Journal articles on the topic 'Political behaviour and election studies'
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1
Sieg, Gernot, and Irem Batool. "Pakistan, Politics and Political Business Cycles." Pakistan Development Review 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v51i2pp.153-166.
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This paper studies whether in Pakistan the dynamic behaviour of unemployment, inflation, budget deficit and real GDP growth is systematically affected by the timing of elections. We cover the period from 1973-2009. Our results can be summarised as follows: (1) Unemployment tends to be lower in pre-election periods and tends to increase immediately after elections, perhaps as a result of politically motivated employment schemes. (2) Inflation tends to be lower in pre-election periods, perhaps as a result of pre-electoral price regulation. (3) We find increase in the governmental budget deficit, financed by heavy government borrowings from the central bank and banking sector during election year. (4) Real GDP growth and real governmental investment growth declines during pre and post election terms possibly as a result of inefficient resource allocation. JEL Classification: D72, D78, H50, H61, E51 Keywords: Opportunistic Political Business Cycle, Fiscal Policy, Macroeconomics, Elections, Pakistan
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Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. "National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005639.
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Elections constitute a principal avenue of citizen involvement in political life, and knowledge of their effects on public attitudes towards the polity and the role of the individual therein has important implications for theories of democratic governance. One sucli attitude is political efficacy, ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process’. Although many studies have documented that political efficacy is positively associated with electoral participation, the causal mechanisms involved are not well understood. Most researchers have simply assumed that the ‘causal arrow’ runs from efficacy to participation, i.e. from the attitude to the behaviour. Investigations of the hypothesis that the behaviour (participation) affects the attitude (efficacy) are rare. Rarer still are enquiries focusing on the impact of election outcomes on efficacy, and studies that examine both effects are virtually non-existent. In this Note covariance structure analysis is used to investigate the effects of voting, campaign activity and the outcomes of the 1984 national elections on political efficacy in the American electorate.
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Abdullah, Ar Rozi, and Payamta Payamta. "Belanja Oportunistik Pemerintah Daerah pada Masa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia (Studi pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Non-Jawa)." Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi 6, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jia.v6i1.30530.
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This article analyses opportunistic behaviour of local government spending in period the elections for non-Javanese local heads in Indoensia which have variability in financial performance. Previous studies have shown that the opportunistic behaviour of regional spending is closely related to the holding of local head elections and the presence of incumbents running for reelections. The effect of election and the existence of incumbents in elections on local government spending is tested using a set of panel data for the 2015-2018 period. A total of 858 observation units were tested, consisting of political and financial factors in the pre-election year, election year, and post-election year. Based on the results of regression testing, it is found that evidence of non-Javanese local government spending is opportunistic around local head elections. This condition is indicated by the increase in Grant and Financial Assistance Expenditures, which are discretionary spending. This evidence confirms some previous research on opportunistic spending behaviour around local head elections.
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Oueslati, Jihene Ghouli, Nadia Basty, and Lamis Klouj. "Euro-Mediterranean Financial Markets Reaction to Political Elections." International Journal of Social and Administrative Sciences 6, no. 2 (September 3, 2021): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.136.2021.62.70.85.
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This paper studies a sample of Euro-Mediterranean countries to test the link of political-financial interdependencies. We focus specifically on the impact of the occurrence of national elections on the reaction of financial markets. We used the GARCH (1,1) model and the concept of the volatility multiplier to test our hypotheses. The results established that political elections have a significant impact on stock market performance and volatility for Euro-Mediterranean countries. We detected anomalous behavior in stock market returns. Stock market returns on election day and in the days following the election are inversely higher as uncertainty about the election outcome decreases. Investor uncertainty, combined with the consequences of the multiparty system in Euro-Mediterranean countries, leads to negative abnormal returns around elections. In terms of volatility, we found that the greater degree of uncertainty about the situation and the market disruption affected by the media and social networks increase volatility before election day.
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Ghanem, As‘ad, and Muhannad Mustafa. "The Palestinians in Israel and the 2006 Knesset Elections: Political and Ideological Implications of Election Boycott." Holy Land Studies 6, no. 1 (May 2007): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0019.
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The percentage of those boycotting in the last Israeli elections forms, from our perspective, the most important general development in Israeli politics, and specifically in the political behaviour of the Palestinians in Israel. This article is an in depth analysis of the meaning of this development and its meanings for the Palestinians in Israel and their future. We believe it is important to present this study as an introduction to the situation of the indigenous Palestinian community in Israel,and their tendency to rethink their present and future political options.Our conclusions may contradict the claim which has been and is being presented by Israeli and Palestinian researchers that the Palestinians in Israel have decided their future as Israeli citizens a long time ago.
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McMahon, Dorren, Anthony Heath, Martin Harrop, and John Curtice. "The Electoral Consequences of North–South Migration." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (October 1992): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006475.
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Analysis of the British Election Studies suggests that migration between the north and south of Britain does have political effects, southerly migration leading voters away from Labour and northerly migration towards Labour. This pattern persists even after controls for prior social and political characteristics, experience of social mobility, and changes in local political environment. It does, however, appear to be a new phenomenon, not apparent in the earlier election studies. The results support the hypothesis that the north-south divide constitutes a distinct new political cleavage distinct from social class and the other more familiar social bases of voting behaviour.
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Wilkins-Laflamme, Sarah. "The Changing Religious Cleavage in Canadians' Voting Behaviour." Canadian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (September 2016): 499–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000834.
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AbstractPast studies have shown that religion plays an important role in voting behaviour in Canada. Yet, little is known about the changes this religious vote has undergone over the past few decades. Using Canadian Election Studies data, we analyze the evolving impact of religious affiliation and level of religiosity on vote choice in federal elections between 1965 and 2011. We find that, as the marginal impact of Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions has declined, the effect of level of religiosity has gained in importance. In 2011, religious citizens were overall more likely to vote Conservative and secular individuals were more likely to vote NDP both in Quebec and in the rest of Canada. Some distinct voting patterns also remain for non-mainline Protestant groups in the ROC and religious nones in Quebec.
