Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political campaigns – Canada

Academic literature on the topic 'Political campaigns – Canada'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Contents

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Political campaigns – Canada.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Political campaigns – Canada"

1

Speers, Kim. "For Better or Worse: How Political Consultants are Changing Elections in the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 446–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906349980.

Full text
Abstract:
For Better or Worse: How Political Consultants are Changing Elections in the United States, David Dulio, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004, pp. xvii, 289.During the 2004 federal election, the media shone light on the political consultants who were reportedly affiliated or somehow related to Paul Martin's election campaign. By their account, the traditional party machine, often viewed to be the primary, if not the only, actor in political campaigns in Canada, seemed to have taken a backseat to the expensive, polished and professional campaign machinery the private sector had to offer. Campaign management through consultancy was now publicly visible in Canada and reliance on the party machine, while still important, seemed to face competition in terms of expertise and proximity to power. However, the study of political campaigns and specifically, the role of political consultants within campaigns, has received sparse attention from the political science community outside of the United States. Yet even in the US, in spite of the prevalent and pervasive presence of political consultants in electoral politics, the study of this group is relatively new.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

McKelvey, Fenwick, and Jill Piebiak. "Porting the political campaign: The NationBuilder platform and the global flows of political technology." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675439.

Full text
Abstract:
Political parties rely on digital technologies to manage volunteering, fundraising, fieldwork, and data collection. They also need tools to manage web, email, and social media outreach. Increasingly, new political engagement platforms integrate these tasks into one unified system. These platforms pose important questions about the flows of political practices from campaigns to platforms and vice versa as well as across campaigns globally. NationBuilder is a critical case in their study. It is a leading non-partisan platform used in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The case of NationBuilder in Canada analyzes how political engagement platforms coordinate the global flows of politics. Through interviews, we find reciprocal influence among developers, party activists, consultants, and the NationBuilder platform. We call this process porting. It results in NationBuilder becoming a more portable global platform in tandem with becoming an imported, hybridized part of a campaign’s digital infrastructure.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Clark, Marianne I., Kerry R. McGannon, Tanya R. Berry, Colleen M. Norris, Wendy M. Rodgers, and John C. Spence. "Taking a hard look at the Heart Truth campaign in Canada: A discourse analysis." Journal of Health Psychology 23, no. 13 (September 28, 2016): 1699–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359105316669581.

Full text
Abstract:
The Canadian Heart and Stroke Foundation launched the Heart Truth campaign to increase women’s awareness of heart disease. However, little is known about how such campaigns intersect with broader understandings of gender and health. This discourse analysis examined the construction of gender, risk, and prevention within campaign material. Two primary discourses emerged: one of acceptable femininity, which outlines whose risk, survivorship, and prevention matters, and another of selfless prevention. Women of diverse ethnic, sexual, and socio-economic background were largely absent. Prevention was portrayed as a personal choice, eclipsing conversations about social determinants of health and the socio-political context of heart disease.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Maillé, Chantal. "Improving Democracy: Gender Quotas and Diversity in Canada." International Conference on Gender Research 5, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): pp123–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/icgr.5.1.298.

Full text
Abstract:
The adoption of quotas for the election of women is a worldwide trend that is changing the face of national politics in many countries. Research shows that such measures are successful. First, this text reviews international literature on the adoption of gender quotas for electing women and their impact on minority women. What are the processes leading to the adoption of gender quotas in different contexts? Who initiates the process? How do quota campaigns get started? In the second section, the text uses Canada as a case study to understand the starting point for gender and/or diversity quota campaigns. In Canada, the idea of quotas for women and for minorities is on the agenda of many political organizations, but although there seems to be a new symbolic opening for having gender quotas at some levels of Canadian political institutions, popular support is still low. What about quotas for other groups such as minorities? A survey conducted in 2016 found that a majority of Canadians are open to designating seats for the country’s Indigenous peoples to boost their representation in Parliament and on the Supreme Court. Another study conducted on existing affirmative action programs provides insight on how quotas are perceived. These programs, in operation since the 1980s, are aimed at redressing past inequities and promoting the hiring of five designated groups. The survey indicates that no one is in favour of discriminating against marginalized groups; nevertheless, a large majority of respondents supported meritocracy and resisted affirmative action. In the 2021 Canadian federal election, there were no gender quotas and the number of women elected at the Canadian Parliament was 30% percent, a 1% increase from the 2019 election. In Quebec, one of the thirteen provinces and territories of Canada, an informal campaign for gender quotas in the 2018 provincial election has led to the election of 41% of women. Gender quota campaigns create openings to introduce diversity into the conversation. More research is needed to explain why there is still resistance to certain types of quotas such as gender quotas in the specific context of Canada. Overall, bringing a more diversified body of representatives to parliaments contributes to the revitalization of electoral politics and can improve democracy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Sullivan, Katherine V. R. "The gendered digital turn: Canadian mayors on social media." Information Polity 26, no. 2 (June 3, 2021): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-200301.

