediated voice, with companies neglecting to comment on issues such as climate change; anti-pipeline activists, meanwhile, maintain their own forms of strategic silence. Proponents and detractors alike promote their ‘owned issues’, offering discourse more akin to a shouting match than a debate.
33
Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Party Talk: Assessing the Feminist Rhetoric of Women Leadership Candidates in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2009): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090325.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975–2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions.Résumé.Cette étude survole la littérature conceptuelle sur la représentation politique et examine ainsi les déclarations publiques faites par les candidates lors des courses à la direction des principaux partis politiques fédéraux pendant la période allant de 1975 à 2006. La volonté des politiciennes d'exprimer la rhétorique féministe était-elle davantage apparentée à la dynamique extra-parlementaire, notamment la force des mouvements féministes et antiféministes, ou plutôt aux facteurs parlementaires comme l'idéologie et la compétitivité de leur parti? La discussion empirique suggère que le contenu féministe était particulièrement important dans le vocabulaire utilisé par Rosemary Brown pour le NPD en 1975, par Kim Campbell pour le PPC en 1993 et par Martha Hall Findlay pour le PLC en 2006. Les résultats indiquent qu'il est utile, pour ce type d'étude, de considérer une fusion des deux approches. La première est une perspective parlementaire, qui suggère que les partis se situant sur le spectre politique entre le centre-gauche et le centre-droit, de même que ceux qui se trouvent dans une position d'opposition ou de gouvernement faible ou minoritaire, sont les plus réceptifs aux discours féministes. La deuxième approche (movement-focused) porte son attention sur les mouvements sociaux pour expliquer la diminution de l'utilisation de la rhétorique représentationnelle pendant cette période, et ce, même dans les partis relativement réceptifs au féminisme organisé. Contrairement à la situation aux États-Unis, les candidates à la direction des partis de droite au Canada n'ont pas utilisé la course à l'investiture de leur parti comme tremplin pour exprimer de fortes positions antiféministes.
34
Byers, Michael. "Letting the Exception Prove the Rule." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00413.x.
Full textAbstract:
It is unlikely that George W. Bush feels constrained by international law when deciding whether to use military force abroad. Nevertheless, many of the United States' allies are reluctant to cooperate with and participate in military actions that cannot reasonably be justified under international law. And supportive allies, while perhaps not strictly necessary to the United States in its recent and foreseeable military campaigns, do make the military option easier to pursue. A war against Iraq would be difficult without access to bases and airspace in countries as diverse as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Canada. For this reason, at least, it would seem to be worth the president's while to adhere to international law where possible and, where this is not possible, to seek to change the rules.International lawyers in the Department of State, together with lawyers in other parts of the U.S. government, have excelled in shaping the law to accommodate the interests of the United States. One example, though by no means the only one, concerns the response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
35
Churchill, Emily, Ketan Shankardass, Andrea M. L. Perrella, Aisha Lofters, Carlos Quiñonez, Louise Brooks, Dana Wilson, and Maritt Kirst. "Effectiveness of Narrative Messaging Styles about the Social Determinants of Health and Health Inequities in Ontario, Canada." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 20 (October 16, 2021): 10881. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182010881.
Full textAbstract:
Health inequities are systemic, avoidable, and unjust differences in health between populations. These differences are often determined by social and structural factors, such as income and social status, employment and working conditions, or race/racism, which are referred to as the social determinants of health (SDOH). According to public opinion, health is considered to be largely determined by the choices and behaviours of individuals. However, evidence suggests that social and structural factors are the key determinants of health. There is likely a lack of public understanding of the role that social and structural factors play in determining health and producing health inequities. Public opinion and priorities can drive governmental action, so the aim of this work was to determine the most impactful way to increase knowledge and awareness about the social determinants of health (SDOH) and health inequities in the province of Ontario, Canada. A study to test the effectiveness of four different messaging styles about health inequities and the SDOH was conducted with a sample of 805 adult residents of Ontario. Findings show that messages highlighting the challenges faced by those experiencing the negative effects of the SDOH, while still acknowledging individual responsibility for health, were the most effective for eliciting an empathetic response from Ontarians. These findings can be used to inform public awareness campaigns focused on changing the current public narrative about the SDOH toward a more empathetic response, with the goal of increasing political will to enact policies to address health inequities in Ontario.