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Kersting, Norbert. "Voting Behaviour in the 2009 South African Election." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400207.
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This article analyses voting behaviour in the South African election of 2009 and draws conclusions regarding the significance of party affiliation and issue-based voting in South Africa. It demonstrates the low level of voter registration and voter turnout. In the 2009 election the Independent Electoral Commission had problems with electoral management for the first time; however, it was able to prevent electoral violence. During the campaign the newly founded COPE focused on institutional reforms and the oppositional Democratic Alliance concentrated too much on negative campaigning. In the post-Mbeki era, the ANC has been able to reinvent itself by being the only party with a strong focus on pro-poor policies. Nevertheless, the lack of alternatives in electoral democracies may lead to alternative instruments of political action.
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Salim, Delmus Puneri. "Islamic political supports and voting behaviors in majority and minority Muslim Provinces in Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2022): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v12i1.85-110.
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This article focuses on relation between Islam and politics in Indonesia during the last two presidential election. The article looks at Islamic political support to Prabowo Subianto and its influence into the 2014 and 2019 Presidential election in the majority and minority Muslim provinces. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of internet media, especially on the issues of Islamic political support to Prabowo Subianto and results of the 2014 and 2019 Presidential election in the chosen majority and minority Muslim provinces. This study reveals correlation between Islam and politics with results of the two previous Indonesian Presidential election, finding out that the Islamic political support has increased votes of the promoted candidates in majority Muslim provinces and reversely decreased votes of the candidate in minority Muslim provinces. The study shows that the Islamic political supports affect voting behaviors more in minority Muslim provinces than in majority Muslim provinces. These findings, in turn, highlight the importance of developing a strategy to manage religious political support in Indonesian elections.
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Verma, Anupama. "Electoral Geography: Approaches to Study Voting Behavior." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 3 (March 23, 2022): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i03.012.
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Approaches to understanding voting behaviour played an important role in the field of electoral geography. Studies based on voting behavior normally rely on information gleaned from primary and secondary sources of data. Aggregate or composite election data for states or constituencies is convenient for examining election results, such as differences in votes between states. Different perspectives or approaches played an important role in examining the factors influencing the way people vote. This type of information usually consists of data related to voter's behavior and their specific socio-economic characteristics etc. Electoral geography involves collecting and analysing data through various techniques and approaches. The data analysis study in electoral geography usually focuses on ascertaining spatial patterns of party performance and voters' behaviour. It is thus clear that electoral geography has a special place for approaches that are useful for spatial analysis. The primary aim of this study is to explain various types of methods and approaches used in electoral geography for the analysis of voting behaviour. This study provides researchers, geographers, political and social scientists with a better understanding of the skills to analyse election data.
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Welch, Susan, and Donley T. Studlar. "The Impact of Race on Political Behaviour in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 4 (October 1985): 528–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004361.
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In contrast to the United States, where analyses of the political behaviour of blacks number in the hundreds, if not more, substantial studies of the political attitudes and behaviour of Britain's non-white minority are fairly scarce. As non-whites have become more visible in the political arena, however, attention by academics has increased. But as yet there have been few countrywide, empirical, and systematic investigations of the political behaviour and attitudes of this population. Our Note uses multivariate methods to investigate the extent of political participation of Britain's non-white minorities in the 1979 election. We focus on a wide variety of political activities and a few selected issue concerns. We attempt to place our findings in the context of some theories of ethnic politics that have developed to explain black political behaviour in Britain and in the United States.
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Pasaribu, Daniel, Dina Fadiyah, Nong Ayu Triyanti Utami Hakim, Syarif Fadillah, and Alfatri Anom. "PERILAKU PEMILIH (VOTING BEHAVIOUR) FORUM BETAWI REMPUG (FBR) DALAM PEMILU PRESIDEN INDONESIA 2019." Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan 14, no. 02 (August 30, 2022): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/madani.v14i02.3282.
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This study will discuss the voting behavior of the Betawi Rempug Forum in the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election. Studies on voter behavior will never stop as long as Indonesia still adheres to a democratic system, as has happened in the Betawi Rempug Forum (FBR) community organization. FBR is a Betawi community organization which in the presidential election changed its political support for Pak Joko Widodo, while during the 2017 DKI Jakarta governor election, they supported the candidate pair for Governor Anies-Sandi. This is what makes a lot of polemics in the community, even every head of the winning team has an argument with each other regarding this. Therefore, it is important to look at the voting behavior of the Betawi Rembug Forum (FBR) in the 2019 Presidential Election. By using the theory of voter behavior and combining it with qualitative research methods with the type of case study research, it is hoped that this study can be a separate contribution. for the study of social science and political science in Indonesia.
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Segaard, Signe Bock, and Ditte Shamshiri-Petersen. "How to Collect Voters' Perceptions of Election Campaigns?" Metode & Forskningsdesign, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54337/ojs.mf.2022.4.7592.
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Diary postings are responses to real-world events, actors and processes that de facto exist and can be identified. This article explores the conditions of capturing voter behaviour and voters’ perceptions of election campaigns by methodologically testing innovative digital instruments for qualitative diary data collection (an app for mobile devices and a webform). We do this in light of three criteria: participant engagement, data relevance and participants’ personal involvement. Based on a real-world methodological experiment in the Fall of 2019 during the Norwegian local election campaign, we found that the app promotes more engagement as to frequency of diary postings, while the webform promoted more comprehensive postings. Concerning participants with different socio-demographic and political profiles, both platforms ensured data relevance in the sense that data match the concepts to be studied: voter behaviour and perception of election campaign. Moreover, both facilitated personal involvement and reflections. The article concludes with a reflection on the potential contribution of the diary method in election studies.
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Matykowski, Roman. "The Electorate in Poland's Large and Medium-Sized cities and Towns and its Influence on the Results of the 2007 Parliamentary Elections." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 13, no. 13 (January 1, 2010): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-010-0008-z.
