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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political biography'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Meyer, Nancy Jean. "Vance Hartke : a political biography." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/530361.

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The focus of this dissertation is the political career of R. Vance Hartke, Democratic Senator from Indiana 1958-1976. The areas of emphasis include Hartke's role in the creation of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate and his chairmanship of the Committee, several of the controversies of his career, and his political style and philosophy.Books and articles written by Hartke were used extensively as were various newspapers and the Conqressional Record. Information was also obtained from interviews with Hartke and Frank Brizzi, who was staff director of the Veterans' Affairs Committee during Hartke's term as chairman.That Hartke philosophically was a liberal and politically was a risk-taker are among the conclusions reached in this study. Hartke's strongest asset in winning election to the Senate three times in a relatively conservative state was an energetic and personalized political style. Despite the controversies which surrounded Hartke and some apparent conflicts of interest," there is no evidence he committed illegal or unethical acts. Hartke used his power as chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate to infuse his liberal ideology into public policy for American veterans. Furthermore, he expanded veterans' benefits during his tenure.
Department of Political Science

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2

Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.

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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.

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3

Finch, Michael C. E. "Min Yong-hwan : a political biography." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285252.

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4

Pugh, Peter Richard. "A political biography of Alexander Raven Thomson." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3427/.

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This thesis has been an attempt to isolate the contribution that was made to the fascist movements of Sir Oswald Mosley by Alexander Raven Thomson. Despite featuring in most studies of Mosley's fascist enterprises, until this study little was known of his life and thus the proper context for his work had been lost. In this attempt to analyse Raven Thomson a chronological structure has been adopted. Special attention has, however, been placed on his developing thought in response to Oswald Spengler's prognosis for the future of Europe, before and after his acceptance of fascism in both its inter-war and post-war incarnations. This has enabled new insights into his Corporate State ideas within fascism and the anti-Semitic campaign within which he was an active participant, both of which had been the source of previous academic interest. Unlike other studies in this field which present the reader with either an examination of Mosley fascism to 1940 or British fascists after the war, this study bridges this artificial gap and thus seeks to illustrate the continuity of fascism in Britain. This longer period of study allows for wartime internment and Raven Thomson's part in the revival of fascism to be fully discussed. The result is a biography that attempts to place the subject within its proper context.

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5

Foy, Jason. "Brian Faulkner : success or failure? : a political biography." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602507.

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This thesis is an evaluation of the political career of Brian Faulkner, the last Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, and assessment of its successes and failures. A comprehensive survey of Faulkner has not been produced since his 1978 autobiography. The research traces Faulkner's upbringing and education and identifies the factors which shaped his personality and, later, his political life. The thesis examines the origins of Faulkner's political career and the steps he took to prepare the ground for his entry into politics. It surveys his election to the Northern Ireland House of Commons in 1949 and his rise through the ranks of the Unionist Party. It evaluates his performance in the key cabinet roles of Minister of Home Affairs, Commerce and Development. During these crucial years, Faulkner established himself as an energetic and competent executive but also as a divisive figure within the Unionist Party. His dysfunctional relationship with Prime Minister Terence O'Neill is examined in detail as well as the impact this would have on the stability of the Northern Ireland Government. Faulkner's successes and failures during his short Prime Ministerial term between 1971 and 1972 are set in context and assessed in depth - the failure of his attempts to reform the Stormont system, the introduction of internment and the collapse of the Northern Ireland Government in March 1972. His political revival and instrumental role in the establishment of the power sharing Executive of 1974 are set against its downfall in the midst of the Ulster Worker's Council strike. Faulkner's errors of judgement at Sunningdale are revisited in an assessment of the period. The research sets Faulkner's political career in context and concludes that, while his career ended in failure, . he showed considerable foresight and determination in achieving his most cherished political objective - the preservation of the union.

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6

Armontrout, David Eugene. "John F. Kennedy : a political biography on education." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4259.

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In what is historically a brief number of years, the life and times of John F. Kennedy have taken on legendary proportions. His presidency began with something less than a mandate from the American people, but he brought to the White House an inspiration and a style that offered great promises of things to come.

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7

Clayton, Christopher A. "The political career of Richard Brinsley Sheridan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334098.

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8

Leung, Sze-lok, and 梁思樂. "Political thoughts of Fan Zuyu (1041-1098)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664238.

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9

Lee, Jer-shiarn. "Chang Ping-Lin (1869-1936): A political radical and cultural conservative." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185206.

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Although Chang Ping-lin is well-known for his role in the revolutionary movement that culminated in the termination of imperial rule in 1911, he is more often remembered as a prominent classical scholar. His life and thought illustrates the uneasy relationship between political revolution and cultural conservatism among the intellectuals of his generation, and his advocacy of preserving the national essence paved the way for the far-reaching National Essence Movement in the early twentieth century. This dissertation, thus, represents a study of the tension between politics and culture among Chinese intellectuals and the significance of cultural conservatism during that era. Chang's concern to preserve the national essence was not only because he was a classical scholar, and therefore, felt a responsibility to uphold classical teachings, but also because he believed it was essential for the survival of the nation. Under pressure from Western powers, Chang was afraid that Chinese culture was threatened with extinction. In order to prevent foreign conquest, Chang believed that reform or revolution in China was necessary, and that the most important mission of the reformer or revolutionary was to preserve her unique culture. Therefore, he gave priority to the preservation of the national essence over that of the nation. The latter was important only because it was needed to save the former. And reform or revolution was in turn necessary to save the nation. Chang's lifelong commitment to the preservation of the national essence manifested itself in his two careers: one as a political activist and the other as a classical scholar. Even after the establishment of the Republic of China, Chang remained active in the political arena. He continued to speak out against whatever he perceived to endanger China's sovereignty or its culture. Apart from his involvement in politics, Chang also devoted himself to teaching and the study of China's rich cultural heritage. This effort to preserve the national essence was the most consistent thread in his life.

