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Books on the topic 'Political behaviour and election studies'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Ṣādiq, Dānishgāh-i. Imām, ed. Taḥlīl-i raftār-i raʼyʹdihī dar Īrān: Muṭālaʻah-i mawridī-i shahrvandān-i Tihrānī dar intikhābāt-i 1387-1388 = Analysis of behaviour of voting in Iran. Tihrān: Dānishgāh-i Imām Ṣādiq, 2012.

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2

Wlezien, Christopher, and Mark N. Franklin. The future of election studies. Amsterdam: Pergamon, 2002.

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3

Election promises, party behaviour and voter perceptions. Palgrave Macmillan: Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK, 2011.

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4

Khan, Imdad Ali. Voting behaviour in rural NWFP: A study of people's participation in election. Peshawar: Pakistan Academy for Rural Development, 1986.

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5

V, Friedenberg Robert, ed. Rhetorical studies of national political debates-- 1996. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1997.

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6

Terry, John C. Political financing: Studies on election spending limits and party leadership campaigns. Toronto, Ont: Commission on Election Contributions and Expenses, 1986.

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7

Johnston, R. J. The geography of party support: Comparative studies in electoral stability. [Newcastle upon Tyne: University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Dept. of Geography, 1986.

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8

V, Friedenberg Robert, ed. Rhetorical studies of national political debates, 1960-1992. 2nd ed. Westport: Praeger, 1994.

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9

Regional behaviour: Political values and economic growth in European regions. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001.

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10

Omale, I. Probes in the Nigerian bureaucracy: A case study in administrative behaviour. Zaria: Tamaza Pub. Co., 1995.

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11

Omale, I. Probes in the Nigerian bureaucracy: A case study in administrative behaviour. Zaria: Tamaza Pub. Co., 1995.

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12

How to overcome the power of incumbency in election campaigns. Baden Baden: Nomos, 2010.

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13

Political transformations and political entrepreneurs: Israel in comparative perspective. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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14

The British electorate, 1963-92: Compendium of data from the British election studies. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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15

Jr, Denton Robert E., ed. Studies of identity in the 2008 presidential campaign. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010.

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16

E, Denton Robert. Studies of identity in the 2008 presidential campaign. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010.

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17

Crewe, Ivor. The British electorate 1963-1992: A compendium of data from the British election studies. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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18

1957-, Boston Jonathan, ed. New Zealand votes: The general election of 2002. Wellington [N.Z.]: Victoria University Press, 2003.

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19

Katsaropoulos, Chris. Every Vote Counts. Upper Saddle River: Pearson Education, 2004.

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20

Katsaropoulos, Chris. Every vote counts: A practical guide to choosing the next president. Indianapolis, Ind: Que, 2005.

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21

México polarizado (2000-2006): Estudios de psicología política. México, D.F: Tecnológico de Monterrey, 2008.

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22

Pérez, Marco A. González. México polarizado (2000-2006): Estudios de psicología política. México, D.F: Tecnológico de Monterrey, 2008.

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23

Hill, Dan. Facetime: How the 2008 presidential race reveals the importance of being on-emotion in politics, business and in life. Edina, MN: Beavers Pond Press, 2008.

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24

1950-, Vowles Jack, ed. Voters' victory?: New Zealand's first election under proportional representation. Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1998.

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25

Cruz, Arturo Santa. International election monitoring, sovereignty, and the Western hemisphere idea: The emergence of an international norm. New York, NY: Routledge, 2006.

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26

International election monitoring, sovereignty, and the Western hemisphere idea: The emergence of an international norm. New York: Routledge, 2005.

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27

Linden, Gross, ed. Ms. Cahill for Congress: One fearless teacher, her sixth grade class, and the election that changed their lives forever. New York: Ballantine Books, 2008.

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28

Voting Behaviour: A Radical Critique (Critical Political Studies). Leicester University Press, 1997.

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29

Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain (Contemporary Political Studies). Palgrave Macmillan, 1998.

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30

Busteed, M. A. Voting Behaviour in the Republic of Ireland: A Geographical Perspective (Oxford Research Studies in Geography). Oxford University Press, USA, 1991.

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31

Horiuchi, Yusaku. Institutions, Incentives and Electoral Behaviour in Japan: Cross-Level and Cross-National Perspectives (Nissan Institute Routledge Japanese Studies Series). RoutledgeCurzon, 2005.

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32

Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Harald Schoen, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf, eds. Zwischen Polarisierung und Beharrung: Die Bundestagswahl 2017. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845287607.