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The Electorate in Poland's Large and Medium-Sized cities and Towns and its Influence on the Results of the 2007 Parliamentary Elections Urbanization is regarded among the most significant factors affecting election-related behaviour in Poland. In order to identify the importance of Poland's municipal electorate, a procedure of reverse elimination was applied to the electorates of successive largest cities in Poland, followed by a structure of supporting the strongest political parties at each stage of the cities' rank elimination. Whenever each successive elimination is followed by dwindling support for a given party, this party is referred to as pro-metropolitan.
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Caruana, Nicholas J., R. Michael McGregor, and Laura B. Stephenson. "The Power of the Dark Side: Negative Partisanship and Political Behaviour in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (October 13, 2014): 771–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000882.
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AbstractThe origins and implications of partisan identification are well-studied, but negative partisan attitudes—dislike for a particular party—have escaped such scrutiny, even as the politics of negativity enjoys sustained popularity, especially come election time. In this paper we build upon the comparatively modest negative partisanship literature to consider the effects of negative partisan attitudes on a range of political behaviours. There are reasons to suspect that negative and positive partisanship may have different effects; thus, accounting for the unique influence of negative attitudes is important for understanding the full effect of partisanship on political behaviour. Our results, based upon Canadian Election Study data from 2008 and 2011, reveal that, in addition to vote choice, negative partisanship influences voter turnout and a range of political activities, both related and unrelated to parties. These findings provide evidence of the power of the “dark side” of partisanship.
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Choi, Hyangmi, Peter Bull, and Darren Reed. "Audience responses and the context of political speeches." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 4, no. 2 (November 30, 2016): 601–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v4i2.618.
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Previous studies showed that cultural dimensions (individualism and collectivism) are related to audience behavior in responding to political speeches. However, this study suggests that speech context is an important issue to be considered in understanding speaker-audience interaction in political speeches. Forms of response, audience behavior, and response rates were analyzed in three speech contexts: acceptance speeches to nomination as political parties’ candidates for presidential election, presidential election campaign speeches, and presidential inauguration speeches in the Korean presidential election of 2012. We found that audience response forms and behavior were distinctive according to the three speech contexts: in-group partisan leadership, competitive, and formal contexts. However, there was no relationship between the affiliative response rate and electoral success in the election. The function of the audience response is popularity and support of a speaker in acceptance and election campaign speeches, while it is conformity to social norms in inauguration speeches.
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Carmichael, Calum M. "Economic Conditions and the Popularity of the Incumbent Party in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 713–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020813.
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AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.
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Alarian, Hannah M. "The Enduring Effect of Immigration Attitudes on Vote Choice." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400403.
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Abstract Immigration attitudes have long been critical in predicting electoral behavior in Western Europe. Whether such attitudes will continue to motivate political behavior in the current pandemic environment is yet to be seen. This article addresses this topic by exploring immigration's prevalence and impact on Germany's 2021 Bundestag election. Combining evidence across multiple German election surveys, I find that immigration remains consequential in shaping political behavior throughout the country. In spite of immigration's reduced political salience, voters continued to view immigration as one of the most important political problems facing Germany. Moreover, immigration-minded voters were significantly more likely to support the Alternative for Germany on the far right and punish the Greens on the left. The article concludes that reducing immigration's salience will not necessarily change its influence over modern German elections.
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Mancosu, Moreno. "Contextual effects, awareness, and voting behaviour: Does knowing about local politics increase contextual influence?" Politics 39, no. 3 (February 7, 2018): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717739860.
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Context is usually employed to explain voting behaviour, but the way in which it affects people remains obscure. Previous studies have stressed that awareness of the context might indirectly account for political environments’ influence. People aware of their context are expected to be more affected by the relative prevalence of party supporters in their place of residence compared with unaware citizens. By employing stacked logistic regression models (and using Italian National Election Studies data), it is shown that people aware of parties’ settlement in their municipalities are more likely to vote consistently with their surrounding political context.
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Zain, Mohd Izani Mohd, and Mohd Daud Mat Din. "Democratic Dilemma of Malay Islamic Party: PAS, Coalition Pattern, and Rising Social Issues." Studia Islamika 29, no. 1 (June 22, 2022): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.36712/sdi.v29i1.16330.
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This article deliberates on how the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) embraces and weathers the challenges of democracy as a political culture beyond elections. The deliberation analyses the approach and behaviors of the party within a period of three general elections (GE), namely the GE12 in 2008, GE13 in 2013, and GE14 in 2018. Through qualitative approach and in-depth interviews with key PAS leaders, this article discusses PAS participation with the Pakatan Rakyat (PR), Muafakat Nasional (MN), and Perikatan Nasional (PN), which demonstrated the PAS’s unchartered undertaking to accept democracy as a political culture and not as a tool to achieve political power through an election. While it is trite to take the position that elections are the truest form of democracy, they can foster greater inclusivity, which can take place in both political and non-political realms.
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LAYMAN, GEOFFREY C., and JOHN C. GREEN. "Wars and Rumours of Wars: The Contexts of Cultural Conflict in American Political Behaviour." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 1 (December 8, 2005): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000044.
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A heated scholarly debate rages over the ‘culture wars thesis’ in American politics. Drawing on the literature on mass opinion constraint and its sources, we propose a resolution to this debate: the culture wars influence mass political behaviour in special religious, policy and political contexts where logical, psychological, social and electoral sources of opinion constraint are in effect. Using data pooled from the 1992, 1996 and 2000 American National Election Studies, we find strong support for our argument. We conclude that the cultural wars are waged by limited religious troops on narrow policy fronts under special political leadership, and a broader cultural conflagration is largely a rumour.