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10

Perras, Arne. "Carl Peters and German imperialism, 1856-1918 : a political biography." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310370.

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11

Snyder, Timothy D. "Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz (1872-1905) : a political and intellectual biography." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295527.

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12

Oka, Takashi. "A political biography of Ozawa Ichiro: Reformer and policy entrepreneur." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491080.

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Ozawa Ichiro is presented as a policy entrepreneur in the Kingdonian sense, dedicated to turning Japan into what he calls "a normal nation". In so doing, he is attacking Japanese exceptionalism - the idea that the Japanese are somehow unique. The thesis takes the form of a political biography based on three hypotheses: that Ozawa's ideas were distinctive; that he was a policy entrepreneur; and that he had an impact on political change. The time frame covers 18 years, beginning with Ozawa appointment as LDP Secretary General in 1989, and ending with the upper house election of 2007, in which Ozawa for the first time achieved his goal of victory in an election by an opposition party strong enough to compete with the long-ruling LDP.

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13

Lipscomb, Margaret Mary. "Changing meanings of development : Dudley Seers - an intellectual biography." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239394.

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14

Zhou, Jin. "Ren leadership an interpretive biography of Bai Fangli /." Diss., [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-10132009-114811.

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15

Hendon, Paul. "Poetry and political transformations of biography : W. H. Auden 1922-1942." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385050.

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16

Kim, Dae Soon. "A political biography of Hungary's first post-Communist President, Árpád Göncz." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2578/.

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Hungary's political transformation of 1989 has been generally regarded as a peaceful revolution negotiated between the ruling Communists and the opposition. During the National Roundtable Negotiations, the fundamental framework of governance - including the amendment of the Constitution - was decided by members of Hungary's political elite. Hungary's mode of transition to democracy was an elite-led transformation and this was distinct from Czechoslovakia and Poland where the interests of society had been represented - to a large degree - by the likes of Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa. In view of this, some critics argued that compared to Poland and Czechoslovakia, Hungary had no equivalent high-profile figure who could break with the Communist past and claim the ideas of a new democracy. Hungary, however, had its own figure with democratic credentials. Árpád Göncz, who came to prominence during the inter-war period has been one time or another, a student resistance leader during Nazi occupation in Hungary, a steelworker, an agriculturalist, a literary translator and, he subsequently became the first post-Communist President of Hungary. He experienced the major events of Hungarian history first hand, including the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. During this pivotal time, Göncz undertook a significant role in the resistance that followed the suppression of the Revolution; he was sentenced to life imprisonment as a result. His democratic activities were widely acknowledged by political elites and the general public alike. This, in turn, contributed to his election to the Presidency. Significantly, however, much of the existing literature on Hungary's post-Soviet political development has not attached a high degree of importance to Göncz's role in Hungarian history or his political achievements. At present, there are no biographies of Göncz either in English or Hungarian. Thus this thesis, as the first English language scholarly biography, addresses a gap in the literature through the narration of the story of Göncz's life; an expansive account of Göncz's life is situated within a framework of the wider historical, political and social concerns of his generation. Specifically, the following questions are addressed: how were Göncz's political beliefs developed and how did these beliefs later inform his term as the first post-Communist President of Hungary? Narrative analysis and elite interviewing are employed as the main research methods in order to explore the development of Göncz's political beliefs and their significance for the understanding of Hungarian politics. It is argued that as a whole, Göncz made important contributions to the development of Hungarian democracy. Though not born into a political family and constrained by external forces beyond his control, Göncz attempted to address some of the key social and political problems of the age. It is also argued that the decade of Göncz's Presidency was crucial for the shaping of the basic institutional tenets of governance in post-Soviet Hungary. Despite his lack of experience of governance, Göncz created a template for the role of President and significantly affected the demarcation of powers between president and government in the ever-evolving context of the process of political transformation. While his interpretation of the presidential powers and responsibility was not, and could not be regarded as positive in all respects, Göncz's Presidency was imbuded by his liberal and democratic values.

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Rassool, Ciraj. "The individual, auto/biography and history in South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This thesis is a contribution to the field of public history, which the author and others at the University of the Western Cape's History Department have over the last decade pioneered in defining and mapping out in South Africa. Rassool's theories about the relationship between history and biography were developed in relation to the life of the Unity Movement leader, I.B. Tabata.

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18

Cook, C. "Towards a Greater Britain : a political biography of Oswald Mosley, 1918-1947." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2000. http://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/4c1e5ac3-156c-9d67-8ab9-f05ab3c7acdc/1.

