Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political behaviour and election studies

Academic literature on the topic 'Political behaviour and election studies'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Sieg, Gernot, and Irem Batool. "Pakistan, Politics and Political Business Cycles." Pakistan Development Review 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v51i2pp.153-166.

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This paper studies whether in Pakistan the dynamic behaviour of unemployment, inflation, budget deficit and real GDP growth is systematically affected by the timing of elections. We cover the period from 1973-2009. Our results can be summarised as follows: (1) Unemployment tends to be lower in pre-election periods and tends to increase immediately after elections, perhaps as a result of politically motivated employment schemes. (2) Inflation tends to be lower in pre-election periods, perhaps as a result of pre-electoral price regulation. (3) We find increase in the governmental budget deficit, financed by heavy government borrowings from the central bank and banking sector during election year. (4) Real GDP growth and real governmental investment growth declines during pre and post election terms possibly as a result of inefficient resource allocation. JEL Classification: D72, D78, H50, H61, E51 Keywords: Opportunistic Political Business Cycle, Fiscal Policy, Macroeconomics, Elections, Pakistan
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Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. "National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005639.

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Elections constitute a principal avenue of citizen involvement in political life, and knowledge of their effects on public attitudes towards the polity and the role of the individual therein has important implications for theories of democratic governance. One sucli attitude is political efficacy, ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process’. Although many studies have documented that political efficacy is positively associated with electoral participation, the causal mechanisms involved are not well understood. Most researchers have simply assumed that the ‘causal arrow’ runs from efficacy to participation, i.e. from the attitude to the behaviour. Investigations of the hypothesis that the behaviour (participation) affects the attitude (efficacy) are rare. Rarer still are enquiries focusing on the impact of election outcomes on efficacy, and studies that examine both effects are virtually non-existent. In this Note covariance structure analysis is used to investigate the effects of voting, campaign activity and the outcomes of the 1984 national elections on political efficacy in the American electorate.
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Abdullah, Ar Rozi, and Payamta Payamta. "Belanja Oportunistik Pemerintah Daerah pada Masa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia (Studi pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Non-Jawa)." Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi 6, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jia.v6i1.30530.

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This article analyses opportunistic behaviour of local government spending in period the elections for non-Javanese local heads in Indoensia which have variability in financial performance. Previous studies have shown that the opportunistic behaviour of regional spending is closely related to the holding of local head elections and the presence of incumbents running for reelections. The effect of election and the existence of incumbents in elections on local government spending is tested using a set of panel data for the 2015-2018 period. A total of 858 observation units were tested, consisting of political and financial factors in the pre-election year, election year, and post-election year. Based on the results of regression testing, it is found that evidence of non-Javanese local government spending is opportunistic around local head elections. This condition is indicated by the increase in Grant and Financial Assistance Expenditures, which are discretionary spending. This evidence confirms some previous research on opportunistic spending behaviour around local head elections.
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Oueslati, Jihene Ghouli, Nadia Basty, and Lamis Klouj. "Euro-Mediterranean Financial Markets Reaction to Political Elections." International Journal of Social and Administrative Sciences 6, no. 2 (September 3, 2021): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.136.2021.62.70.85.

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This paper studies a sample of Euro-Mediterranean countries to test the link of political-financial interdependencies. We focus specifically on the impact of the occurrence of national elections on the reaction of financial markets. We used the GARCH (1,1) model and the concept of the volatility multiplier to test our hypotheses. The results established that political elections have a significant impact on stock market performance and volatility for Euro-Mediterranean countries. We detected anomalous behavior in stock market returns. Stock market returns on election day and in the days following the election are inversely higher as uncertainty about the election outcome decreases. Investor uncertainty, combined with the consequences of the multiparty system in Euro-Mediterranean countries, leads to negative abnormal returns around elections. In terms of volatility, we found that the greater degree of uncertainty about the situation and the market disruption affected by the media and social networks increase volatility before election day.
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Ghanem, As‘ad, and Muhannad Mustafa. "The Palestinians in Israel and the 2006 Knesset Elections: Political and Ideological Implications of Election Boycott." Holy Land Studies 6, no. 1 (May 2007): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0019.