36
Kidd, Dorothy. "North American Extra-Activism and Indigenous Communications Practices." MEDIACIONES 16, no. 25 (December 17, 2020): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26620/uniminuto.mediaciones.16.25.2020.222-245.
Full textAbstract:
There has been a wealth of research in Latin America on the most recent global intensification of extractivism, or the capitalist exploitation of natural resources. Some of this research has examined the resistance among front-line Indigenous and rural communities, and allied environmental groups, who are challenging the development of mega-scale mining, oil, gas, monoagricultural, and related infrastructural projects. Researchers have noted many similar tactical repertoires that can take multiple forms (through direct action, media representation, and in legal, political, and educational forums) and extend across geographic scales (local, national, regional, and transnational). Communications is key to much of their work; however there has been far less research examining the communications practices in any detail. This article focuses on the communications practices in use in three Indigenous led campaigns against extractivist projects in North America, the decade-old Unist’ot’en Camp in northwestern Canada, Idle No More, and the #NoDAPL of the Standing Rock Sioux. My findings indicate that a resurgent Indigenous movement, in concert with environmental and other settler allies, has adopted an array of communications practices that combine protective action on behalf of their lands and waters with the creation of new communities in place-based assemblies and social media and digital networks.
37
Eagles, Munroe. "The Political Ecology of Campaign Contributions in Canada: A Constituency-Level Analysis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 3 (September 1992): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900021454.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores the constituency dimension of campaign financing in the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada. The analysis uncovers considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations. These variations appear to be related to the past local and regional strengths of parties, to the expected closeness of the current contest, and to whether incumbents are running for re-election. Multivariate analyses suggest that these political variables have a broadly consistent impact on fund-raising after other features of the socio-economic diversity of constituencies have been controlled.
38
Carty, Kenneth. "Inside the Campaign: Managing Elections in Canada." Party Politics 28, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688211072615.
Full text
39
Treglazova, E. V., and G. Kosov. "Financial regulation of political parties of Canada as a component of campaign." CASPIAN REGION: Politics, Economics, Culture 45, no. 4 (2015): 178–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21672/1818-510x-2015-45-4-178-181.
Full text
40
Benoit, W. L. "News Coverage of Political Campaign Debates in Australia, Canada, and the UK." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 12, no. 4 (2012): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2012-12-4-101-106.
Full text
41
Stanbury, W. T. "The Mother's Milk of Politics: Political Contributions to Federal Parties in Canada, 1974–1984." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 795–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900055153.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAbstract. This study provides data to answer a number of important questions concerning the financing of the three main political parties at the federal level between 1974 and 1984. It analyzes both the regulated campaign expenditures by parties and candidates and the unregulated party expenditures outside official campaign periods. The main focus is on the importance of different sources of contributions to each party: individuals, corporations, trade unions, and interest groups. New details are provided on large contributions by individuals and corporations, and on the contributions of the largest 500 nonfinancial enterprises in Canada. Finally, the study notes that despite new federal legislation concerning political contributions and expenditures in 1974 the relationship between contributions and influence remains shrouded in secrecy.
42
Siegel, Andre, and James Hull. "Made in Canada! The Canadian Manufacturers’ Association’s Promotion of Canadian-Made Goods, 1911-1921." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 25, no. 1 (August 28, 2015): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032797ar.
Full textAbstract:
Beginning just before WW1 and continuing into the postwar period, the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association mounted a campaign to sell Canadian consumers on the virtues of buying “Made in Canada” goods. Not simply an appeal to patriotism, this campaign had to convince Canadian consumers of the satisfactory quality of such goods — which manufacturers had to deliver the substance of — in an increasingly sophisticated retail and marketing environment. Such an encouragement of the demand side of the producer/consumer equation is an important example of the proactive stance taken by Canadian manufacturers in the early twentieth century to improve their own viability and success. This paper examines the “Made in Canada” campaign as part of a range of business strategies that also included support for scientific industrial research, technical standardization, and vocational education, alongside more traditional anti-competitive policies. The scope of these strategies suggests that the impact of the Second Industrial Revolution was being fully felt in Canada and business leaders recognized the implications of a new political economy in which an unimaginative defence of the protective tariff was no longer adequate.