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Naseer, Mirza Muhammad, and Khalid Mahmood. "Ready for e-electioneering? Empirical evidence from Pakistani political parties’ websites." Internet Research 26, no. 4 (August 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/intr-04-2014-0099.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of political party websites for e-electioneering and their impact on the outcome of the elections. Design/methodology/approach – Empirical data for the study were collected from the websites of 11 major political parties of Pakistan using modified version of the coding scheme used by Gibson, Rommele and Ward for the evaluation of functionality and delivery of websites. Data were analysed using web content analysis method to achieve the objectives of this study. The study also ranked the party websites based on points scored for functionalities and delivery. Findings – The study found that although Pakistani political parties have started using their websites for communication with their voters during the general elections but they have not utilized the full potential of the website functionalities for e-electioneering. Research limitations/implications – The study focused on content analysis of political party websites of Pakistan only. However, comparisons were made to other studies where possible to contextualize the results of this study in international perspective. It is suggested to replicate this study after ten years to study the changing behaviour of political parties. Practical implications – Political parties might like to improve their websites in the light of findings of this study to spread their message more effectively to larger voter base. Social implications – Findings of the study will help in improving the readiness of political parties for e-electioneering and improved websites will help voters in making an informed decision during election. It will overall improve the electoral process in the country where democratic system is not very strong. Originality/value – With the advent of internet, political parties are using their websites during elections for various purposes. This study, first ever in Pakistan on the topic, provides empirical evidence on the use of political party websites during May 2013 general election in Pakistan and presents its impact on the outcome of the election. The study will be valuable for political science researchers especially those focusing on Asia and Pakistan.
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Hansen, Flemming, Steen Lundsteen, and Sverre Riis Christensen. "Emotional Responses to Top Politicians in a General Election." Nordicom Review 28, no. 2 (November 1, 2007): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0210.
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Abstract Voting behaviour has been studied as a specific form of individual behaviour and has primarily been seen as the result of reflection and deliberation on behalf of the individual. In general consumer behaviour research, the focus is increasingly on the seemingly unconscious and emotionally controlled processes that seem to shape a large part of consumer responses to brands, services and communication. The objective of this paper is to study the influence that emotional reactions have on voter behaviour in connection with a general election. The opportunity arose to carry out a pre- and a post-evaluation of voters’ emotional responses to 6 major party leaders. The results support the notion that constant or increasing positive emotional reaction does in fact accompany election success, whilst election failure is accompanied by decreasing levels of emotional response. The results and their implications for political marketing in the context of an election are discussed.
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Nwankwo, Cletus Famous. "Rurality and Party System Fragmentation in the Nigerian Presidential Elections of the Fourth Republic." Statistics, Politics and Policy 11, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2019-0007.
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AbstractThis paper examines the effect of rurality on party system fragmentation in the Nigerian presidential elections of the fourth republic. The findings show that party system fragmentation (PSF) has been characteristically low in the Nigerian presidential elections and rurality does not significantly predict party system fragmentation. Rurality has a negative effect on PSF in all the elections studied except the 2003 election but only significant in the 2011 poll. Thus, the paper cast doubt on previous studies that indicate that striking rural-urban differences manifest in party system fragmentation in African elections and attribute it to previous studies’ measure of rurality. The paper argues that the use of a composite measure of rurality instead of singular measures of rurality might provide better analysis that helps us understand the effect of rurality on party systems. Also, it argues that in the study of the rural-urban difference in voting behaviour or political behaviours more broadly, data should be aggregated based on cities and non-city areas because cities have distinctive urban characters compared with non-city places. Analyses done on states or constituencies level may not reveal the rural-urban difference because states and constituencies usually have a mix of rural and urban population and other characteristics.
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Scarbrough, Elinor. "The British Electorate Twenty Years On: Electoral Change and Election Surveys." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (April 1987): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004713.
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The surveys for the 1983 general election marked the first twenty years' systematic study of the British electorate. The British Election series – originating with the 1963 pre-election Nuffield survey by Butler and Stokes, followed by the Essex series in the 1970s conducted by Särlvik and Crewe, and latterly in the hands of Heath, Jowell and Curtice – yield exceptionally rich portraits of voters and their responses to politics. The growing crop of secondary analyses, tracing changes in the electorate over those years, reflects the continuities of the series. More recently, a number of studies have challenged the ‘Michigan conventions’ central to the first generation of British electoral studies. It is a good time, then, to take stock of our understanding of voting behaviour in Britain. Let us start with what is generally agreed.
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Marszałek–Kawa, Joanna. "Book Review: A publishing review of a work written by Arkadiusz Kawecki entitled “From a Plebiscite to Elections: Birth of a Democratic Party System of Regional Societies”, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń 2006, pp. 280." Polish Political Science Yearbook 35, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2006016.
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Doctor Arkadiusz Kawecki is an employee of the Institute of Political Science and European Studies at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Szczecin. His academic interest is focused on the problems connected with the formation of a democratic system in Poland, developing election processes, and the birth of local communities. In addition, he is concerned with German studies. The reviewed work is en endeavour to present the processes of birth and the following stages of the formation of voting attitudes and behaviours of local communities. It has been conducted taking into consideration the development in the former Szczecin district of political organizations, individual and collective examples of political activity, the process of election campaigns and the results of elections. The proceedings have been performed on the background of transformations and stages of democratization of public life in Poland, institutionalization of which took place as a result of another presidential, parliamentary, and local authority elections.
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TURNER, ARTHUR W. "Postauthoritarian Elections." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1993): 330–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026003003.
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The past two decades have seen a resurgence of democracy in formerly autocratic countries. The behavior of the electorate in each first election following a period of authoritarian rule is closely watched for clues to the future success of democracy. Yet the scarcity of empirical studies of similar elections has left us with little more than commonsense expectations to guide our analysis. This article empirically tests several of these expectations, using data from earlier postauthoritarian parliamentary elections. Expectations of unusually high turnout could not be supported, but future levels of turnout are affected by the timing of subsequent elections. The large number of newly formed parties competing in a postauthoritarian election seldom persist, and prediscontinuity power relationships among surviving parties are generally preserved. Expectations that postauthoritarian elections are followed by a period of volatile electoral behavior could not be supported. Parties that finish first in postauthoritarian elections also finish first in the next election. The article concludes that these elections are not sufficiently different from other elections to warrant their exclusion from comparative research.
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Lacey, Robert J. "The Electoral Allure of Direct Democracy: The Effect of Initiative Salience on Voting, 1990-96." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 5, no. 2 (June 2005): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000500500204.