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The Bundestag election was a choice between polarisation and insistence. The parties in the grand coalition had to accept massive losses of votes. Nevertheless, the black-red government under Angela Merkel remained in power. The AfD was the first right-wing populist party to enter the Bundestag. Based on data collected within the framework of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), the most comprehensive research project to date on German elections, this volume offers a comprehensive analysis of the Bundestag elections. It follows on from the two studies on the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections and updates the longstanding electoral history of the Federal Republic of Germany from the perspective of empirical electoral research. Written in a scientifically based and understandable manner, the volume analyses the development of politics and public opinion since the Bundestag elections in 2013. It discusses election campaigns, election results and voter behaviour in detail as well as the formation of the government in 2017, which, at that time, had lasted longer than ever before.

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33

Political Election Debates. Lexington Books, 2013.

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34

Watson, John Scott. Civic Participation. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039867.003.0006.

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This chapter examines local political participation in the Prairie Crossing project and how it differs from national participation. Local political participation is defined as being involved in private government through the Prairie Crossing Homeowners Association and voting in county, township, and municipal elections; national participation is defined as voting in national elections and engaging in political activity such as working for a candidate, attending a political rally or meeting, and influencing others to vote. Using questions taken from the American National Election Studies (ANES) database, the chapter compares the political participation of Prairie Crossing's residents to that of the national cohort. In particular, it discusses the voting behavior of Prairie Crossing residents as well as their record of public service involving the environment, education, water policy, and state, county, and municipal government. It also asks whether Prairie Crossing has helped in changing the culture of civic participation at both the local and national levels.

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35

Hellwig, Timothy, Yesola Kweon, and Jack Vowles. Democracy Under Siege? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846208.001.0001.

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For the worlds democracies, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–9 was catalyst for the most precipitous economic downturn in eight decades. This book examines how the GFC and ensuing Great Recession affected the workings of mass politics in the established democracies. The initial wave of research on the crisis concluded it did little to change the established relationships between voters, parties, and elections. Yet, nearly a decade since the initial shock, we are witnessing a wave of political changes, the extent to which has not been fully explained by existing studies. How did the economic malaise bear on the political preferences of citizens? This book pushes against the received wisdom by advancing a framework for understanding citizen attitudes, preferences, and behaviour. We make two main claims. First, while previous studies of the GFC tend to focus on an immediate impact of the crisis, we argue that economic malaise had a long-lasting impact. In addition to economic shock, we emphasize that economic recovery has a significant impact on citizens assessment of political elites. Second, we argue that unanticipated exogenous shocks like the GFC grant party elites an opening for political manoeuvre through public policy and rhetoric. As a result, political elites have a high degree of agency to shape public perceptions and behaviour. Political parties can strategically moderate citizens economic uncertainty, mobilize/demobilize voters, and alter individuals political preferences. By leveraging data from over 150,000 individuals across over 100 nationally representative post-election surveys from the 1990s to 2017, this book tests these research claims across a range of outcomes, including economic perceptions, policy demands, political participation, and the vote.

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36

The Citizens Election Project case studies. [Washington, D.C: The Project, 1996.

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37

Krook, Mona Lena, and Sarah Childs. Gender, Women, and Representation in State Politics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.402.

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The main contribution of research on women, gender, and state-level politics has been the introduction of the concept of gender and an expansion of traditional definitions of politics. These studies have continued to expand over the years, opening up some major areas of research as well as introducing challenges to feminist research on women, gender, and state-level politics. Social movements are among the key topics of recent studies. This is due to the fact that women have been largely excluded from other arenas of political participation. Work on political parties links to another major area of study. Although wide-ranging, it can be separated into research on electing versus being elected. Furthermore, women’s voting behavior and the election of female candidates are often treated as important questions in themselves. Another line of work, however, seeks to go beyond political priorities and presence to examine concrete policy outcomes. This research can be divided into three sets of questions: the behavior of female policy actors, the gendered nature of public policies, and the creation and evolution of gender equality policies. A fifth major literature points to the relationship between women, gender, and the state. The state is a central actor and topic in political science. Focusing on state-society interactions, feminists have been interested in understanding how states influence gender relations and, conversely, how gendered norms and practices shape state policies.

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38

Norris, Pippa. Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics). Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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39

Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics). Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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40

Schiller, Wendy J., and Charles Stewart. Party as Gatekeeper. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0004.

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This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It measures the function of partisanship in structuring the organization of state legislatures as well as examines how partisanship influenced the dynamics of Senate elections. It explains the role of party caucuses in the nomination and election stages of indirect elections; shows how party leaders identified and rallied around Senate candidates; and identifies the set of incentives that party leaders used to pressure state legislators to back their preferred Senate candidate. Furthermore, it discusses how candidates for U.S. Senate tried to consolidate support among key party leaders, and how regional party factionalism made that task more difficult. To illustrate these behaviors, the chapter includes case studies from a range of years and states, including New York, Kentucky, Washington State, Florida, and Illinois.

