Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political aspects'

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1

Ivlevs, Artjoms. "Economic and political economy aspects of migration." Aix-Marseille 2, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006AIX24009.

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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’explorer plusieurs phénomènes liés à la migration en prenant en considération différents aspects de la réalité économique contemporaine : l’importance du secteur non-échangeable, l’asymétrie entre les flux migratoires et les flux des investissements, ainsi que les problèmes persistants entre différentes communautés ethniques. Dans le premier chapitre introductif, nous explorons la littérature sur la politique économique de l’immigration et nous étudions les différentes voies par lesquelles les immigrés peuvent affecter le bien-être des résidents domestiques. Dans la deuxième partie, nous développons un cadre théorique afin d’analyser les effets de l’immigration sur le bien-être individuel dans une petite économie ouverte avec le secteur non-échangeable. Nos résultats expliquent pourquoi les résidents domestiques sont généralement opposés à l’immigration peu qualifiée et favorisent l’influx des immigrés hautement qualifiés. Dans le chapitre trois, nous faisons une extension du modèle élaboré dans le chapitre deux, en prenant en compte les flux internationaux du capital. D’abord nous cherchons à décrire le lien entre la migration peu et hautement qualifiée et les investissements directs à l’étranger. Puis, nous analysons le changement dans les attitudes envers l’immigration suite à l’introduction de la mobilité internationale du capital. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous démontrons comment la diversité ethnique peut affecter les intentions d’émigrer. Nous traitons le cas de la Lettonie où les minorités ethniques constituent 40% de la population. Nous pouvons constater que les individus appartenant aux minorités ethniques sont plus probables d’émigrer et que cette probabilité augmente avec le revenu. Les individus appartenant à la majorité ethnique, au contraire, sont plus probables d’émigrer si leurs revenus sont plus bas
The objective of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of migration-related economic issues in the world today. We concentrate both on immigration and emigration and at various stages of our work address all three parties involved in migration process : people hosting immigrants, people left behind and the migrants themselves. We account for several important features of today’s rapidly globalising life : the importance of the non-traded sector, asymmetry between capital and labour flows, and persisting problems between ethnic communities. The first chapter in an overview of the political economy of immigration literature and addresses the multiple ways in which immigrants may affect natives’ welfare. In particular, we discuss the role of economic and non-economic arguments in shaping immigration attitudes and summarise main labour market and welfare-state effects of immigration. Chapter two develops open economy with a non-traded sector. Our finding provide additional understanding of why native population is generally opposed to low-skilled immigrants and favouring high-skilled foreign workers. The third chapter extends the model developed in chapter two to accommodate internationally mobile capital. First, we investigate whether immigration of high-skilled and low-skilled labour leads to positive or negative FDI. Then, we find out how would immigration attitudes change if a country allows international capital movements. Chapter four investigates how ethnic diversity at home may influence emigration intentions of an individual. We explore the case of Latvia where ethnic minorities constitute 40% of the population. We find that ethnic minorities are more likely to emigrate and are positively self-selected on the basis of income, while the opposite is true for ethnic majority population
2

Lam, Maggie, and 林美琪. "Language and politics: use and abuse of language in political rhetoric." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.

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3

Pradhan, Pradnya Avinash. "Political monetary cycles in Mexico." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28929.

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4

Kudina, Alina. "Policy and political aspects of foreign direct investment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422460.

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5

Maume, Patrick. "Aspects of Irish nationalist political culture 1900-18." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286776.

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6

Smellie, R. L. "Political and governmental aspects of major technological risks." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234228.

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7

Hulevskaya, Nataliya. "Economic, social and political aspects of sustainable tourism." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2007. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/8280.

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The definition of sustainable tourism was given in 1988 by World Trade Organization (WTO). Sustainable tourism satisfies present needs of the tourists and destinations by protecting and increasing opportunities for the future. Management of all resources should be carried out in such way, that satisfaction of economic, social and aesthetic needs provide preservation of cultural values, essential ecological processes, biological variety and system of life-support. The output of sustainable tourism is the production, which exists in the consent with local environment, community and culture in such a manner that it is of benefit, instead of damage to tourism development. When you are citing the document, use the following link http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/8280
8

Noury, Abdul Ghafar. "Essays on Economics of political Behavior." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.