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The percentage of those boycotting in the last Israeli elections forms, from our perspective, the most important general development in Israeli politics, and specifically in the political behaviour of the Palestinians in Israel. This article is an in depth analysis of the meaning of this development and its meanings for the Palestinians in Israel and their future. We believe it is important to present this study as an introduction to the situation of the indigenous Palestinian community in Israel,and their tendency to rethink their present and future political options.Our conclusions may contradict the claim which has been and is being presented by Israeli and Palestinian researchers that the Palestinians in Israel have decided their future as Israeli citizens a long time ago.
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McMahon, Dorren, Anthony Heath, Martin Harrop, and John Curtice. "The Electoral Consequences of North–South Migration." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (October 1992): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006475.

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Analysis of the British Election Studies suggests that migration between the north and south of Britain does have political effects, southerly migration leading voters away from Labour and northerly migration towards Labour. This pattern persists even after controls for prior social and political characteristics, experience of social mobility, and changes in local political environment. It does, however, appear to be a new phenomenon, not apparent in the earlier election studies. The results support the hypothesis that the north-south divide constitutes a distinct new political cleavage distinct from social class and the other more familiar social bases of voting behaviour.
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Wilkins-Laflamme, Sarah. "The Changing Religious Cleavage in Canadians' Voting Behaviour." Canadian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (September 2016): 499–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000834.

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AbstractPast studies have shown that religion plays an important role in voting behaviour in Canada. Yet, little is known about the changes this religious vote has undergone over the past few decades. Using Canadian Election Studies data, we analyze the evolving impact of religious affiliation and level of religiosity on vote choice in federal elections between 1965 and 2011. We find that, as the marginal impact of Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions has declined, the effect of level of religiosity has gained in importance. In 2011, religious citizens were overall more likely to vote Conservative and secular individuals were more likely to vote NDP both in Quebec and in the rest of Canada. Some distinct voting patterns also remain for non-mainline Protestant groups in the ROC and religious nones in Quebec.
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Kersting, Norbert. "Voting Behaviour in the 2009 South African Election." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400207.

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This article analyses voting behaviour in the South African election of 2009 and draws conclusions regarding the significance of party affiliation and issue-based voting in South Africa. It demonstrates the low level of voter registration and voter turnout. In the 2009 election the Independent Electoral Commission had problems with electoral management for the first time; however, it was able to prevent electoral violence. During the campaign the newly founded COPE focused on institutional reforms and the oppositional Democratic Alliance concentrated too much on negative campaigning. In the post-Mbeki era, the ANC has been able to reinvent itself by being the only party with a strong focus on pro-poor policies. Nevertheless, the lack of alternatives in electoral democracies may lead to alternative instruments of political action.
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Salim, Delmus Puneri. "Islamic political supports and voting behaviors in majority and minority Muslim Provinces in Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2022): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v12i1.85-110.

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This article focuses on relation between Islam and politics in Indonesia during the last two presidential election. The article looks at Islamic political support to Prabowo Subianto and its influence into the 2014 and 2019 Presidential election in the majority and minority Muslim provinces. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of internet media, especially on the issues of Islamic political support to Prabowo Subianto and results of the 2014 and 2019 Presidential election in the chosen majority and minority Muslim provinces. This study reveals correlation between Islam and politics with results of the two previous Indonesian Presidential election, finding out that the Islamic political support has increased votes of the promoted candidates in majority Muslim provinces and reversely decreased votes of the candidate in minority Muslim provinces. The study shows that the Islamic political supports affect voting behaviors more in minority Muslim provinces than in majority Muslim provinces. These findings, in turn, highlight the importance of developing a strategy to manage religious political support in Indonesian elections.
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Verma, Anupama. "Electoral Geography: Approaches to Study Voting Behavior." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 3 (March 23, 2022): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i03.012.