Full text
Abstract:
Women continue to occupy lesser positions of power at all political levels in Canada, although scholars still argue on the accessibility of municipal politics to women. However, no previous study has systematically examined the gender ratio of mayors across Canada, as well as their (active) use of social media platforms in a professional capacity. Using novel data, this study examines the variation in social media adoption and active use by gender outside of an electoral campaign. Results show that there is a higher proportion of women mayors who have a Facebook page, as well as Twitter and Instagram accounts and who actively use them outside of electoral campaigns, when compared with men mayors’ social media practices.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Eagles, Munroe. "The Effectiveness of Local Campaign Spending in the 1993 and 1997 Federal Elections in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040065.

Full text
Abstract:
Recent studies of the effects of campaign spending by political parties and candidates at elections in Canada and elsewhere have established the importance of local constituency campaigns. However, particular claims to measure the effects of campaign spending on the vote have been questioned on methodological grounds. This article revisits the question of whether local spending matters in Canadian federal elections. Responding to some criticisms of earlier work, this analysis presents the results of two parallel regression analyses (the first employing two–stage least squares estimation, the second using three–stage least squares techniques) of the effects of local spending in the 1993 and 1997 elections. The results offer strong confirmation that comparatively greater local spending by candidates enhances their vote shares, and diminishes that of rivals, albeit to different degrees for different parties and elections.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Palmer, Susan J., Dilmurat Mahmut, and Abdulmuqtedir Udun. "Women in the Uyghur Advocacy Movement in Canada: The Making of a Political “Activist"." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v3i1.69.

Full text
Abstract:
This study analyzes the life stories of three female Uyghur political activists. Born and raised in East Turkestan/Xinjiang, all three chose to emigrate to the West. Today they live in Canada, advocating for the rights of Turkic peoples in their “Homeland” and raising public awareness of the CCP’s campaign against the Uyghurs, a campaign which is currently recognized as genocidal by seven countries as well as a number of human rights organizations. This study adopts a narrative analysis of these life stories, which were collected as a form of oral history. The narratives focus on the experiences of ethnic Uyghurs living, studying, and working in China in the 1980s–2000s during the ongoing crackdowns and “strike hard” campaigns in East Turkestan/Xinjiang. Through the techniques of narrative analysis, we investigate and analyze the tensions, turning points, and motivations which led to their personal transformations and decision to become publicly involved in creating social and political change for their community. While the political statements of Rukiye Turdush, Arzu Gul, and Raziya Mahmut have been widely circulated in Canadian government and media reports, this study focuses on their personal lives and the troubling, traumatic events in their youth which triggered their choice to leave China. We ultimately argue that a narrative analysis of their stories helps us perceive these narratives as a continuation of their activism.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Hebert, Joel. "“Sacred Trust”: Rethinking Late British Decolonization in Indigenous Canada." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 3 (July 2019): 565–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.3.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Sevin, Efe, and Sarphan Uzunoğlu. "Do Foreigners Count? Internationalization of Presidential Campaigns." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 3 (March 2017): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217701215.