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Do salient ballot initiatives stimulate voting? Recent studies have shown that initiatives increase voter turnout, but some methodological concerns still linger. These studies have either relied solely on aggregate data to make inferences about individual-level behavior or used a flawed measure of initiative salience. Using individual-level data from the National Election Studies, I find that ballot question salience indeed stimulated voting in the midterm elections of 1990 and 1994. In an election with moderately salient ballot questions, a person's likelihood of voting can increase by as much as 30 percent in a midterm election. On the other hand, consistent with most prior research, I find no statistically significant relationship between ballot question salience and voting in presidential elections.
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Anderson-Clark, Tracy N., and Raymond J. Green. "Basking in reflected glory: the election of president Obama and naming behaviour." Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, no. 1 (May 13, 2016): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1178786.
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Askari, Mostafa, and Kevin Page. "Policy Forum: Assessing Party Platforms for Fiscal Credibility in the 2019 Federal Election." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 68, no. 2 (July 2020): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2020.68.2.pf.askari.
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Party platforms are important. They signal what matters for political parties and with whom parties are engaging. Platforms can be used to predict government behaviour and are an important tool to hold a government to account. In the 2019 federal election, all the major parties released platform documents outlining an array of policy positions to address short- and medium-term policy challenges. For the first time, all political parties worked with the parliamentary budget officer and released independent costings of their major proposals. The Institute of Fiscal Studies and Democracy (IFSD) at the University of Ottawa provided an assessment of whether the fiscal plan—revenues, spending, and balances—and the economic and fiscal assumptions underlying each platform were realistic, responsible, and transparent. This article describes the approach taken by the IFSD to assess the fiscal credibility of party platforms, what was found, and the potential implications for governing in a minority Parliament and future elections.
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Rapeli, Lauri. "Does Sophistication Affect Electoral Outcomes?" Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (August 9, 2016): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.23.
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It is widely assumed that a representative democracy requires an enlightened citizenry in order to function properly. The competence of citizens has been studied extensively and the sociodemographic determinants of political sophistication are particularly well known. Much less is known about whether and how citizen competence affects electoral behaviour and outcomes. This article reviews the existing literature on these topics. Despite the widespread consensus that, generally speaking, citizen competence matters for electoral outcomes, the review produced a mixed result: some studies suggest that the political left would benefit from a better-informed electorate, while other studies suggest the opposite. Although the majoritarian electoral context is overrepresented in the evidence, the review shows that at the individual level, political knowledge greatly increases a person’s ability to match personal preferences with the right candidate or party in an election. The article also identifies several gaps in existing knowledge, thereby suggesting future research questions.
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Sardesai, Shreyas, and Jyoti Mishra. "Time of Vote Choice in India." Studies in Indian Politics 5, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017698269.
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This piece analyzes the subject Time of Vote Choice in India, a hitherto under-researched aspect of voting behaviour in the country. Using longitudinal data from National Election Studies conducted by Lokniti between 1996 and 2014, it shows that voting intentions of India’s voters are increasingly crystallizing before the start of the campaign period of an election. On the other hand, the proportion of voters postponing their vote choice to after the start of a campaign has declined over the last two decades. This declining trend is unique to India as most Western democracies have registered an overtime increase in campaign-period decision-making. While Indian voters who are less political, less partisan and less exposed to media are more likely to be late deciders than early ones, nevertheless, we also find that late deciders—both campaign-period and last-minute—have gradually become more politically sophisticated and attentive over the years. In this respect, our findings validate both the traditional floating voter theory of the Columbia School and some of the newer studies that have countered it.
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Denver, David. "The 1964 General Election: Explaining Voting Behaviour Then and Now." Contemporary British History 21, no. 3 (September 2007): 295–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460600825857.
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Setyarahajoe, Ratna. "BENTUK KOMUNIKASI POLITIK UNTUK MEMBANGUN PERILAKU POLITIK MASYARAKAT LOKAL GUNA MENCIPTAKAN PEMILUKADA YANG AMAN." JKMP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Manajemen Publik) 1, no. 1 (November 7, 2016): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jkmp.v1i1.425.
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The practice of election should be an important momentum for local people to directly elect the head of terrain. This election studies conducted by the National Law Reform Consortium concluded, that the celebration of democracy in 2010 "to lose their meaning, since the practice of money politics and the politicization of the bureaucracy that dominates the process of winning the election". With the scenario of fraud in the election, it can be a catalyst for conflict between supporters of candidates, which often leads to conflicts that are anarchists. For that we need a form of political communication that can shape political behavior so that local communities can safe and clean election.
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Neely, Stephen R. "Politically Motivated Avoidance in Social Networks: A Study of Facebook and the 2020 Presidential Election." Social Media + Society 7, no. 4 (October 2021): 205630512110554. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211055438.
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This study considers politically motivated unfriending/unfollowing on Facebook in the lead up to the 2020 Presidential election. As social media has grown more central to public discourse, it has been suggested that these types of avoidance behaviors might contribute to the formation of partisan echo chambers, whereby users may limit their exposure to competing viewpoints and corrective information by eliminating the network ties that transmit it. Building on prior research, this study explores the relationship between politically motivated avoidance and user perceptions of social media’s credibility as a source of political information. A pre-election survey of voting age adults in the state of Florida is analyzed to identify both the frequency and predictors of politically motivated avoidance. The results suggest that avoidance is a function of both individual political characteristics and user perceptions of information credibility. The findings are considered in the context of previous literature, and important avenues for future research are discussed.
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Beach, Derek, Kasper M. Hansen, and Martin V. Larsen. "How Campaigns Enhance European Issues Voting During European Parliament Elections." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 4 (March 27, 2017): 791–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.6.