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This thesis examines the major stages in the political career of Oswald Mosley and argues that a continuity existed in his diagnosis of contemporary history from the moment he entered political life at the end of the First World War as a zealous parliamentarian till his last days as an unrepentant fascist. An ideal type of the 'esoteric' core of Mosley's ideology is used to identify a consistent thread which resolves the contradictions in Mosley's political agitations into paradoxes. Drawing on a theory of ideology which distinguishes between its fundamental and operative dimensions, Mosley's core (fundamental) ideology is depicted ideal typically as the ambition to realize Bntain's potential for national greatness conceived in a future oriented, modernizing rather than a nostalgic or conservative perspective. The structure of the biography follows the chronological narrative of Mosley's life, episodically, illuminating it through pivotal moments in his career. Through a textual and contextual analysis of these moments it identifies the performance of the operative dimension of Mosley's fundamental ideology in order to bring out its internal consistency. Each chapter highlights a theme which may have manifested itself at other moments in Nlosley's life but is especially distinct at one stage of Nlosley's career. These themes are the myth of the airman, leadership, economics, unemployment, the New Party, the nation and Greater Britain, anti-Semitism and violence, philosophical idealism and the philosophy of apologia. The thesis draws on the vast published textual output from Mosley along with reports of his speeches, supported by many contemporary writings relating to chapter topic. These resources are used to demonstrate and shed light on the esoteric mainspring of Mosley's politics. In addition the thesis demonstrates and argues in favour of a biographic methodology which does not construct the inner machinations of the subject's psychology or 'mind' as an explanation of behaviour but looks pragmatically to the significant products of the subject and constructs, ideal typically, a consistent ideological matrix the centre of the subjects politics. This thesis contributes to knowledge of the subject by presenting a pragmatic understanding of Mosley's political motivations and identifying a consistent core to his political pronouncements. The thesis also brings to biographical studies a phenomenological methodology which dispenses with the postulation of a knowable core personality or 'real' psychological life in order to demonstrate the inner coherence of the subject's personality for the purpose of historical reconstruction.

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19

Orie, Thembeka. "Raymond Mhlaba and the genesis of the Congress Aliance : a political biography." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21837.

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Bibliography: pages 122-128.
The dominant and current theory about the African National Congress in the 1940s is that the Youth League in particular, led by the young, aspirant middle-class intellectuals, radicalised the organisation: that it was a bourgeois revolution within the ANC that led to its rejuvenation. This thesis presents an alternative viewpoint. The study reveals that in Port Elizabeth, there was a distinctively communist-trade unionist oriented group which revolutionalised the ANC: It was this group which consolidated racial and class co-operation against the apartheid system in the mid-1940s and early 1950s. This thesis postulates that in Port Elizabeth it was the working-class activists such as Raymond Mhlaba, with their militant working-class ideologies that gave the ANC a new lease of life and gave the organisation its broad mass appeal. The thesis therefore examines Raymond Mhlaba as an actor in the founding of the Congress Alliance in Port Elizabeth. It looks at how Mhlaba succeeded in building a firm alliance between the trade union movement, the Communist Party and the ANC. It is through this alliance that we learn about the political transformation of the ANC 'from below', that is, from a working-class cadre of activists rather than the middle-class leadership. Mhlaba himself was involved in all three formations and thus played a key role in the alliance politics. Chapter one examines the period before 1941 in order to provide background to the central focus of the study. It looks at the history of the Eastern Cape, Mhlaba's birth place Fort Beaufort, and his early life in the context of the subject of enquiry, the national struggle in its wider context, and the political economy of the period between 1910 to 1941. Through these perspectives the study is able to examine and show the changing forms that the struggle takes at different periods of time. It gives an understanding of the influence of those historical developments on the period and of the form that the struggle took during the period under study. Chapter two looks at the period 1942 to 1946, the years of Mhlaba's early involvement in the labour and political movements. It examines how, when and why Mhlaba got involved in these movements. The study considers the relationship between the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) trade unionists, the communists and the ANC activists. (Mhlaba belonged to all three formations.) It looks at how the ANC leadership was changed from a middle into a working class and Mhlaba's role in this transformation. Also the study examines how mass action in this period reflected racial and class co- operation; and the emergence of a distinctively working class leadership. Chapter three examines Mhlaba's leadership role in the ANC and the Communist Party. It looks at examples of mass action and a selection of important events that took place between 1947 to 1952, in order to demonstrate how the foundation of the broad Congress Alliance solidified. That unity was influenced by the changing polity, post war conditions, and new leadership which included Mhlaba, in Port Elizabeth. Chapter four examines the clandestine conditions in which Mhlaba operated, from 1953 until his imprisonment at Rivonia in 1963. It looks at: the transition from open mass organisation to underground mobilisation; the implementation of the M-Plan; the activities of the Communist Party underground. At the same time it examines the sustenance of the mass organisation through the formation of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and the use of strategies such as stayaways and consumer boycotts in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The chapter also looks at repression by the government, which led to Mhlaba's departure to China, and finally his arrest at Rivonia in 1963.

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Wernitznig, Dagmar. "No documents, no history : a political biography of Rosika Schwimmer (1877-1948)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711810.