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Approaches to understanding voting behaviour played an important role in the field of electoral geography. Studies based on voting behavior normally rely on information gleaned from primary and secondary sources of data. Aggregate or composite election data for states or constituencies is convenient for examining election results, such as differences in votes between states. Different perspectives or approaches played an important role in examining the factors influencing the way people vote. This type of information usually consists of data related to voter's behavior and their specific socio-economic characteristics etc. Electoral geography involves collecting and analysing data through various techniques and approaches. The data analysis study in electoral geography usually focuses on ascertaining spatial patterns of party performance and voters' behaviour. It is thus clear that electoral geography has a special place for approaches that are useful for spatial analysis. The primary aim of this study is to explain various types of methods and approaches used in electoral geography for the analysis of voting behaviour. This study provides researchers, geographers, political and social scientists with a better understanding of the skills to analyse election data.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Chaveroche, Beatrice. "Medias roll i valkampanjer : En studie av den franska presidentvalskampanjen 2007." Thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5358.

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Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion. The agenda-setting theory maintains that media influence what voters think about and that there is a link between media coverage and voting intentions. This minor thesis focuses on the early election campaign prior to the French presidential election in 2007. For the first time, the socialist party organised a primary election in order to nominate their candidate. The aim is to study if media has an impact on public opinion in election campaigns. To reach the aim, I posed the two following research questions: Did the primary election of the socialist party result in higher media coverage of the party than of other political parties? If the media favoured the socialist party during this time, did this have an impact on the voting intentions for the socialist candidate Ségolène Royal?  In order to reach the aim and answer the questions, I performed a quantitative study. I measured the media coverage of the different political parties in the newspapers during the socialist primary campaign, to find out if the socialist party was favoured by the media. The primary source of information was the two French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro, complemented by opinion polls performed by the institute Ipsos. The results show that the socialist party was privileged by the press coverage prior to the presidential election. The newspapers wrote more and longer articles about the socialist party than of any other political party at the time of this study. At the same time, voting intentions for Ségolène Royal increased. The media exposure seems to have had a short effect on the public opinion in favour of the socialist candidate. By the results of this study, I conclude that the socialist party was able to influence the agenda-setting in the media by organizing primary elections. I find support for the hypothesis that media coverage during an election campaign has an effect on public opinion.
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Sokolova, Valeriia. "Social media in US presidential elections 2012 : How different use of social media can influence behaviour and participation of the online audience." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-211688.

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Social media is playing a significant role in our everyday life. New tools are emerging everyday and offer the users exciting opportunities. Not just ordinary people use social media.It became very popular among companies, politicians and government. But using social media does not guarantee one instant success and benefits. The right appliance of social media technologies can do wonders. Barack Obama brilliantly illustrated that during his presidential campaign in 2008.In 2012 social media technology was yet again at the heart of the Obama’s campaign. His challenger, Mitt Romney, also engaged digital technology into his campaigning process. However, the attention and participation Romney generated online was more humble compared to Obama, who yet again mastered the technology. This thesis studies the differences in social media use between the two campaigns and aims to find out how different use of social media can influence behavior and participation of the online audience. The study addresses the theory of communicative action, new social movements theory and agenda setting.
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Eklöf, Oskar. "Voting behaviour in the 2014 European Parliament election." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376257.

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The European Parliament election is one of the most extensive elections in the world and affects more than 500 million people within the European Union. Prior research have mainly been using two different frameworks to explain voting behaviour in the European Parliament elections, namely the second-order election theory and the Europe-matters framework. The second-order theory states that national issues play a major role in the voting behaviour and the Europe-matters frameworks basically imply that European issues play a major role in the citizens’ voting behaviour. Prior research has relied too much on aggregate data, has operationalised the frameworks wrongly and has not given equal weight to the frameworks. In this study, I tried to come to terms with these problems and the research question was to test which of the frameworks that best explains the voting behaviour in the European Parliament election of 2014. The results are mixed and no framework seem to explain the voting behaviour better than the other. Nevertheless, other interesting results are possible to find and two of these results are that people tend to cast protest votes against their government if they disapprove it and that EU disapproval affects abstaining from voting more than government disapproval does, in the European Parliament election of 2014.
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Davis, Gavin. "Encouraging exclusivity: The electoral system and campaigning in the 1999 South African Election." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3794.