43
Wesley, Jared, and Sylvia Wong. "Beyond Fragments: The Canadian State and the Origins of Alberta Political Culture." International Journal of Canadian Studies 60 (March 1, 2022): 60–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.60.x.60.
Full textAbstract:
This article traces the origins of Alberta political culture to an unlikely source: the federal government’s immigration marketing posters from the early-twentieth century. Through a qualitative document analysis of the “Last Best West” campaign, the findings reveal how the Government of Canada helped cultivate values of settler colonialism, populism, individualism, frontier masculinity, and moral traditionalism among the settler population. The article closes with a discussion of how these values continue to influence Alberta politics today.
44
Adams Unger, Granite. "Red Scare Three." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v4i1.2748.
Full textAbstract:
This article documents the history of united front work in Canada. It demonstrates how the Chinese Communist Party has long been engaged in a persistent campaign of interference in our politics and how the Canadian political establishment has been slow in recognizing this fact. It also seeks to explain why this realization was so slow in coming. Finally, it concludes by offering two alternative visions for how Canada might address this threat now that it has been recognized and makes a brief case for which is preferable.
45
Logvinova, Dariya. "The Canadian Electoral System." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.110-118.
Full textAbstract:
The Canadian electoral system is one of the most democratic in the world. Despite the constant challenges of changing reality, Canadaʼs political institutions continue to function as usual, providing, first and foremost, a legal framework that allows civilized forms to address many of the present-day problems. Given the difficult situation in Ukraine, research into the experience of most developed countries, such as Canada, on the formation and functioning of an effective electoral system is as relevant as ever. This article examines the process of origination and formation of the Canadian electoral system in historical retrospect, with a focus on gender and racial components. It also highlighted the peculiarities of the election system in Canada during the election campaign (brief analysis of Canadian electoral law during the last three cycles of parliamentary elections 2008, 2011 and 2015), the advantages and disadvantages of major parties policy, which helped to make conclusions about the activity and effectiveness of change in the Canadian election field. How has the political spectrum of the country changed as a result of each election cycle? Why was the ruling party defeated? And will classic values and traditions be revived? Finding answers to these questions may be of interest to Canadian scholars as well as to researchers of general democratic processes taking place in the modern world.
Keywords: electoral system, suffrage, electoral process, gender equality, racial component, electoral system, political party, politician.
46
Demchuk, Arthur. "Modern federal political parties of Canada in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2021 parliamentary elections." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018844-5.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the balance of power between the leading national political parties in Canada after the early general elections of 2021 in the context of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the main issues of the election campaign, the key tasks and challenges facing the parliamentary parties of Canada in the coming years, and also touches upon the problem of reforming the Canadian majoritarian electoral system, leading to a serious disparity between the number of votes received by parties at the national level and the number of seats in the House of Commons obtained as a result of the elections.
47
SIROMSKYI, Ruslan. "The Freedom to Choose a Country of Residence: Re-emigration from Canada to the Ukrainian SSR (1955–1960-ies)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3598.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the peculiarities of the Soviet policy of return-to-the-homeland campaign from Canada to the Ukrainian SSR, which since 1955 was conducted by the Committee for Repatriation to the Motherland. The Ukrainian Diaspora in Canada occupied a special place in the committee’s efforts. The propaganda campaign for re-emigration was aimed at forming a positive images of the Soviet Union / Ukrainian SSR, in particular their economic achievements. The emotional component that was used to stir up nostalgia among the Diaspora was also fully used. The Ukrainian pro-communist press published numerous letters by Ukrainians who had lived in Canada but returned to their native land as evidence of the wonderful life in Ukraine. The return-to-the-homeland campaign was helped by leftist Canadian organizations (such as Association of United Ukrainian Canadians) through their own newspapers. It regularly published letters to friends in Canada from recent returnees. The return-to-the-homeland campaign was conducted in the context of the Cold War and the difficult relationship between Canada and the Soviet Union. However, re-emigration from Canada did not become so massive, as hoped for by its organizers, and by its scale was inferior to reminiscences from other countries (for example, from Argentina). The hundreds of Canadians who resettled in the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1950s represented only a small part of the Ukrainian origin community in Canada. But even in this situation, the Canadian government’s position on the return-to-the-homeland campaign was clearly considered too passive by members of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee. Canadians who returned to the U.S.S.R. felt duped and were not easily integrated into Soviet life. Those who succumbed to the manipulation of Soviet propaganda were quickly disappointed with the realities of life in the Ukrainian SSR and began to appeal for a return. Such persons immediately fell within the sight of the Committee of State Security, whose staff conducted “preventive conversations” with them. From the Canadian government’s perspective, there were no problems for people who had been born in Canada and they were eligible for Canadian citizenship. From the Soviet point of view, such steps were equivalent to political betrayals and were completely prevented. Separate cases of successful returns to the ocean were fixed at the beginning of the 1970s, which became possible due to the detente of international tensions during the Cold War and more persistent actions by Canadian authorities. A small number of repatriates managed with considerable difficulty to return to Canada. Some of them (N. Demydenko, E. Lenko) have been seeking permission to go to Canada for several years.
48
Small, Tamara A. "Canadian Cyberparties: Reflections on Internet-Based Campaigning and Party Systems." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 639–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070734.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.Canadian political parties have been using the Internet as a campaign tool since the 1997 election.Rebuilding Canadian Party Politicsby Carty, Cross and Young (2000) presents one of the first analyses of Internet-based communications during a Canadian election. It is also one of the most important assessments of Canadian party systems. The book outlines the components that characterize the fourth party system, which they argue, began after the 1993 election. Regionalization is the defining characteristic of this emerging system. The book argues that the Internet, like other communication technologies, is important in this latest party system. Consistent with the notion of regionalized campaign communications, the authors suggest that Canadian political parties use the Internet to target campaign messages to different regional and sociodemographic groups and enter into private conversations with voters. Using original data collected from the 2004 federal election, this paper reflects on these claims. The paper builds the case that the use of the Internet as a campaign tool is not consistent with their argument. Internet-based campaign communications in Canada by the major parties is neither regionalized nor targeted. Rather, this technology makes campaign communication more transparent and centralized.Résumé.Au Canada, les partis politiques utilisent Internet comme outil de campagne depuis l'élection de 1997.Rebuilding Canadian Party Politics, par Carty, Cross et Young (2000), présente l'une des premières analyses des communications sur Internet pendant une campagne électorale. Il constitue aussi l'une des plus importantes évaluations des systèmes des partis politiques canadiens. Le livre dégage également les éléments qui caractérisent le système à quatre partis qui est né, selon eux, après l'élection de 1993. La régionalisation est la caractéristique déterminante de ce nouveau système. Le livre soutient qu'Internet, comme les autres technologies de communication, est important pour ce nouveau système à quatre partis. Conformément à la notion de communications de campagne régionalisées, les auteurs suggèrent que les partis politiques canadiens utilisent Internet pour cibler les messages de campagne selon les différents groupes régionaux et sociodémographiques et engager des conversations privées avec les électeurs. Le présent article examine ces affirmations à partir des données recueillies lors de l'élection fédérale de 2004. Il établit que l'utilisation d'Internet comme outil de campagne ne cadre pas avec leur argument. Les campagnes de communication sur Internet menées par les principaux partis au Canada ne sont ni régionalisées ni ciblées. Cette technologie rend plutôt les communications des campagnes électorales plus transparentes et plus centralisées.
49
Christensen, Benjamin. "Ontario Pension Policy Making and the Politics of CPP Reform, 1963–2016." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000805.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfter years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.
50
Hall, M. Ann, and Bruce Kidd. "History and Individual Memory: The Story of Eva Dawes." Sport History Review 48, no. 2 (November 2017): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2017-0003.
Full textAbstract:
Eva Dawes Spinks (1912–2009) was an outstanding Canadian high jumper in the 1930s. The present paper traces her early life, successful athletic career, and her decision in 1935 to join a group of athletes on a goodwill tour of the Soviet Union organized by the Workers’ Sports Association of Canada. Upon her return, Dawes was suspended by the Women’s Amateur Athletic Union of Canada. She retired from competition and became involved in the Canadian campaign to boycott the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Much later, Dawes adamantly denied any political involvement. The purpose of this paper is to examine and possibly explain the incongruity between the historical evidence and Dawes’s later denials. More broadly, it is a discussion about the relationship between history and individual memory.