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Based on findings from the literature on campaign effects on the one hand, and the literature on European Parliament elections on the other, we propose a model of European Parliamentary elections in which the campaign shift the calculus of electoral support, making differences in national political allegiances less important and attitudes about the European project more important by informing voters of and getting them interested in European politics. In effect, we argue that the political campaign leading up to the election makes European Parliament elections less second order. While previous studies have demonstrated that EU issues can matter for voting behavior in European Parliament elections, existing research has drawn on post-election surveys that do not enable us to capture campaign effects. Our contribution is to assess the impact of a campaign by utilizing a rolling cross-sectional survey that enables us to track how voters were affected by the campaign. Our findings show that campaigns do have an effect on European Parliament election outcomes, in that they provide information that enables voters to make decisions based on their attitude on European issues, making voter decision-making more dominated by EU issue voting.
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Abu Seman, Rabiah Adawiah, Nooraneda Mutalip Laidey, and Rizwanah Shouket Ali. "Netizens’ Political Engagement in Malaysia: Impact of Anti Fake News Act 2018." Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia 21, no. 1 (May 31, 2019): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jpmm.vol21no1.6.
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The 14th Malaysia General Elections (GE14) in 2018 witnessed a historic victory for the opposition party led by Tun Mahathir Mohamed against the 60 years government holding party; BN coalition. Concurrently, it also witnessed social media tools; WhatsApp and Facebook as the most dominant and effective messaging tools, but also a source of fake and unverified news; followed by blogs and other sources. Prior to the election, the Anti-Fake News Act 2018 had been enforced in April 2018 where any creation, offering, publishing, distribution or dissemination of fake news is a crime. This research explores the effect of Anti-Fake News Act 2018 on netizens' political engagement through Facebook and Whatsapp during the 14th Malaysia General Election 2018 with impulsivity and habitual conduct as moderators. Data has been collected from 556 participants through online survey based on a framework integrating Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) and Self Control Theory (SCT). Limited studies have tested the integration of TPB and SCT on knowledge about Anti-Fake News Act 2018 and political engagement. The findings of the study explain the influence of knowledge, impulsivity and habitual conduct on political engagement among Malaysian netizens through Facebook and Whatsapp during the GE14. Political engagement intensity has changed consequently after the Anti-Fake News Act 2018’s enforcement due to impulsivity. This study further adds to the literature in the area of online political participation and cyber law; uncovering the role of impulsivity and habitual conduct on netizens’ political engagement, suggesting the basis for future research in this phenomenon.
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Bittner, Amanda, and Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant. "Digging Deeper into the Gender Gap: Gender Salience as a Moderating Factor in Political Attitudes." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (June 2017): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000270.
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AbstractWe know how sex (rather than gender) structures political preferences, but researchers rarely take into account the salience or importance of gender identity at the individual level. The only similar variable for which salience is commonly taken seriously is partisanship, for which direction and importance or strength are both considered imperative for measurement and analysis. While some scholars have begun to look at factors that may influence intragroup differences, such as feminism (Conover, 1988), most existing research implicitly assumes gender salience is homogenous in the population. We argue that both the content of gender identity (that is, what specifically is gender identity, as opposed to sex) as well its salience should be incorporated into analyses of how gender structures political behaviour. For some, gender simply does not motivate behaviour, and the fact that salience moderates the impact of gender on behaviour requires researchers to model accordingly. Using original data from six provincial election studies, we examine a measure of gender identity salience and find that it clarifies our understanding of gender's impact on political attitudes.
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Lefevere, Jonas. "The Impact of Election Campaigns on the Nationalization of Voting Behavior in Local Elections: A Case Study of the Antwerp Local Election Campaign." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (September 26, 2016): 761–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416669825.
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Nonnational elections are at least partially determined by factors pertaining to the national level, which is problematic for the democratic functioning of these nonnational policy levels. Recent scholarly work has begun examining the impact of the election campaign on voters’ tendency to vote “nationally". However, these studies focus almost exclusively on European Union (EU) elections, and their findings may not be generalizable to other contexts. Moreover, they assume campaigns affect all voters similarly. In contrast, this study examines whether campaigns affect voters’ tendency to vote nationally in a local election, and whether partisan preferences condition the effect. These expectations are tested using panel survey data and a media content analysis collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. The results indicate that the campaign affected voters, making local considerations more important. However, the impact was conditional upon voters’ partisan preferences: When a party put more emphasis on the national context, voters preferring that party became more likely to rely on national considerations throughout the campaign.
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Widhyharto, Derajad Sulistyo, Desi Rahmawati, and Norin Mustika Rahadiri Abheseka. "Silent Political Apathy in Urban Society: The Case of Medan 2018 Election." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 24, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.51724.
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Studies on non-voting behavior and which depart from social perspectives have long been stagnated due to the dominance of analysis that puts systems, institutionalization, political mechanisms and participation as the main viewpoints of the studies. This study using social perspectives is useful to explain why voters were not present at polling stations during the Medan 2018 Election. It elaborates the social aspects that influenced non-voting behavior in the urban area of Medan in North Sumatra, Indonesia during the 2018 gubernatorial election. Utilizing mix- method strategies, instead of citing social aspects as a mere research context, this article argues that social aspects in the form of social cleavages worked behind the silent apathy, namely apathy that was implicitly indicated by voters who were not present at polling stations. Social cleavages including ethnicity, religion and gender indicated a paradox since they—with the exception of gender—were used by candidates as the main campaign substance. On the other hand, large numbers of people showed disinterest in these social cleavages during the election. This article explains why abstained voters hid their disinterest behind their excuses for not being present at the polling stations for economic (working activities) and other reasons.
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Cantijoch Cunill, Marta. "Does Mode Matter? Measuring the Effects of Different Types of Online Political Engagement on Offline Participation." Comunicação Mídia e Consumo 15, no. 43 (August 27, 2018): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18568/cmc.v15i43.1616.
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Recent studies have shown that online participation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon that replicates and extends existing forms of political engagement. What is less clear is the mobilizing potential of these different types of activity and particularly whether they trigger offline participation. This paper addresses these questions in an analysis of citizens online and offline behaviour in the context of a UK General Election. Specifically we identify three different modes of online engagement in the campaign, profile the individuals most likely to engage in them, and examine whether they affected individuals’ likelihood of voting. Our findings show that while newer social media based ‘e-expressive’ activities are most likely to appeal to those individuals who are not already engaged in politics they do not necessarily increase the likelihood of voting. By contrast higher consumption of news and information online during an election does appear to significantly boost individuals’ chances of turning out to vote.