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This dissertation provides an analysis of the 1999 election campaign and considers how each of the main parties appealed to the politically salient groups in South Africa. The case is put forward that the electoral system--closed-list proportional representation-rewards parties that appeal to a particular race group (or groups) at the expense of others. Parties that adopt a conciliatory tone and attempt a 'catch-all' strategy are punished at the polls. The persistence of this phenomenon means that politics in South Africa is likely to remain racialised, as political entrepreneurs maximise votes by making narrow sectional appeals.
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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.

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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.
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Africa, Cherrel Jane. "The impact of the 2004 election campaign on the quality of democracy in South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3804.

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Lair, Elicia Chelsey. "The 2008 Election: Prior Belief Strength, Cognitive Dissonance, and Voter Reactions." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626642.

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Brocker-Knapp, Skyler Lillian. "The 2016 Presidential Election: Demographic Transformation and Racial Backlash." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3827.

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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate. The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.
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Johansson, Veronica. "Political Marketing and the 2008 U.S. Presidential Primary Elections : MBA-thesis in marketing." Thesis, University of Gävle, University of Gävle, Department of Business Administration and Economics, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-6268.

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Aim: Over the years, marketing has become a more and more important tool in politics in general. In order to campaign successfully – and become the President-elect - in the U.S. Presidential Election, marketing is indispensable. This lead to enormous amounts of money spent on marketing. The aim of this research is to contribute to existing knowledge in the field of political marketing through the analysis of how marketing is done throughout a political campaign. The 2008 U.S. Presidential Primary Elections, together with a few key candidates have served as the empirical example of this investigation. Four research questions have been asked; what marketing strategies are of decisive outcome in the primary season of the 2008 political campaigning, how is political marketing differentiated depending on the candidate and the demographics of the voter, and finally where does the money come from to fund this gigantic political industry.

Method: The exploratory method and case study as well as the qualitative research method have been used in this work. Internet has been an important tool in the search for, and collection of data. Sources used have been scientific articles, other relevant literature, home pages, online newspapers, TV, etc. The questions have been researched in detail and several main conclusions have been drawn from a marketing perspective. Correlations with theory have also been made.

Result & Conclusion: In the primary season, the product the candidates have been selling is change. The Obama campaign successfully coined and later implemented this product into a grassroots movement that involved bottom-up branding of the candidate. This large base allowed for a different marketing strategy that implemented earlier and better organization in the caucus voting primary states resulting in an untouchable lead for the Obama campaign. The successful utilization of the Internet and social networking sites such as Facebook and YouTube led to enormous support, not least among the important group of young (first time) voters. It also served as the main base for funding throughout both the primary and the presidential season, effectively outspending the Clinton, and later, the McCain campaigns. This study has shown that there are differences in marketing when it comes to different presidential candidates even within the same party. Marketing activities and efforts also look different for different marketing groups.

Suggestions for future research: This study was limited to the primary season; it would have been interesting to include the whole U.S. Presidential campaigning process from start to finish. In future research projects, it would also be interesting to see comparisons between political marketing in the U.S. and political marketing elsewhere, in Europe for example.

Contribution of the thesis: This study contributes to increased knowledge when it comes to understanding the role of social media, grassroots movement, and bottom-up branding as a political marketing strategy. It also contributes to increased knowledge about political marketing in general. Furthermore, it shows the importance of marketing - and money - in American politics. Political parties as well as individual candidates may also find the results of this research useful for future campaigning.

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Backlund, Anders. "The Sweden Democrats in Political Space : Estimating policy positions using election manifesto content analysis." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-19043.