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21

Mokoena, Hlonipha. "The making of a kholwa intellectual : a discursive biography of Magema Magwaza Fuze." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12780.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The case of Magema Magwaza Fuze (c. 1840-1922) is about the problem of the introduction of writing in a colonial context and, more specifically, in the context of extensive missionary activity. The relative 'success' of this missionary endeavour appeared not only in the small but growing number of converts to Christianity, but perhaps even more momentously with the emergence of a small but critical mass of individuals who were literate and therefore no longer confirmed to an oral culture only. By the end of the nineteenth century one could talk of an incipient 'class' of educated and literate Africans. As the products of mission education they collectively shared an identity of being both Christian and educated. They were amakholwa (plural noun for 'believers'). Being an ikholwa was a political and social, rather than just a religious identity. Above all, by converting to Christianity and by subscribing to progressive ideals of private property ownership, individual rights and the Protestant work ethic, the amakholwa within the limited political sphere of colonial governance acquired, according to their own understanding, the rights of British subjects.

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22

Maxson, Brian. "Review of Niccolò Machiavelli: An Intellectual Biography." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6207.

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Field, Roger Michael. "Alex la Guma: a literary and political biography of the South African years." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The South African years (1925-1966) of Alex la Guma is examined in this thesis. While La Guma's father was an important role model, most critics have overlooked his mother's contribution to his literary and political development. Throughout the thesis the same point is made about Blanche, La Guma's wife, who supported him in many ways. The researcher describes La Guma's infancy, childhood and adolescence, his father's political profile, how notions of race and writing, coloured identity and family and political experiences created the conditions that enabled him to become a story teller and political activist ...

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Dearey, Melissa Jane. "Life in the pen : subject representation in political prisoner auto/biography, 1963-1983." Thesis, University of York, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14067/.

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25

Raymond, Emilie E. ""From my cold, dead hands' : a political and cultural biography of Charlton Heston" /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091960.

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26

Barzin, Saeed. "Islam in defence of constitutionalism & democracy : a political biography of Iranian ideologue Mehdi Bazargan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332033.

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27

Joens, David A. "John W. E. Thomas : a political biography of Illinois' first African American state legislator /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1791777391&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2009.
"Department of History." Keywords: Thomas, John W. E., Illinois, State legislators, African-Americans. Includes bibliographical references (p. 353-364). Also available online.

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Joens, David Arthur. "John W. E. Thomas: A Political Biography of Illinois' First African American State Legislator." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/293.

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John W. E. Thomas (1847-1899) was elected as Illinois' first African American state legislator in 1877 and served three terms in the Illinois General Assembly. This dissertation serves as the first full length biography of Thomas and seeks to discuss African American politics and society in post Civil War Chicago.

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Talbot, Robert. "Alexander Morris His intellectual and political life and the numbered Treaties." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27922.

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Alexander Morris (1826--1889) is best remembered for his service as Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories (1872--1877), and for acting as the chief Canadian negotiator for Treaties 3--6 with the Amerindian peoples of western Canada. Ideologically speaking, Morris was a conservative, an imperialist, and a devout Christian. Historians have generally argued that Euro-Canadian officials like Morris failed to appreciate the significance of the treaties and the long-term reciprocal relationship that they entailed for Amerindian peoples. It is argued here, however, that Morris's understanding of the treaty relationship may have been much closer to the Amerindian perspective than previously believed. Over time, and through a series of interactions and intellectual exchanges with Amerindian leaders, Morris was able to transcend his social formation and empathize significantly with their viewpoint.

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Rudd, Jeffery A. "Abdallah bin al-Husayn : the making of an Arab political leader, 1908-1921." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1993. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28666/.

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This thesis examines the political career of Abdallah bin al-Husayn from 1908 until the creation of the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921. The central aim here is to explain how Abdallah was transformed from a Hijazi notable to a major force in the post-war politics of the Fertile Crescent and the founder of the Emirate of Transjordan. Abdallah's political career until 1921 is studied in the context of his family's evolving political ambitions and Anglo-Hashimite and Hashimite-Arab nationalist relations. Abdallah's early political career illuminates the changing character of Arab political leadership in the Arab East between 1914 and 1921. This thesis examines the shaping of Abdallah's political ambitions, the strategies Abdallah, his family and partisans adopted to realize those ambitions and the obstacles Abdallah faced in trying to establish his authority and the legitimacy of his rule, first, in Iraq and, later, in Transjordan. Examining these issues in the context of Anglo-Hashimite and Hashimite-Arab nationalist relations makes it possible to assess Abdallah's contribution to the emergence of new forms of Arab political leadership in the post-war Fertile Crescent, particularly in Transjordan and Iraq, and to the development of Arab nationalism. Chapters one to four analyze the shaping of Abdallah's political ambitions in the wider context of evolving Hashimite ambitions during World Var I. Chapters five to eight treat two closely related subjects: Abdallah's failure to realize his ambition to rule post-war Iraq and his role in the creation of the Emirate of Transjordan.

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31

Von, Bothmer Bernard. "Blaming "The Sixties" the political use of an era, 1980-2004 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3252774.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2007.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 18, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0703. Adviser: Michael McGerr.

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32

Barzin, Saeed. "Islam in defence of constitutionalism and democracy a political biography of Iranian ideologue Mehdi Bazargan /." Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.332033.

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33

Kelley, Ariel Leticia. "Fire Eater in the Borderlands: The Political Life of Guy Morrison Bryan, 1847-1891." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707409/.