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Cendani, Arum Sekar, and Pulung Setiosuci Perbawani. "Political Scandal and Public Figure." PCD Journal 8, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v8i2.984.
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Indonesian society is familiar with the terms 'public figures' and 'celebrities', but the distinction is often not understood properly. The public's interest in content that focuses on entertainment, lifestyles, and gossip, as well as the presence of a media that facilitates such content, makes the process of 'celebrating' common. This process has resulted in the private space of public figures being transformed into objects of public consumption.Scandals are often quite popularly discussed among the public, especially when their subject is a public figure. However, studies of how scandals affect the public and its political behaviour have not been widely documented. In 2018, Indonesian news media began widely covering the divorce of well-known politician Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (BTP/Ahok) from his ex-wife Veronica Tan, and this brought questions of extramarital affairs to the surface in the midst of a heated local election atmosphere. This situation was divisive, and received various public responses. Previous studies have shown that scandals tend to negatively affect popular attitudes towards the politicians involved in them. In Indonesia, scandals have been common, widely recognised by the public, but their effects are never discussed in depth. Therefore, this study, which involved around 400 respondents, seeks to provide an overview of how the Indonesian public responds to politicians involved in scandals and how such scandals affect politicians' electability. The results of this study show that scandals do affect the public's political attitude, but not in the ways suggested by existing studies.
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Holbrook, Thomas M. "Economic Considerations and the 2008 Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 473–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090763.
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The idea that economic conditions influence election outcomes and voting behavior is hardly novel and would appear to be close to uniformly accepted, especially in the case of American presidential elections. Beginning with the early aggregate studies (Arcelus and Meltzer 1975; Bloom and Price 1975; Kramer 1971; Tufte 1978) and the important individual-level work that followed soon thereafter (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Fiorina 1981), election scholars have devoted considerable attention to the influence of the economy on voting behavior and election outcomes. Although the findings are many and sometimes disparate, a few general conclusions have emerged: economic voting is incumbency oriented rather than policy oriented (Fiorina 1981; Kiewiet 1983); at the individual level, evaluations of the national economy are more closely tied to vote choice than are evaluations of personal finances (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Kinder, Adams, and Gronke 1989); and, with the exception of 2000, the incumbent party is habitually returned to office when economic times are good and tossed out when economic times are bad (Campbell and Garand 2000). In short, we know a lot about how the economy influences voters and elections, and it would seem that there are few issues left to resolve.
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Tella, Akin. "Humour generation and multimodal framing of political actor in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaign memes." European Journal of Humour Research 6, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.4.tella.
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Internet memes significantly constitute an outlet for extensive popular political participation in election contexts. They instantiate humour and represent political candidates so as to affect voters’ behaviour. Few studies on memes in political context exist (Shifman et al. 2007; Chen 2013; Tay 2014; Adegoju & Oyebode 2015; Huttington 2016; Dzanic & Berberovic 2017). These studies have not intensively examined the integrative deployment of visual and verbal resources afforded by internet memes to generate humour and to construct specific frames for election candidates in the campaign context of an emerging democracy. Therefore, this study investigates the use of language and visuals for humour generation and for the creation of definite frames for the two major presidential candidates in internet memes created in the course of the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaigns. The theoretical insights for the study are derived from Attardo’s (1997) set-up-incongruity-resolution theory of humour, Kuypers’ (1997, 2002, 2009, 2010) model of rhetorical framing analysis, Bauman & Briggs’ (1990) concept of entextualisation, Kress & van Leeuwen’s (1996) socio-semiotic model for visual analysis and Sperber & Wilson’s (1986) relevance theory. The analysis indicates that meme producers generate humour and frame candidates through the entextualisation of verbal and visual texts, explicatures and implicatures. The memes construct seven individuated frames and one collective frame for the two major presidential candidates in the sampled memes using visual and linguistic resources. It concludes on the note that supporters of election candidates use humorous internet memes for negative portraying opponents and the positive representation of the favoured candidate. These negative other-representations serve the purpose of depreciating the electoral values of the opponents and indirectly increasing the electoral chances of their own candidates.
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Gesheva, Elena G. "Russia’s electoral landscape: yesterday, today, tomorrow." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 29, no. 2 (2019): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2019.29.2.580.
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In the collective monograph “Election in the context of Crimea: the 2016-2018 election cycle and prospects for a political transition”, edited by V. Fyodorov, experts from the Russia Public Opinion Research Center analyze the evolution of Russian people’s political behavior during the years 2016-2018, while revealing the prospects and risks for subsequent election cycles. Major sociological evaluations of the latest electoral campaigns served as a basis for analyzing the electoral landscape. The authors note that elections in Russia are held under a political system with limited competition, which doesn’t create any possibility for an array of alternative choices. Sociological studies show that all of the latest election cycles in Russia were conducted in the typical spirit of Weber’s plebiscitary democracy, while the main source of public trust in society is the political leader’s personality, legitimized in a paternalistic fashion. Russian people do not consider elections within the logic of rational behavior and usefulness, or personal benefit and potential gains for the country as a whole. In public consciousness overcoming economic issues is not linked to developing democratic institutions. Most people distrust the opposition, made apparent by the failed election boycott proposed by the non-system opposition, by meager signal voting etc. This collective monograph highlights the basic foundations for a “post-Crimea consensus” – rallying around a strong leader figure, intensifying patriotic attitudes within the context of returning the Crimea and in the face of western sanctions. While studying mass consciousness, the authors highlight an “intermediate” state of the value environment, which is characterized by ideological divides and separations, the main of which divides the conservative majority and the liberal minority. Such ambiguity in the realm of values provides equal grounds for stating that we are dealing with both a “post-Crimea consensus” and a “post-Crimea divide”. The “post-Crimea consensus” served not only as a means of consolidation, but also as a means of isolation and exclusion. The monograph also considers the emotional component’s effect on electoral choice. The book pays careful attention to issues with political forecasting, as well as techniques and methods used in political forecasting, which allows for highlighting the subsequent course and trends in electoral processes.