Full text
Abstract:
The U.S. presidential elections always attract the attention of foreign audiences—who, despite not being able to vote, choose to follow the campaigns closely. For a post that is colloquially dubbed as the “Leader of the Free World,” it is not unexpected to see such an interest coming from nonvoters. Mimicking almost hosting a megaevent, the elections increase the media coverage on the United States, thus making the elections a platform to communicate with the rest of the world and to influence the reputation of the country, or its nation brand. This study postulates that the increasing adoption of social media by campaigns as well as ordinary users, increase the symbolic importance of presidential elections for foreign audiences in two ways. First, foreign audiences no longer passively follow the campaign but rather present their input to sway the American public opinion through social media campaigns. Second, foreign audiences are exposed to a variety of messages ranging from official campaigns to late-night comedy shows to local grassroots movements. The audiences both enjoy a more in-depth understanding of the elections campaigns and are exposed to alternative political views. In this study, the 2016 U.S. presidential elections are positioned as a megaevent that can influence the American nation brand. Through a comparative content and network analyses of messages disseminated over social media in the United Kingdom, Turkey, Canada, and Venezuela, the nation branding–related impacts of election campaigns are investigated.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Webber, Cole, and Ashleigh Doherty. "Staking out territory: District-based organizing in Toronto, Canada." Radical Housing Journal 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/worg9211.

Full text
Abstract:
Capital’s renewed drive to profit from real estate has precipitated the multiplication of organizing initiatives around tenancy. In Toronto’s Parkdale neighbourhood, social dislocation results from, among other conditions, the consolidation of rental housing by firms and investors pursuing a strategy of “repositioning”. In this conversation, Ashleigh Doherty and Cole Webber, members of Parkdale Organize, discuss how, more than any particular organizing method, political principles have guided their interventions. Neither tenant union nor activist network, neither political party nor social agency, Parkdale Organize is a group of militant working-class people whose aim is to facilitate independent organizations of struggle within a specific territory. Members adhere to a set of principles which compel them to intervene in struggles of daily life as they affect working-class people in their area. To date these struggles have included fights against evictions and rent increases, support for labour strikes, and campaigns to defend neighbourhood services.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political campaigns – Canada"

1

Farries, Greg, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "What voters want, what campaigns provide : examining Internet based campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2005, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/250.

Full text
Abstract:
This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.
vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Daigle, Delton T. "Catching the Big Wave: Public Opinion Polls and Bandwagons in US and Canadian Elections." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282138561.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Prno, Justin. "Celebrating the True North: Canada Day as Part of a Political Master Brand." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39055.

Full text
Abstract:
In Canada, the rise of political branding coincided with the adoption of the permanent campaign, creating an environment in which politicking is now normalized and politicization is expected. With Canada Day 2017 as a case study, this thesis adopts Marland’s Branding Lens Thesis (2016) as a conceptual framework to analyze if a national holiday became part of the Liberal Party of Canada’s master brand. The key conclusion of this thesis is that the Liberals integrated their ‘master brand’ into Canada Day 2017 by integrating political branding into their government communications. This thesis also shows that Justin Trudeau played a bigger role during Canada Day than expected by a Prime Minister. Significantly, this thesis shows the Liberal government altered the themes and messaging of Canada 150 to parallel that of their master brand, applying a Liberal tint to Canada Day and Canada 150.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Gibson, Gregory Dean. "Moving forward : the "save the Kogawa house" campaign and reconciliatory politics in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/12605.