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From 1847 to 1891, Guy Morrison Bryan was a prominent Texas politician who influenced many of the policies and events that shaped the state. Raised in his Uncle Stephen F. Austin's shadow, he was a Texas nationalist who felt responsible for promoting the interests of his state, its earliest settlers, and his family. During his nineteen years in the Texas Legislature and two years in the United States House of Representatives, he safeguarded land grants, supported internal improvements and education, and challenged northern hostility towards slavery. Convinced that abolitionists would stop at nothing to destroy the institution and Texas, he led his state's walkout of the National Democratic Convention in 1860 and became a leading proponet of secession. During the Civil War, he served as a staff officer, and his ability to mediate conflicts between local and national leaders propped up the isolated Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department. Finally as Speaker of the House, he helped oust Governor Edmund J. Davis in 1874 and "redeem" the state from Republican rule before convincing President Rutherford B. Hayes to adopt a conciliatory policy towards Texas and the South. Despite the tremendous influence Bryan wielded, scholars have largely ignored his contributions. This dissertation establishes his significance, uses his willingness to transfer national allegiances to consider nationalism--whether Texan, American, or Confederate--in the United States-Mexico Borderlands, and sheds light on neglected subjects like the role of staff officers in the Civil War.

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34

Kwao-Sarbah, David. "Biography in and of an archive : the Shelagh Gastrow Collection and South Africa." Thesis, University of Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3515.

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Magister Artium - MA
This study is about the recent political history of South Africa. It examined the crucial period of late apartheid, through the political transition into democracy. The study was conducted through the lenses of Shelagh Gastrow's work, whose series of publications titled Who’s Who in South African Politics traversed the spectrum of a severely polarised South Africa, and earned her the accolade as a "leading authority" in the biographical enterprise of Who's who. Gastrow had interviewed people in political office, those in opposition, those hiding from political persecution and even those in exile outside South Africa. It involved about 100 personalities for each of her five volumes. The study involved examining archival collections, documentary analysis, desktop research and interviews with Shelagh Gastrow. It also examined the Mayibuye Archives, where the Gastrow collection was eventually transferred, as an archive of resistance to apartheid. The study showed that from its origin as a research project about personalities in South Africa’s resistance and transition history, the Shelagh Gastrow collection was transformed into a heritage resource. The study examined political collections as heritage resources in the process of remaking the nation, and the contributions they make in the national re-engineering process. The study drew on the convergence of two theoretical claims. First, Achille Mbembe, among others, has asserted that there is no state without its archives. An indispensable, symbiotic, socio-political relationship exists between the state, actors in the state, and related archives. The second, posited by the likes of Arjun Appadurai and Igor Kopytoff, is to the effect that objects have social lives, and that they are formed and transformed through interactions with their related societies. Between the objects and their societies, meanings and values are transmitted, exchanged and retained. Thus, a careful analysis of the formation and transformations (a biographical study) of such objects can reveal the obscure about the societies they relate to. Consequently, socio-political collections do reveal much about the individuals, groups, and societies they represent. In the case of South Africa, the analysis showed the corpus of Shelagh Gastrow's collection (the object in this study) which included transcripts of political interviews, manuscripts and Who's who publications, revealed the transition from apartheid into democracy as a critical historical juncture. Political collections constitute important heritage resources, which contribute to the production of national narratives. They may originate in the past, but their analysis in the present has resonance for the collective future of the nation.

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35

Aponso, Drene Terana. "A political biography of Don Stephen Senanayake, (1931-1952) : the farmer Prime Minister of Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619855.

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36

Fenwick, C. Marie. "Building the future in a steady but measured pace, a political biography of Marjorie Cooper Hunt, 1902-1984." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ39139.pdf.

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37

Li, Boting, and 李博婷. "Leonard Woolf: towards a literarybiography." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45697735.

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38

Ndhlovu, Bongani Cyprian. "David Cecil Oxford Matiwane and auto/biographic memory: political activism, social pragmatism and individual achievement in twentieth century South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4850.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
The main theoretical and empirical interest of this study is the critical examination of the life of David Cecil Oxford (D.C.O.) Matiwane. In it, I critically examine the politics of representing Matiwane’s life and the methods employed in such a discourse. I do this by focusing on the question of representation of political, social and economic struggles launched by D.C.O. Matiwane against segregation and apartheid in South Africa in the twentieth century. This study then questions the notion of creating a biographical supernarrative of his achievements. It confronts the binary approach in the representation of his life and argues that Matiwane’s life is an embodiment of various, even contradictory, philosophies. This study puts forward an argument that Matiwane's representation should be contextualised in relation to the struggles of his contemporaries, and that his narrative should not be seen as a product of a single political route. It unpacks various communal, individual, economic and political strategies employed by organisations and persons against apartheid and colonialism. It looks at how these strategies were implemented to overcome apartheid, and analyses how Matiwane's contribution is documented, especially in relation to contributions made by others. This research project also analyses how different layers and patterns in Matiwane's narrative have been created in an attempt to present his auto/biography as a cohesive discourse in spite of fragmented archival and oral memory. It argues that his memory has been appropriated to pursue different political and personal ends. This study further asks the following question: to what extent and why have different political systems given Matiwane’s voice a platform or silenced his point of view? Are there trends in his representation compared to narratives of his contemporaries? What are the underlying reasons behind such trends, if any? Are there continuities or discontinuities in his representation? What were the ambiguities embedded in their struggles? This study evaluates factors that led to him being declared a persona non grata. It closely examines why and how Matiwane has been represented as a source of controversy, as a lone political activist and as a pragmatist.