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41

Schickler, Eric, and Ruth Bloch Rubin. Congress and American Political Development. Edited by Richard Valelly, Suzanne Mettler, and Robert Lieberman. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199697915.013.27.

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While early works in American political development (APD) incorporated congressional actors in accounts of state-building, policymaking, and social reform, there is a growing body of historically oriented scholarship that places the institution of Congress front and center. We highlight three major streams of contemporary congressional research that engage with APD. The first analyzes the development of congressional institutions, often drawing upon concepts of path dependence and layering to understand the presence or absence of change in legislative operations. Second, several important studies of state-building and policy development highlight the role of congressional actors in driving—or blocking—critical political and social reforms. Finally, new datasets that track congressional elections and roll call voting over long time spans have given rise to a growing literature that uses historical evidence to test contemporary theories of legislative behavior. We close with a discussion of the contributions and pitfalls of using historical evidence in this way.

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42

Johnson, Mark A. Rough Tactics. University Press of Mississippi, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496832825.001.0001.

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From the end of Reconstruction in 1877 to the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, black southerners influenced local, state, and national politics, and challenged white supremacy by performing at political spectacles. Reformers, Lost Cause advocates, and party leaders employed spectacle to generate enthusiasm, demonstrate the strength of the movement, mobilize voters, legitimize electoral results, and spread their platforms. Before Jim Crow laws and disfranchisement, African Americans played prominent roles in these spectacles as performers, orators, musicians, marchers, and torchbearers. They were part of a robust culture of spectacular politics. At the end of the nineteenth century, white southerners led the movement to disfranchise black voters and eliminate political spectacles, but black and white southerners continued to view spectacle as an important part of the political process. Despite disfranchisement, diminished economic opportunity, and the threat of lynching, African Americans performed a spectrum of behavior with a wide range of effect. Often, they simply participated as spectators, which may have had little effect except reminding white southerners of their shared status as citizens. At times, African Americans exhibited dangerous behavior at political spectacles by harassing white politicians and confronting white women, thus making bold political statements. This study intersperses localized case studies from Atlanta, New Orleans, and Memphis with broader thematic chapters to show how African Americans and spectacle remained an important part of southern politics.

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43

Friedenberg, Robert V. Rhetorical Studies of National Political Debates--1996. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 1997.

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44

Benoit, William L. Political Election Debates: Informing Voters about Policy and Character. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2015.

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45

Benoit, William L. Political Election Debates: Informing Voters about Policy and Character. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2013.

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46

After the Election. Melbourne University Publishing, 2008.

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47

Polk, Jonathan, and Jan Rovny. Welfare Democracies and Multidimensional Party Competition in Europe. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807971.003.0002.

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This chapter explains the relationship between the four European worlds of welfare democracies (Nordic, continental, southern, and Anglo-Saxon) and multidimensional party competition. It systematically examines the variation of the relationship between party positions and salience on economic and cultural politics. The expectation is that southern political economies facilitate closer association between economic and cultural issues, whereas Nordic welfare states produce party systems where competition between mainstream parties is defined by economic politics. The continental political economies stand between the two extremes. The argument is tested with the most recent (2014) waves of data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the European Elections Studies. The analysis suggests different political opportunity structures, and consequently different behavior of radical challenger parties of western Europe. Here, the diverse political economies again correlate with the flavors of radicalism.

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48

(Foreword), Robert E. Derton, and Robert V. Friedenberg (Editor), eds. Rhetorical Studies of National Political Debates (Praeger Series in Political Communication). 2nd ed. Greenwood Press, 1990.

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49

Thorlakson, Lori. Multi-Level Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833505.001.0001.

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All federal systems face an internal tension between divisive and integrative political forces, striking a balance between providing local autonomy and representation on one hand and maintaining an integrated political community on the other hand. How multi-level systems strike this balance depends on the development of styles of either integrated politics, which creates a shared framework for political competition across the units of a federation, or independent politics, preserving highly autonomous arenas of political life. This book argues that the long-term development of integrated or independent styles of politics in multi-level systems can be shaped by two key elements of federal institutional design: the degree of fiscal decentralization, or how much is ‘at stake’ at each level of government, and the degree to which the allocation of policy jurisdiction creates legislative or administrative interdependence or autonomy. These elements of federal institutional design shape integrated and independent politics at the level of party organizations, party systems, and voter behaviour. This book tests these arguments using a mixed-method approach, drawing on original survey data from 250 subnational party leaders and aggregate electoral data from over 2,200 subnational elections in seven multi-level systems: Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany, Switzerland, and Spain. It supplements this with configurational analysis and qualitative case studies.

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50

Media Bias in Presidential Election Coverage 19482008 Lexington Studies in Political Communication. Lexington Books, 2013.

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