Full text
Abstract:
This paper examines the symbolic implications of preserving Canadian author Joy Kogawa’s childhood home in the name of “reconciliation.” The house features prominently in Kogawa’s acclaimed semi-autobiographical novel Obasan, based in part on her experience of Japanese Canadian internment during World War II. From 2003 to 2006, the house was poised for demolition until a non-profit land trust secured the house’s protection through a campaign guided by ideals of “hope, healing, and reconciliation.” In the current global climate of redress, the oft-invoked terms “reconciliation” and “healing” are increasingly evacuated of meaning, and are consequently dismissed simply as empty rhetoric. I sought to determine how these terms operated in the context of the Kogawa House. In order to assess the site’s capacity to engage reconciliatory ideals, I consulted and analyzed fundraising materials published by campaign organizers, letters of support from the public, and relevant media reports. I argue first that the real-world history of internment converged conceptually with Obasan’s fictionalized telling of these events so that the house and Kogawa herself became cognitive metonyms for the larger injustice. As a result, collective/national healing and reconciliation could be metonymically enacted through more familiar modes of interpersonal reconciliation. For example, Kogawa’s long-awaited “homecoming,” a deeply meaningful moment for the author herself, could become a gesture of symbolic restitution for all Japanese Canadians’ lost property. The second argument central to this thesis is that the historically dark period of Japanese Canadian internment, and its legacies, was made more intelligible and coherent for various stakeholders through the overlapping narratives constructed around saving the Kogawa House. I contend that what was at stake in this heritage preservation project was not only post-war relations between Japanese Canadians and the nation that betrayed them, but also the dominant Canadian narrative of multiculturalism—that Canada is a country that embraces diversity and upholds human rights. This reconciliatory project maintained the coherence of this vital Canadian myth. I conclude by claiming the Kogawa House as a successful model for community-based projects aimed at sustainable reconciliation, where ongoing engagement with past injustices is vital to deterrence and non-repetition of future ones.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Jenkins, Richard William. "Campaigns, the media and the insurgent success, the Reform Party and the 1993 Canadian election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0015/NQ46362.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Drews, Ronald C. "Electoral manipulation and the influence of polling on politicians : a study of political organization in the Liberal Party of Canada up to the 1984 election campaign." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59613.

Full text
Abstract:
This study examines the influence of polls and pollsters on politicians. The analysis reviews the American literature, which suggests that electoral technology is used by private political consultants to assist the politician in manipulating the voter. Six hypotheses are identified from the electoral manipulation literature, focusing specifically on the influence of political consultants on politicians. These hypotheses are tested with an historical analysis of the use of polls in the political organization of the Liberal Party of Canada from 1943 to 1984. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with prominent Liberals, and are reviewed to further test the hypotheses as they relate to the influence of polling on politicians. The study concludes by examining the rise of electoral technocracy in the party, and by assessing the pollsters' influence on political decision-making.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Small, Tamara A. "Cyber-campaign 2000, the function of the Internet in Canadian electoral politics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ65054.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Gold, Daniel. "Lobbying Regulation in Canada and the United States: Political Influence, Democratic Norms and Charter Rights." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40908.

Full text
Abstract:
Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States. The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time. The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices. The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Hlôšková, Barbora. "Využitie sociálných sietí počas kanadských federálných volieb 2015." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372960.

Full text
Abstract:
The diploma thesis is dealing with the analysis of the use of social networks by two canadian political parties and their leaders during the Canadian federal election 2015. The thesis refers to the theory of political communication, election campaigns and political marketing as the theoretical basis. It approaches the concept of Web 2.0 and identifies two major social media functions in political communication, dissemination of information and engagement. Use of social media and the representation of the these features is further analyzed by quantitative content analysis on social networks Facebook, Twitter and Youtube. The thesis builds on the past and present social networking research and can serve as a basis for further research into the use of social networks in political communication.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Beange, Pauline E. "Canadian Campaign Finance in Comparative Perspective 2000-2011: A Failed Paradigm or Just a Cautionary Tale?" Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32664.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis compares the public policies of campaign finance in Canada with those in the U.S. and the U.K. in the period 2000-2011. The majority of the Canadian literature on party finance demonstrates a belief in the efficacy and necessity of the enterprise. This dissertation suspends this disposition and offers a critical approach to the regulation of money in Canadian elections. This thesis situates the discussion of party finance regulation in the context of contending models of democracy. Campaign finance rule changes are conceptualized within a new institutionalist framework. Changes in campaign finance rules are seen as changes in incentives and are seen to work in configurations, that is, interacting with existing formal and informal constraints. New institutionalism provides the avenue of inquiry into the position of political parties on the boundary of the public and private spheres and how campaign finance regulation may shift that boundary. This thesis adopts a mixed-method approach, incorporating the results of 65 semi-structured interviews with academics and political practitioners with primary document research. This thesis demonstrates that campaign finance rule changes interact with other electoral rules, types of parties and the nation’s historic institutions. The need to meld Quebec’s statist and civil-code traditions with Westminster democratic traditions, the introduction of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the role of subsequent court decisions, and the role of Elections Canada in its political finance oversight capacity, constitute major catalysts for Canadian party finance rule changes and for understanding the impact of rule changes. Contrary to the majority of literature on campaign finance reform, this thesis demonstrates that there may be diminishing marginal returns to additional campaign finance regulations, at least in a mature democracy such as Canada. Campaign finance rules reveal preferences for different models of democracy. As such, they must be carefully monitored.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Political campaigns – Canada"