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39

Knoll, Darcy. "Narrating the Self and Painting an Image: Stephane Dion (2006--2008)---Not a Leader?" Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28664.

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This thesis examines how the personal narrative of former Liberal leader Stephane Dion was shaped in the mediated environment of a minority Parliament. It is based on William James' (1890) consciousness of self and George H. Mead's (1934) notions of the self and the communicative gesture, coupled with work on narratives and self-presentation. These were combined with political image and the role of opponents and journalists in creating a leader's personal narrative. The thesis employs a qualitative research design with a microscopic conceptual approach and inductive reasoning for a textual analysis utilizing a narrative criticism method of rhetorical criticism, followed by in-depth interviews with journalists and political strategists. The analysis digs into the depiction of Dion in the English print media from the period of December 3, 2006 to September 6, 2008. Although the individual had the personal narrative as a politician with honesty and integrity, the analysis identifies that the dominant narrative of Dion was that he was a weak leader. The research finds the Liberal leader's opponents help reshape his narrative, which is granted legitimacy by journalists covering the political scene, and reinforced through the actions of Dion himself. In addition, the thesis outlines the challenges an opposition leader faces under the scrutiny of a minority Parliament and raises questions of what this means for Canadian political culture.

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40

Benowitz, June Melby. "Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist." PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3789.

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"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.

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41

Yates, Valerie (Valerie Ida). "Unusual Victorians : the personal and political unorthodoxy of Lord and Lady Amberley." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65530.

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42

Khan, Nichola. "Perspectives on political violence in the Mohajir community of Karachi (c.1984-2002) : history, biography and becoming a man." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487913.

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This thesis analyses the Karachi conflict involving Pakistan's ethnonationalist Mohajir party, the Muttahida Quami Movement (MOM) (c.1984-2002). The thesis is innovative in analysing recruitment to violence from a biographical and historical perspective. The arguments derive from retrospective ethnography in a Mohajir neighbourhood, a comparative values survey of two political parties, Iifehistory interviews with MOM 'killers' and personal involvement over twelve years. . The study explores the historical interface between social, political, cultural and individual processes of violence. It theorises an interdisciplinary framework in order to examine the complex ways that ethnic and class inequalities and political and economic competition and conflicts 'without' connect with fantasised elements of aggression 'within' collective and individual identities mobilised around ethnicised violence. I show how oppressive social and political realities were represented within MOM as repeated humiliations and losses of status, hopes and lives both in Partition and in Karachi's conflict. Participation in violence against the state represented a kind of solution. These violent solutions mirrored the actual and symbolic violence of the state and perpetuated the conflict. The comparative analysis provides evidence for MOM's differentiation of a new, aggressive ethnic identity from the previous political generation. The thesis also sets out to explore the meaning of political violence at the individual level and focuses on a small number of men who participated most fully in the killings and violence demanded of the conflict. It argues that extreme violence, including killings, may constitute a rational response by otherwise 'normal' individuals to conventional desires for social mobility, careers, status and respectability which have been blocked: The thesis thus incorporates psychodynamic theories of aggression into the analysis of Karachi's conflict by drawing on their analyses of how extreme violence arises out of intra-family relations. I argue that the violence of political killers constitutes an attempt to repair threatened selfhood and identity. The biographies are shown to contain both past and present experiences of perceived humiliation and losses between fathers and sons, and between Mohajirs and the state, leading to fractured masculinities in which violence is powerfully inscribed. . The thesis concludes that within a movement of political and ethnicised violence, for asmall minority of those who became killers, their participation was related to severe problems experienced earlier in the family, yet regenerated similar conditions as those under protest, and increased the longterm social and economic problems facing their families.

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43

Katz, Joshua A. "The Concept of Overcoming the Political: An Intellectual Biography of SS-Standartenfuehrer and Professor Dr. Reinhard Hoehn, 1904-1944." VCU Scholars Compass, 1997. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/998.

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This study examines the interconnection between the ideas and political activities of Reinhard Hoehn during the Weimar and Nazi Eras. In particular, Hoehn's political writings, which are closely analyzed, indicate a continuing commitment to the ideals of the Conservative Revolution through his changes in political affiliations. It serves as a case study of the much debated relationship between the Conservative Revolution and Nazism.While developing as a radical right-wing Weimar intellectual, Hoehn joined a succession of Revolutionary Conservative Kampfbuende. His political writings and affiliations showed a commitment to the destruction of liberal conceptions in politics, sociology, and legal theory. His ultimate objective was the establishment of Volksgemeinschaft in Germany. When by 1931 his hopes for achieving these goals through the conservative Jungdeutche Orden ended, he began working for the SS.During the Third Reich, Hoehn eventually served as a legal advisor to Heinrich Himmler and as a head of Zentralabteilung II/2 of the Sicherheitsdienst (SS Security Service), which investigated "German Spheres of Life." He also wrote considerably during the Third Reich on both German law and international relations. His theories revealed a preoccupation with eliminating from law the concept of sovereignty and individualism as continuing vestiges of absolutism and liberalism. This belief led Hoehn to attempt to eliminate the 'individual personalities' of both the state and the Nazi Party. He thus deviated from Nazi ideologues and leaders on these significant matters, while he made compromises with the SS on issues of race and Himmler's political interests. However, an examination of Hoehn's writings and activities in Weimar and the Third Reich shows a dedication to an idealism that was in part distinct from Nazi orthodoxy, as well as a political realism in the sense that he knew his ideals were futile without the political backing of the SS.