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In the Swedish general elections of 2010, the party the Sweden Democrats for the first time entered the parliament. In an election otherwise characterised by competition between two explicit political blocs, the Sweden Democrats profiled itself as a party free from ideological blinders, ready to represent the will of the people. Commonly referred to as a populist party, there is considerable disagreement about where in the Swedish political space the party actually belongs. At the same time, there exist within political science a multitude of methodological approaches aimed at answering such questions. By combining election manifesto content analysis and survey-based approaches, the study of this paper presents cross-validated estimates of where in Swedish political space the Sweden Democrats belong. The study also evaluates strengths and weaknesses of the different approaches to the estimation of policy positions in the specific context of the Sweden Democrats. The party is found to be economically centrist but highly authoritarian, making it an outlier along both a "traditional" and a Swedish left-right continuum. Some methodological difficulties that may be particularly important to consider when analyzing parties such as the Sweden Democrats, e.g. bias, dimensional salience and linguistic volatility, are suggested.
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Books on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Ṣādiq, Dānishgāh-i. Imām, ed. Taḥlīl-i raftār-i raʼyʹdihī dar Īrān: Muṭālaʻah-i mawridī-i shahrvandān-i Tihrānī dar intikhābāt-i 1387-1388 = Analysis of behaviour of voting in Iran. Tihrān: Dānishgāh-i Imām Ṣādiq, 2012.

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Wlezien, Christopher, and Mark N. Franklin. The future of election studies. Amsterdam: Pergamon, 2002.

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Election promises, party behaviour and voter perceptions. Palgrave Macmillan: Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK, 2011.

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Khan, Imdad Ali. Voting behaviour in rural NWFP: A study of people's participation in election. Peshawar: Pakistan Academy for Rural Development, 1986.

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V, Friedenberg Robert, ed. Rhetorical studies of national political debates-- 1996. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1997.

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Terry, John C. Political financing: Studies on election spending limits and party leadership campaigns. Toronto, Ont: Commission on Election Contributions and Expenses, 1986.

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Johnston, R. J. The geography of party support: Comparative studies in electoral stability. [Newcastle upon Tyne: University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Dept. of Geography, 1986.

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V, Friedenberg Robert, ed. Rhetorical studies of national political debates, 1960-1992. 2nd ed. Westport: Praeger, 1994.

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Regional behaviour: Political values and economic growth in European regions. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001.

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Omale, I. Probes in the Nigerian bureaucracy: A case study in administrative behaviour. Zaria: Tamaza Pub. Co., 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Börzel, Tanja A., and Miriam Hartlapp. "Eurosceptic Contestation and Legislative Behaviour in the European Parliament." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 97–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94012-6_5.

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AbstractEurosceptic political parties have gained substantial support in democratic elections. Scholars have widely studied their programmatic positions. We know much less about the behaviour of Eurosceptics within legislatures. How does Eurosceptic contestation translate into voting behaviour? How do members of Eurosceptic parties engage in plenary debates? Do they stick to their peers when they vote and debate or do they form an untidy opposition? We expect Eurosceptic contestation to be weaker in policy fields that are less structured along the new cultural cleavage and are dominated by left-right ideologies or national interests. Our chapter develops this argument and offers an empirical study of Eurosceptic polarisation and Eurosceptic cohesion in the European Parliament (EP). We present an analysis of roll-call votes in the 7th and 8th legislative term of the EP (2009–2019). Six case studied then zoom into selected legislative processes in three policy fields to explore how contestation materialises in committee work and parliamentary debates in different policy fields. Our findings on cross-sectoral differences allow for a more differentiated understanding of Eurosceptic contestation becoming a vital feature of democratic practices rather than undermining EU policy-making, and European integration more broadly.
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Liebig, Jessica, Mohammad Adib Khairuddin, and Asha Rao. "Online election campaigning: Identifying political parties using likes and comments." In Studies in Computational Intelligence, 619–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50901-3_49.

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Lamond, Ian R., and Chelsea Reid. "Bringing Together Political Communication and Critical Event Studies." In The 2015 UK General Election and the 2016 EU Referendum, 3–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54780-0_1.

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Steppat, Desiree, and Laia Castro. "Content Analysis in the Research Field of Election Campaign Communication." In Standardisierte Inhaltsanalyse in der Kommunikationswissenschaft – Standardized Content Analysis in Communication Research, 313–27. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36179-2_27.