1

J, Bell David V., Fletcher Frederick J, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Reaching the voter: Constituency campaigning in Canada. Toronto: Published by Dundurn Press Limited in cooperation with the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing and Canada Communication Group-Publishing, Supply and Services Canada, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

J, Fletcher Frederick, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Media and voters in Canadian election campaigns. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

J, Fletcher Frederick, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Election broadcasting in Canada. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

J, Fletcher Frederick, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Reporting the campaign: Election coverage in Canada. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Gérer la victoire?: Organisation, communication, stratégie. Boucherville, Québec, Canada: G. Morin, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Getting elected in Canada. Stratford, Ont., Canada: Mercury Press, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Argyle, Ray. Turning points: The campaigns that changed Canada : 2004 and before. Toronto, Ont: White Knight Publications, 2004.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Sayers, Anthony M. Parties, candidates, and constituency campaigns in Canadian elections. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Laschinger, John. Leaders & lesser mortals: Backroom politics in Canada. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Laschinger, John. Leaders & lesser mortals: Backroom politics in Canada. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Political campaigns – Canada"

1

Budd, Brian. "The Populist Radical Right Goes Canadian: An Analysis of Kellie Leitch’s Failed 2016–2017 Conservative Party of Canada Leadership Campaign." In Populism and World Politics, 137–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04621-7_6.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass, and Ravi Baltutis. "TIPA Experiments in Other Authentic Democracies." In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 57–75. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_6.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractIn this chapter we offer a review of trials and experiments in truth in election advertising legislation in other comparable settings in order to see what lessons might be taken from them. Analysis of legislation in other jurisdictions reveals the multiple challenges facing this type of legislation and is instructive for those considering a similar legal approach. These challenges have also enriched our own efforts to render s 113 of the Electoral Act 1985 (SA) (as well as s 297A of the Electoral Act 1992 (ACT)) more robust, operable and successful in addressing the problem of false campaign statements and improving the quality of electoral discourse. The relevant trial settings are New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Scala, Francesca. "The Gender Dynamics of Interest Group Politics: The Case of the Canadian Menstruators and the Campaign to Eliminate the “Tampon Tax”." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 379–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_19.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Flynn, Greg, and Marguerite Marlin. "The policy capacity of political parties in Canada." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 257–74. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0012.

Full text
Abstract:
Political parties and their members are often viewed as having limited impact on government policy choices. However, prior research shows that both sets of actors devote considerably more time and resources to policy-related activities than this view would suggest. We examine the policy capacity of parties and their members to influence policy-making in Canada over the course of the last decade. We focus on the ability of party members to have their policy wishes included in election campaign manifestos and the extent to which the 2008 and 2011 federal Conservative governments were able to fulfill their campaign commitments in a highly challenging policy capacity environment. Consistent with prior studies on previous Conservative and Liberal governments, this examination demonstrates that while governments face a number of influences on their policy choices, the policy wishes of party members and the election campaign policy commitments of parties have a significant influence.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

"Election campaign." In Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs 2009. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442630871-033.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Godbold Jr., E. Stanly. "Hostages and Politics." In Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, 390—C28.P44. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197581568.003.0029.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract This chapter relates the ultimately successful top secret plan, called the “Canadian Caper,” to rescue six US diplomats who had escaped capture by the Iranian students put in place by Carter, the CIA, and the Canadian ambassador to Iran Kenneth Taylor. The chapter then goes on to discuss how Carter dropped his plan to balance the nation’s budget and began a massive, secret build-up of US military power using the most modern technology. Finally, it addresses Ted Kennedy’s campaign to win the Democratic nomination. Carter opted to concentrate on his job as president as long as the hostages remained imprisoned, while Rosalynn took the lead in the campaign.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Francoli, Mary. "Exploring the Concept of the “Social Media Campaign”." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 133–44. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6038-0.ch009.