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44

Ridenour, Hugh. "The Greens of Falls of Rough: A Kentucky Family Biography 1795-1965." TopSCHOLAR®, 1996. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3039.

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The purpose of writing about the Greens of Falls of Rough is to record the extraordinary lives of three generations of a prominent, but somewhat neglected, Kentucky family that contributed greatly to the history of the Commonwealth. This family’s activities parallel that history in social, economic and political aspects from the state’s inception to the 1960s. In addition, this thesis should alleviate a pervasive misunderstanding regarding the identity of Willis Green, founder of the Greens of Falls of Rough. Mr. Green, a prominent Kentuckian in his own right, has been confused with another Kentuckian, a Willis Green of Danville. The misidentification has indicated that they were either the same man or father and son. This research offers evidence that they were neither the same man nor father and son; they were apparently not even related, or at most, only very distantly so. The Greens of Falls of Rough follows the lives of the three generations of Greens and spans the years 1795 through 1965. The principal issues addressed fall into four main categories: politics – Kentucky (1827-1845; 1859-1860; 1881-1884) and United States (1839-1845); Falls of Rough businesses, 1830s-1960s – farming, milling (saw and grist), and merchandising; domestic activities, 1860s-1960s; and social life, 1860s-1960s. Political subjects include some movements of Kentucky’s militia in the War of 1812, the national political campaigns of 1840 and 1844, Whig issues, and Willis Green’s relationship with Henry Clay. Business-related information includes entrepreneurial land acquisition activities in Kentucky’s Grayson and Breckinridge Counties (1820s-1830s), procedures of sawmilling and related transportation (river and railroad), farm commodities trading (1818-1900), and farm and business practices and their economic ramifications. Domestic issues encompass food-related procedures/habits and household practices – servants, remodeling/decorating, cleaning (1870-1890). Social aspects revolve around courtship (1860s) and rearing a family (1860s-1900), especially educational (Kentucky Military Institute, Centre College, Princeton Collegiate Institute) and moral training. In additions, some details of family disease/area epidemics and their treatments are discussed as well as entertainment activities. Materials for this thesis were obtained almost entirely from political and family correspondence with some contribution from military and business records. More than six thousand items of correspondence were thoroughly studied and analyzed in this research. These materials are located in the Kentucky Library, Western Kentucky University, Bowling Green, Kentucky; Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky; University of Louisville Library, Louisville, Kentucky; National Archives, Washington, D.C.; M.I. King Library, Lexington, Kentucky; and Eastern Kentucky University Library, Richmond, Kentucky. Some materials are in the possession of Mrs. Mary O’Neill (owner of Green property), Falls of Rough, Kentucky and Hugh Ridenour (author of this work), Hanson, Kentucky.

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45

Tompkins, Laura. "The uncrowned queen : Alice Perrers, Edward III and political crisis in fourteenth-century England, 1360-1377." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4461.

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This thesis is a full political biography of Alice Perrers, the mistress of Edward III from the early 1360s until his death in June 1377 and mother to three of his children. It argues on the basis of the progression of her career that after the death of Edward's queen consort Philippa of Hainault in August 1369 Alice was able to extend the scope of her power and influence to the point that she became a ‘quasi' or ‘uncrowned' queen and, consequently, that her contribution to the political crisis of the 1370s can only be fully understood in terms of queenship. More generally, despite the recent increase on work on Alice, this study suggests that her life deserves a more thorough and nuanced appraisal than it has so far received. Various aspects of Alice's life are explored: her birth, family and first marriage; her early years as Edward III's mistress; the change in her status after Philippa of Hainault's death; her commercial activity as a moneylender and businesswoman; her accumulation of a landed estate and moveable goods; what happened to her in the Good Parliament; her trial in 1377; her marriage to William Wyndesore; and her life after Edward III's death. By examining Alice's career in this fashion it is shown that she took a leading role in the court party during the 1370s. Ultimately, by taking the original approach of applying ideas about queenship to a royal mistress this thesis demonstrates that Alice was perceived to have ‘inverted' or undermined the traditional role that the queen played in complementing and upholding the sovereignty and kingship of her husband, something that has implications for the wider study of not only mistresses, but also queens and queenship and even male favourites.