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AbstractThe field of election campaign communication is concerned with any form of communication by political elites, parties or professional interest groups with the aim of informing, persuading, interacting and mobilizing citizens and, ultimately, influencing the result of a particular election. Electoral campaigns are one of the most populated research domains in the field of political communication to date (de Vreese 2017; Graber 2005). With this chapter we aim to identify main trends and gaps in this popular area of study by relying on a thorough literature review of election campaign communication studies using content analysis published in peer-reviewed journals over the last twenty years. The chapter lays out most frequent research designs and analytical constructs employed by these studies to content-analyze political messages and identify styles, actors and functions of political communication in election times.
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Fayoyin, Adebayo. "Electoral Polling and Reporting in Africa." In African Studies, 697–714. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch037.

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Opinion polling during elections plays a pivotal role in influencing the political and media agenda, and can potentially affect voting behaviour. However, evidence from various countries indicates that electoral polls have been characterised by contradictions and contentious debates which undermine their usefulness in democratic processes. The digital age has also led to a mushrooming of online polls, but some of them are of dubious quality. Thus, the chapter questions the continued use of electoral polls in multiparty politics in Africa. It argues that as a result of the inherent political and electoral volatility in many African countries, the utility of opinion polls need to be reconsidered. The paper recommends strategies for addressing the identified pitfalls, including increased professionalization of opinion polling, voter education on the limitations of pre-election polls and stronger appreciation of data journalism for media professionals. Stricter regulations, such as the embargo of election opinion polling may also be considered in different contexts.
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Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. "Founding Elections." In The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation, 502–8. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0050.

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This chapter discusses (1) origin and concept of a ‘founding election’, (2) expectations associated with the consequences of such elections, (3) empirical findings of current research, and (4) the effects of founding elections on democratic consolidation. The concept is found to emphasize two criteria. The process of a founding election should provoke the formation of political parties, and the rules for the election should ensure that all major competitors regard the election as free and fair. The expectations associated with founding elections are mostly related to voter turnout, types of the emerging political parties, the structure of party systems, and possibilities of government formation. Not a great deal of empirical findings are based on quantitative cross-national research. Historically oriented studies dominate. Findings provided by comparative analyses are not easy to generalize because the countries under study and the temporal contexts are too disparate. None of the expectations to be found in the literature hold for all studies. Founding elections are at the heart of the beginning of democratic consolidation. They pave the way for the consolidation of political behaviour, in particular for the formation of ties between parties and the electorate. More empirical research is needed to generate results that are comparable across time and nations.
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Brusca, Isabel, Margarita Labrador, and Jorge Olmo. "The impact of Financial Information on Voting Behaviour." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 1–26. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7820-8.ch001.

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In the public sector, citizens have been recognized as potential users of financial reporting elaborated by governments. A specific use of financial reporting by citizens is voting decisions, where they can approve or disapprove of the politicians' management. Political budget cycles literature contains many studies that evidence that politicians manage the budget in order to increase their possibilities of being reelected, but there is no consensus about the outcome. This chapter aims to study to what extent financial management influences electoral outcomes and if there is any evidence that the financial management of governments has an impact on election results. The study is focused on Spanish local governments and uses data from the elections of 2011 and 2015. The results indicate that governments with higher capital investments or fewer deficits have no advantages in the elections. However, citizens reward government policies with higher levels of social expenditures and punish higher fiscal pressure.
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Bruter, Michael, and Sarah Harrison. "Electoral Resolution and Atmosphere." In Inside the Mind of a Voter, 263–90. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691182896.003.0009.

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This chapter explains that the psychological purpose of elections is to give citizens a sense of democratic control, and, through their cyclical nature, a sense of resolution of emerging or persistent political and ideological conflicts. This concept of electoral resolution is central in citizens' logic of elections. It is also a concept which, by its nature, generates others—such as electoral hostility, democratic frustration, or even the centrality of hope and hopelessness in electoral behaviour. Electoral resolution additionally forces one to redefine yet other notions, such as election cycles and electoral honeymoons, which take on a whole new meaning once one considers them through the prism of elections as resolution mechanisms. After empirically revisiting the notion of electoral atmosphere using two UK case studies (the 2016 referendum on EU membership, and 2017 general election), the chapter examines those concepts one by one.
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Thirunavukkarasu, R. "On Studying Elections and Democracy." In The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare, 334–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0013.