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Peszyński, Wojciech. "Presidentialization of Electorate’s Behavior in the Election to Voivodeship Sejmiks in 2018." Political Preferences, no. 24 (November 18, 2019): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.24.27-44.
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The main category in this article is electoral presidentialization, understood as a tendency of voters’ behavior to mirror the decisions typical for presidential elections. Here, the category under consideration is analyzed in two dimensions: leader effect and social approval for the organization of television debates of the leaders of two most important parties. The author explains the process in question on the basis of quantitative and percentage distribution of answers to two questions to be found in three editions of the nation-wide electorate study “Political Preferences”. This article concerns voters’ preferences in a survey that was conducted just after the self-government election in 2018. In order to grasp the specificity of electoral behavior in this particular voting, the analysis was conducted in a comparative manner, and the subject of comparison was the 2015 election to the Sejm. The results of studies organized in 2012 and 2013, when no election was organized in Poland, were also referred to in a necessary scope.
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Godbout, Jean-François, and Éric Bélanger. "La dimension régionale du vote économique canadien aux élections fédérales de 1988 à 2000." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 3 (September 2002): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778359.
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Recent works on economic voting have shown that the economy's impact on electoral behaviour could sometimes be mediated by differences in political conditions. This article specifies and tests the mediating role of one such factor, namely regionalism, on economic voting in Canada. The potential effect of two structural factors is tested: the regional configuration of the federal party system (clarity of available alternatives), and the regional structure of the economy. The data used come from the last four Canadian Election Studies (1988 to 2000). The results show that economic voting slightly differs among regions according to the presence or not of strong regional political parties, Quebec being the region where the relationship between the economy and the vote is the weakest. Even more significant differences in economic voting behaviour can be observed between ''have'' and ''have not'' regions, the shape of economic voting in the Atlantic provinces being distinct from the one in Ontario and the West.
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YASUI, KIYOTAKA, and RYO NAKAI. "An Opportunity for Backing Down: Looking for an Electoral Connection to Audience Costs." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (April 27, 2016): 168–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000025.
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AbstractThis paper explores the time-inconsistency problem of audience costs in international disputes. The nature of democracy makes it difficult for leaders to back down from earlier diplomatic positions in an international dispute, out of fear of domestic political costs. Few studies have addressed the temporal aspect of such costs. This study argues that election timing impinges on the extent to which the audience cost mechanism works, and consequently, on state conflict behavior. While competitive elections are central to the political accountability inherent in a democracy, voters typically lack enough opportunities to punish unsatisfactory leaders in a timely way, because of fixed election timing, and also may disregard foreign policy missteps that occurred in the distant past. Democratic leaders therefore have an incentive to choose strategically, with the electoral calendar in mind, when selecting a form of conflict behavior. Leaders can retreat from their demands without paying high audience costs when the upcoming election is in the distant future. To test this argument, the authors conduct a natural experiment featuring territorial disputes between Russia and two Baltic republics – Estonia and Latvia. Despite the commonalities in the disputes, as well as in their political systems and socioeconomic backgrounds, the governments of the two Baltic countries showed a sharp contrast in their diplomatic decisions. This paper argues that only the temporal gap in electoral timing can explain this variation, imparting the ironical implication that frequent democratic elections can obstruct peaceful conflict resolutions, and that excessive democratization may well hinder the very goal of peace.
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Murtiningsih, Bertha Sri Eko. "Representation of 2004 General Election Campaign in Comics Media: Semiotics studies of Comic Ketopraktoon in the 2004 Election Campaign in Kompas Newspaper." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 5 (September 1, 2017): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0030.
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Abstract Comic could be a means to represent certain values. The reality is described through the storyline, setting and characterization which are packed in comic rubric. In comic, the whole symbols in the text will give certain meanings. They are including characters, dialogues, words written in word balloons, figure characters, and setting. This combination formed certain meanings which will determine how the reality will be framed by the media. Ketopraktoon is a comic strip which consistently reviews the sociopolitical issues and serves as a semi-comic in Kompas newspaper editorial. The strength of ketopraktoon in its social critics is built of figure’s characters which are presented in straightforward way with the support of storyline which fitted to the actual and factual condition in accordance with the dynamics of general election in Indonesia. This study aimed to discover how the election campaign during the Reform Era is represented in Ketopraktoon comic. This study used a qualitative approach with data analysis techniques semiotics of Barthes. To find the signs require appropriate and feasible methods of text analysis. Since the text to analyze is in the form of comics, the researcher defines the sign found in the comic text applies the technique that uses the semiotics of Barthes connotations and myths. The results showed (1) General Election campaign purely contained slogans and political rhetoric; (2) Pragmatism political parties and constituency campaign; (3) Irrationality behavior of political parties and constituency campaign; (4) Political branding refers to a materialistic tradition to gain popularity and power; (5) primitive and traditional culture in the election campaign.
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Simien, Evelyn M., and Sarah Cote Hampson. "Black Votes Count, But Do They Matter? Symbolic Empowerment and the Jackson-Obama Mobilizing Effect on Gender and Age Cohorts." American Politics Research 48, no. 6 (January 13, 2020): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19898665.
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Using data from the 1984–1988 National Black Election Studies as well as the 2008 and 2012 American National Election Studies, we provide a comprehensive study of African American political behavior with support for Barack Obama and Jesse Jackson serving as explanatory variables alongside other sources of variation—gender and age cohorts. Results show that African American voters who preferred Jackson and Obama in the 1984 and 2008 Democratic nominating contests were more likely to proselytize, attend a campaign rally or political meeting, donate money, and wear a campaign button. While opposition to Ronald Reagan and George Bush, church membership, involvement in Black political organizations were also linked to behavior, racial group identification (linked fate) had a less consistent effect. Both Obama’s candidacy like that of Jackson’s had an empowering effect on African American women—particularly, those of the civil rights generation—as was the case for Obama supporters of a younger cohort.