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46

Dlamuka, Mxolisi Chrisostomas. "Connectedness and disconnectedness in Thembeyakhe Harry Gwala's biography, 1920-1995: Rethinking Political Militancy, Mass Mobilisation and Grassroots Struggles in South Africa." The University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5800.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (History)
This dissertation is premised on the notions of connectedness and disconnectedness as a contribution to the field of South African biography. I argue that Harry Gwala’s life was characterised by connectedness and disconnectedness and was shaped by his determination to remain connected while the state utilised its coercive power to disconnect him. While South African history has been largely written within the framework of repression and resistance, a study of Gwala’s life enables historians to examine twentieth century history from a different perspective which focuses on themes of connectedness and disconnectedness. Gwala’s rural background, his training as a teacher and his later involvement in trade unionism enabled him to develop and maintain connectedness with grassroots sentiments. In an attempt to disconnect Gwala from these pursuits, he was occasionally tortured and served with banning orders which restricted his movement and political activities. He was imprisoned on Robben Island between 1964 to 1972 and 1977 to 1987. While disconnected by banning orders and constant harassment by state security agents, Gwala continued to retain his connectedness through underground activities and later through his involvement in re-establishing branches of the African National Congress after his release from prison in 1988. This dissertation argues that Gwala was a product of a complex society and varied social milieux which were all characterised by high levels of class deprivation and exploitation. As he meandered through various social milieux he developed a working class political approach which impelled him towards mass mobilisation and opposition to the state’s oppressive notion of race and class. Gwala became a medium to connect various classes and political groupings during the liberation struggle in South Africa. This biography also makes a contribution to the emerging body of literature on the histories of resistance politics at local and national levels in South Africa.

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47

Simakole, Brutus Mulilo. "Political autobiography, nationalist history and national heritage: the case of Kenneth Kaunda and Zambia." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5572_1375971963.

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The research for this thesis started off as a long academic essay that sought to review a 1970s biography of Kenneth Kaunda.1 In its original focus, the study aimed at evaluating the work on the narrations of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s life from a theoretical and critical perspective. Specifically it sought to evaluate the biography for its theoretical and methodological approaches, its attention to issues of sources, archives, narrative and history. In addition, it aimed at locating the biography in relation to debates over biography and history in South Africa. As I began my research for the long essay, it soon became apparent that the biography of Kenneth Kaunda ended its narration in 1964 and yet it was published ten years later in 1974. By ending its &lsquo
coverage&rsquo
of the narrations of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s life in 1964, it seemed obvious that its coverage was in many ways similar to his autobiography that was published in 1962.2 The ending of the biography&rsquo
s coverage in 1964 thus seemed rather abrupt as it precluded any representations of the subject in the post 1964 period in which he had become President of Zambia. Kenneth Kaunda was
resident of Zambia for nearly three decades (1964-1991) having led the &lsquo
final&rsquo
phase of the nationalist struggle for Independence through the United National Independence Party (UNIP). Surely, I surmised, the meanings of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s life as nationalist leader, as presented in most of his biography, would differ from those of him as
President? Upon evaluating the biography, it seemed to be a largely chronological and descriptive rather analytical account of the subject&rsquo
s life. However, what made it profound to me was the ways in which it entwined the narratives of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s life with the events, dates 1 The biography of Kenneth Kaunda by Fergus Macpherson was the subject of the long essay. See Fergus Macpherson, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia: The Times and the Man (Lusaka: Oxford University Press, 1974). 2 Kenneth D. Kaunda, Zambia Shall Be Free: An Autobiography (London: Heinemann Educational Books
td, 1962). and activities of the history of the Zambian nation. Some accounts inadvertently referred to this interconnection by referring to Kenneth Kaunda as the &lsquo
founder of Zambia&rsquo
. My

exposure to various other debates around the production of history in the public domain such as through museums and national heritage sites or monuments prompted me to consider undertaking a study of the post-1964 historiography of Kenneth Kaunda. Rather than attempting to fill Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s post-1964 historiographical gap with a chronological account of his political life, I wanted to trace the narratives of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo
s life in connection with the production of history in different domains in Zambia. This thesis thus aims at examining the political auto/biographical narrations of Kenneth Kaunda in relation to the production of nationalist history and national heritage in Zambia in the years following the country&rsquo
s Independence in 1964.4 One of the key questions that this study sought to engage with was: how did the &lsquo
representations&rsquo
of Kenneth Kaunda influence the ways in which Zambia&rsquo
s post-independence nationalist history and national heritage were produced? In seeking to provide an answer to the question, the study evaluated the auto/biography of Kenneth Kaunda itself, as well as how it reflects in the history texts utilised in Zambian schools and in history in the public domain through national heritage sites or monuments and museum exhibitions. The thesis will show that in Zambia, the auto/biography of Kenneth Kaunda has acquired significance through history as school lesson and as history in the public domain, through the production of national heritage sites and museum exhibitions.

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48

Sams, Katharine. "Adam von Trott zu Solz' early life and political initiatives in the summer of 1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59426.

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Adam von Trott zu Solz was a participant in the German resistance to Hitler and to the National Socialist government. This thesis will describe his early life, his education and his political formation. Trott's foreign policy initiatives in England and his efforts to reactivate plans for a coup d'etat during the summer of 1939 will be examined.

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49

Hauser, Allen Nolan. "Patterns in creativity : an examination of Viennese culture and politics at the turn of the century." PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3818.

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This examination explores the Viennese cultural milieu at the turn of the century in an effort to show the commonality of backgrounds and interests among those who created the culture during that period. In this the study aims at illustrating the similarities among those artists, intellectuals, and politicians in spite of the fact that their ideas helped lay the basis for the breakdown in integration of twentieth century culture which was illustrated by Carl E. Schorske in his Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture. All this is in pursuance of the overall issue of the origin of the ideas which have dominated this century, an issue dealt with only tangentially in this study.

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50

Quest, Matthew. "C. L. R. James, direct democracy, and national liberation struggles." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318351.

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