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This conversation between R. Thirunavukkarasu and T.K. Oommen underscores the sociological significance of analysing electoral democracy. Electoral studies pre-supposes democracy which is a recent phenomenon; as recent as 2000, only 58 per cent of the world’s population had electoral democracies. These factors explain the rickety level of election studies in sociology. In West European countries, wherein democracy flourishes the co-terminality between political and cultural boundaries is either a fact or an ideal. However, in India cultural pluralism is both a fact and a valued goal. The three-tier Indian polity—local, provincial (linguistic states), and national—witnesses different behaviours. Along with factors such as class, gender, age, and rural–urban differences which are common to democracies, the specificity of caste is important in India. In addition to the horizontal factors, caste divides voters vertically and the intersectionality among these factors increases the complexity of democracy and electoral behaviour. The conversation also discusses the forthcoming 2019 general election.
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Levy, Gilat, and Ronny Razin. "Social Media and Political Polarisation." In Populism: Origins and Alternative Policy Responses, 105–26. Latin America Research Commons, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31389/lsepress.pop.f.

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The rise in populism in the Western world, most evident in the results of the 2016 Brexit referendum and the 2016 United States presidential election, has often been connected with the rise of social media. The unique character of social media has allowed extreme and polarised beliefs, two of the most identifiable features of populism, to emerge and spread in society through permitting the creation of echo chambers on a new larger scale, and providing new means for political campaigners and interested third parties to influence voter opinion. The abundance of information on social media might trigger voters to use simple heuristics to aggregate multiple sources of information. In this chapter we report on several studies that focus on the implications of one such documented bias: ‘correlation neglect’, the propensity to treat information sources as if they are (conditionally) independent. We discuss the relation between correlation neglect and polarisation in opinions and party platforms. We also discuss how targeted political campaigns in the presence of correlation neglect may bias voters from different groups in different directions. Specifically, competition in targeted social media campaigns increases polarisation among extreme voters but at the same time increases the randomness and unpredictability of moderates’ voting behaviour. These findings are consistent with new data on the evolution of US voters’ opinions in the last five decades. The data show a significant change in the trajectory of the opinions of moderates versus extreme voters starting from the mid-1990s, which is consistent with the rise in the ability of campaigns more effectively to target and bombard voters with information through social media.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.

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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.
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Tosyalı, Hikmet. "Political Communication in the Digital Age: Algorithms and Bots." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.004.

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Technology is one factor that has formed the basis for change in the media throughout history. Analog data and information shared by verbal, visual or written methods are now stored, processed, reproduced and shared in digital format due to developments in information technologies. On the other hand, social media, which is an important part of the digital media system, has become an important medium for political communication studies due to its prevalence and big data. As political actors better understand the value of data sets of millions of users, their interest in social media has also increased. However, this growing interest has also brought concerns such as digital profiling, informatics surveillance, systematic disinformation, and privacy violations. It has long been discussed that the practices of governments and technology companies for creating a structure similar to the gatekeeping in traditional media by taking social media under control. In recent years, some of these discussions are (ro)bot accounts on social media because online social networks are no longer just connecting people. Machines talk and interact with people, and even machines do this with other machines. Automatic posts made by bot accounts through algorithms to imitate people’s behavior on social media are liked, reposted or commented on by people and other bots. Bots that make political shares are also used by political actors worldwide, especially during election periods. Politicians use political bots to appear more popular on social media, disrupt their rivals’ communication strategies, and manipulate public opinion. This study aimed to reveal the effects of bots on political communication. After explaining the concepts of propaganda, algorithm, bot and computational propaganda, how political bots could affect the public sphere and elections were discussed in the light of current political communication literature.
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Susiatiningsih, Hermini. "Political Ethics Versus Political Pragmatism: Political Voting Behaviour in Semarang Local Election." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.76.

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Dewi, Evie Ariadne Sinta. "Patriarchal Political Culture, Obstacles of Women Political Performance Case Study of West Java Province in 2018 Regional Heads Election." In International Conference on Media and Communication Studies(ICOMACS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icomacs-18.2018.57.

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Pebriyenni, Azwar Ananda, and Nurhizrah Gistituati. "Impact of Political Education to the Participation of Beginner Voters in General Election." In International Conference On Social Studies, Globalisation And Technology (ICSSGT 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200803.060.

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Harun, M., Nyoman Putra Jaya, and RB Sularto. "Criminal Accountability of Political Parties in Achieving Fair Election in Indonesia." In The First International Conference On Islamic Development Studies 2019, ICIDS 2019, 10 September 2019, Bandar Lampung, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.10-9-2019.2289459.

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Damanik, Erond L. "Middle Class, WhatsApp, and Political Orientation: The Election of North Sumatera Governor, 2018." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Studies (ICSSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssis-18.2019.11.

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Jerôme, Baghana. "Speech Behaviour In Election Campaign (Political And Critical Discourse Analysis Of Speech Portrait Of Dmitry Medvedev)." In Topical Issues of Linguistics and Teaching Methods in Business and Professional Communication. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.12.02.53.

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Kusumawardani, Vidya, and Dodi Faedlulloh. "George Floyd’s and Racism Issue as Political Agenda in U.S Presidential Election as Depicted on Digital Media." In 2nd International Indonesia Conference on Interdisciplinary Studies (IICIS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211206.027.

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Reports on the topic "Political behaviour and election studies"

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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Frisancho, Veronica, Evi Pappa, and Chiara Santantonio. When Women Win: Can Female Representation Decrease Gender-Based Violence? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004513.

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Every day, three women are murdered in the United States by a current or former partner. Yet policy action to prevent gender-based violence has been limited. Previous studies have highlighted the effect of female political representation on crimes against women in the developing world. This paper investigates whether the election of a female politician reduces the incidence of gender-based violence in the United States. Using a regression discontinuity design on mixed-gender races, we find that the election of a female House Representative leads to a short-lived decline in the prevalence of femicides in her electoral district. The drop in femicides is mainly driven by a deterrence effect that results from higher police responsiveness and effort in solving gender-related crimes.
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.

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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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Khan, Mahreen. Lessons from Adaptive Programming. Institute of Development Studies, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.142.

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The aim of adaptive programming (AP) is to produce adaptive, flexible, iterative, responsive, problem-driven, politically smart, locally led programmes which are effective and efficient and meet donor requirements for accountability. This is a rapid desk review of recent literature on AP including academic and grey sources. Section 2 covers the main challenges and barriers to successful implementation of AP. Key success factors are covered in Section 3. Selecting the appropriate monitoring and evaluation tools such as outcome harvesting or adapted versions of Value for Money to assist in measuring outcomes and embedding learning is key to successful AP, particularly in governance programmes, where results are usually long-term, non-linear and causality can be difficult to specifically trace back to the donor-funded intervention. Section 4 details three case studies from the governance arena as this report was requested to assist in designing adaptive governance programmes. Thus, the State Accountability and Voice Initiative (SAVI) from Nigeria, Chakua Hatua from Tanzania, and Within and Without the State (WWS) from conflict regions are included to show how flexible indicators, donor communication and negotiation, empowering teams and adopting monitoring and evaluation tools assisted in successful AP outcomes in different locations and political contexts. The challenges faced and drawbacks of certain processes were fed into efficient feedback loops fostering cross-communication, adaptation, and modification to ensure procedures and policies were changed accordingly. Sources used are primarily from the previous 5 years, as per K4D norms, unless the work is seminal, such as the ODI Report (2016) Doing Development Differently, which encouraged over 60 countries to sign up for the AP methodology. This review found a substantive body of literature on AP methodology the relative recency of academic attention on AP in the development less evidence is available on case studies of AP in the development sector, as there are not many ongoing projects and even fewer have been completed and results assessed (ICF, 2019). There is also a lack of case studies on how dynamic, empowered, innovative teams successfully apply adaptive programming ideas, particularly providing behavioural insights about such teams (Cooke, 2017) as well as little attention to precipitating and sustaining behaviour change in institutions over the longer term (Power, 2017).
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