Full text
Abstract:
On May 2, 2011, Canadians voted in what the news media dubbed “Canada's First Social Media Election.” This allowed Canadians to join their neighbours to the south who, arguably, had gone through one national social media election during the 2008 bid for the presidency. Through a theoretical discussion of what constitutes sociality and networked sociality, and a critical examination of social media as a campaign tool, this chapter asks “What makes a campaign social?” It also asks if the term “social media campaign” adequately describes current campaign practices? In exploring these questions, the chapter draws on the 2011 federal election in Canada and the 2008 American election. Ultimately, the chapter argues we have limited evidence that social media has led to increased sociality when it comes to electoral politics. This calls the appropriateness of the term “social media campaign” into question. Such lack of evidence stems from the dynamism of networked sociality, which renders it difficult to understand, and methodological difficulties when it comes to capturing what it means to be “social.”
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Francoli, Mary. "Exploring the Concept of the “Social Media Campaign”." In Social Media Marketing, 1433–44. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5637-4.ch066.

Full text
Abstract:
On May 2, 2011, Canadians voted in what the news media dubbed “Canada's First Social Media Election.” This allowed Canadians to join their neighbours to the south who, arguably, had gone through one national social media election during the 2008 bid for the presidency. Through a theoretical discussion of what constitutes sociality and networked sociality, and a critical examination of social media as a campaign tool, this chapter asks “What makes a campaign social?” It also asks if the term “social media campaign” adequately describes current campaign practices? In exploring these questions, the chapter draws on the 2011 federal election in Canada and the 2008 American election. Ultimately, the chapter argues we have limited evidence that social media has led to increased sociality when it comes to electoral politics. This calls the appropriateness of the term “social media campaign” into question. Such lack of evidence stems from the dynamism of networked sociality, which renders it difficult to understand, and methodological difficulties when it comes to capturing what it means to be “social.”
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

"Chapter Two: Flawless Campaign, Fragile Victory: The 2006 Canadian Federal Election." In Making Political Choices, 37–66. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442603424-005.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Stanbury, William T. "Financing Federal Politics in Canada in an Era of Reform." In Campaign and Party Finance in North America and Western Europe, 68–120. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042232-4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Political campaigns – Canada"

1

Bohuslavskyj, Oleh. UKRAINIAN-CANADIAN NEWSPAPER “NEW PATHWAY”: WINNIPEG PERIOD (1941-1977). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11391.

Full text
Abstract:
The subject of the study is the ideological, financial, economic and socio-social conditions of the publishing house and the editorial board of the magazine “New Pathway” Winnipeg period 1941-1977. The main objectives is to determine the peculiarities of the conditions of publishing a Ukrainian magazine in exile, which provides for the systematization and introduction into scientific circulation of factual material on creative and material activities of the “New Pathway” and socio-political environment that influenced the information and ideological and business policy of the publication. The basis of the research methodology is axiological, cultural, systemic approaches; methods of historicism, analysis, synthesis, generalization were used. The study provides not only a description of the historical path of the publication in this period, but also the reasons for miscalculations and successes, both financial and economic and socio-political, which allowed not only to stay in the information field and market for more than ninety years, technical circumstances of its existence, the political struggle in the new wave of emigration after World War II, changes in demographic and linguistic situation among the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. The reasons for the situational increase and decrease in the activity of the publication’s subscribers were identified; the mechanisms of expanding the readership, attracting new readers and authors are analyzed; confirmed that the efforts of editors and directors of the publishing house at the initial stage of the Winnipeg period created and strengthened the material and technical base of the publishing house, conducted advertising campaigns and direct work to attract new subscribers and readers; The significance of the study is that for the first time in Ukraine the information about the Winnipeg period of the Ukrainian-Canadian weekly “New Pathway”, its financial and financial problems and creative and editorial successes was analyzed and summarized, thus filling another page in the history of Ukrainian diaspora periodicals.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Political campaigns – Canada' for particular source types:
Journal articles Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography