Academic literature on the topic 'Political Assemblie'

AbstractEvery day across the world, as people assemble, demonstrate and protest, their pictures, their messages, tweets and other personal information are amassed without adequate justification. Arguing that they do so in order to protect assemblies, governments deploy a wide array of measures, including facial recognition, fake mobile towers and internet shutdowns. These measures are primarily analyzed as interferences with the right to privacy and freedom of expression, but it is argued here that protest and other assembly surveillance should also be understood as an infringement of freedom of assembly. This is necessary not only to preserve the distinct nature of freedom of assembly that protects collective action, but also to allow for better regulation of surveillance and interference with internet communications during assemblies.

In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.

The paper is devoted to the consideration in the Russian constitutional legislation of the legal stances of the European Commission for Democracy through Law» (Venice Commission) in the field of freedom of peaceful assembly. Freedom of peaceful assembly is closely associated with political struggle, relationship between civil society and the authorities. It is fixed at the constitutional level and therefore is a sensitive topic in law enforcement practice and relevant in special scientific research, of which there are currently a small number in Russian and foreign science of constitutional law. Therefore, this article, as applied to the Russian Federation, aims to complete this gap. The implementation of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of the Guidelines of the Venice Commission on Consolidation of Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in the legislation of European states. The author used the following research methods: comparative legal, logical, institutional, formal legal, comparative legal. The paper examines the legal principles of the Venice Commission on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and the extent to which they are taken into account in the constitutional legislation of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made about the narrow understanding of freedom of peaceful assembly reflected in the wording «the right to assemble peacefully without weapons». In this regard, the Federal Law on Assemblies is devoted not to freedom of peaceful assembly but to the right to assemble peacefully, which may be restricted by the State to a greater extent than freedom of peaceful assembly. This created the basis for a positivist regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly with broad powers of public authorities and the possibility of restricting the right to assemble peacefully, without weapons, while, according to the Venice Commission, the State should create adequate mechanisms and procedures to ensure that freedom of peaceful assembly is not subjected to excessive bureaucratic regulation. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation has largely adjusted Russian legislation on public events, bringing it closer to the legal standings developed by the Venice Commission.

The relationship between political participation and the pursuit of sustainability at the local level has been investigated extensively in the literature. In this content, the emergence and extensive use of citizens’ assemblies receive particular attention. Much research focuses on the functioning of these assemblies and potential impact in the community. However, we know very little about why such initiatives occur. This article fills that gap in the literature and aims to explain why a citizens’ assembly on climate change was organized. It focuses on the Citizens’ Assembly in Budapest (Hungary), organized in the fall of 2020 with randomly selected citizens. The findings illustrate that although civil society initiated the deliberative process, the prime mover of the Citizens’ Assembly was political. Local politicians pursued this objective to fulfil their election pledges, ensure ideological consistency and promote sustainability.

Tracing activity in 15 Indian state assemblies from 1967 to 2007, we find that overall legislative activity declined but there was also considerable variation across states. States with large electoral constituencies and politically fragmented assemblies showed the worst performance, which suggests a link between political fragmentation and institutional performance.

Resumo: Em termos quantitativos, a população universitária e a membresia das Assembleias de Deus são parecidas. Em 1991, os universitários eram 3.928.260 e os assembleianos 2.439.770. Em 2010, o número de universitários subiu para 12.679.010 e o de assembleianos para 12.314.410. Cresceu o numero de universitários e também o de assembleianos, inclusive de assembleianos universitários e de pastores. Quem são esses pastores assembleianos com nível superior e o que eles pensam? Foram enviados mais de mil emails para pessoas que integravam listagens de convenções, ministérios e igrejas, e também para amigos indicados por essas pessoas. Preenchidos e devolvidos, somaram 84 questionários. A primeira parte eram questões pessoais: residência, idade, sexo, estado civil, escolaridade, profissão e ministério, conversão. Além dessas questões, a pesquisa se dividiu em blocos: questões doutrinárias, institucionais, políticas e sociais. O caleidoscópio absolutamente multifacetado e plural mostra a cara dessa denominação que tem um nome único, Assembleias de Deus, mas essa pluralidade não está apenas no nome, mas também em sua natureza. Atualmente, são mais de 12 milhões de assembleianos (dados do Censo 2010), conquanto seja impossível quantificar o número de pastores/as. Desde a década de 1950, a Assembleia de Deus é a maior denominação pentecostal do país, embora diferentes entre si, distintas e, quase sempre, divergentes. Nasceram em 1911 já plurais, mas a terceira geração de pastores assembleianos leva isso ao extremo. Esse novo estamento assembleiano – pastores com curso universitário e/ou pós-graduação – é uma nova liderança: quais condutas, tendências doutrinárias e políticas é o que se pretende entender nesta pesquisa. Palavras-chave: Universitários. Pastores Assembleianos. Identidade. Bricolagem Religiosa. Assembleias de Deus. Abstract: In quantitative terms, university student population and the membership of the Assemblies of God are alike in Brazil. There were 3,928,260 university students in 1991 and 2,439,770 members in the Assemblies of God. In 2010, the number of students had risen to 12,679,010 students and to12,314,410 for members of the Assemblies of God. Both the number of university students and Assembly of God members have increased, including university students who are members or pastors from the Assemblies of God. Who are these university graduate Assembly of God pastors and what do they think? Over a thousand emails were sent to people from listings of conventions, ministries and churches, and also to friends indicated by those people; and 84 questionnaires were filled and returned. The first part of the questionnaire dealt with personal information questions: residence, age, sex, marital status, education, occupation, ministry, and conversion. Besides that, the research was divided into blocks: doctrinal, institutional, political and social issues. The multifaceted and plural kaleidoscope shows the face of this denomination that has a unique name, Assemblies of God, but this plurality isn’t only in its name, but also in its nature. There are currently more than 12 million members in the Assemblies of God (2010 Census), and it is impossible to quantify the number of ministers both male and female. Since the 1950s the Assemblies of God has accounted for the largest Pentecostal denomination in the country; and its associated churches are diverse, different, and often divergent. They were born plural in 1911, but the third generation of the Assembly pastors has taken it to the extreme. This new Assembly of God estate (ou “stratum”) makes up a new leadership. This research intends to understand the conduct, doctrinal and political trends of the current Assembly of God leadership. Keywords: University Students. Assembly of God Pastors. Identity. Religious Bricolage. Assemblies of God.

AbstractThis article investigates relations between qadis and local assemblies in the Touat in the Algerian Sahara. It argues that both drew on an Islamic framework of reference, even though they were frequently obliged to conjugate universal legal injunctions with local notions of overriding communal responsibility that had no place in Islamic law. Islamic notions of private property remained central to the functioning of local assemblies, in which political rights depended on ownership rather than residence. Meanwhile, qadis necessarily relied on the assembly as a source of expertise, for the validation of documents and judgments, and for political and at times also financial backing. Tensions did occur between individual rights of ownership and collective responsibilities, but assemblies and qadis tended to deal with them in similar ways.