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9

Johansson, Cecilia. "Cultural Aspects and Terminology : A Translation Study of three Political Articles." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk och litteratur, SOL, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-12730.

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This study focuses on the translation from English to Swedish of three political articles published in The Economist. The aim was to analyze problems that can occur, and strategies that can be used when translating cultural aspects in the form of proper nouns and political correctness as well as political terminology. The study began by translating the texts mentioned above. The potential areas of special interest in the analysis were also identified. During the translation process, dictionaries, parallel texts and Statsvetenskapligt Lexikon proved particularly helpful along with various Internet searches. Theoretical strategies were also consulted and Vinay and Darbelnet’s (V & D in Munday 2008) theories and procedures proved useful. The strategies discussed by Ingo (1991 and 2007) were also applied to a great extent. The results showed that Vinay and Darbelnet’s procedure of borrowing along with Ingo’s strategy of adaption were most useful for translating proper nouns and political terminology. To use parallel texts as well as Ingo’s strategy of adaption proved to be the best way to deal with political correctness when translating the particular texts used for this study.
10

Willis, Ken. "Making sense of humor : some pragmatic and political aspects." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425921.

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Thampanishvong, Kannika. "Sovereign debt crises : game theoretical and political economy aspects." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437703.

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12

Mazraani, Nathalie. "Aspects of language variation in Arabic political speech-making." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284199.

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13

Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.

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14

Roth, Richard A. "Sustainable development: political/ideological aspects and implications for planning." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39119.

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Recent evidence of widespread environmental degradation and global changes resulting from human activities have revived a debate about the sustainability of the progress of human welfare that began at least 200 years ago. In this renewed debate, the seriousness and causes of environmental degradation are subject to widely divergent interpretations. There are many conceivable sustainable futures; the most important differences among them are not technical but political and ideological. The practice of environmental planning is concerned with a wide variety of contexts and situations at the human-environment interface. Because land use is at the root of many of the problems of environmental degradation (e.g., habitat destruction, air pollution, water pollution), land use planning is an appropriate focus for consideration of the role of environmental planning in sustainable development. Planning as a profession, with its inherent future orientation and focus on public values, is well situated to deal with the kinds of problems raised in the discourse regarding sustainability. Examination of mainstream land use planning practices, however, reveals a reactive, reformist incrementalism that responds to environmental degradation caused by growth, but that addresses neither its causes nor its dynamics. Mainstream land use planning approaches have attempted to resolve conflicts between development and environment through spatial solutions at various scales. The need to plan for ecological sustainability is difficult to reconcile with the democratic ideal of local self-determination. Many alternative approaches to land use planning for sustainable development focus on design solutions. The requirements of sustainability are not merely technical, however. There are both emancipatory possibilities and their opposite in sustainability. Implementing sustainability offers planners a number of choices. They can act as mediators, demystifyers of technical information, exposers of hidden ideological assumptions, and advocates. They can strengthen existing authority, or work towards an enlightened self-determination at the local level.
Ph. D.
15

Arnold, Thomas Clay. "Political theory and language." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184561.

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The relationship of language to the study and practice of political theory is the subject of the following analysis. Though by no means a "new" or even overlooked topic, it has experienced keen and lively debate. This was especially the case in the 1960s and 1970s, when advocates of political theory's "demise" and/or "rebirth" as a field of inquiry both took recourse in what they deemed to be the "lessons" of language. Today, however, debate has focused on the question of whether or not a more directly linguistic approach to the study and practice of political theory (as is exhibited, for example, in the works of, among others, Habermas, Flathman, and Shapiro) is in fact "political." Increasingly, the position is today that it is not. Some (Baumgold, 1981; Gunnell, 1979) even claim language a threat to theory's properly political foundations (Chapter One). I argue the contrary. Building from both the Wittgensteinian and Habermasian schools of thought (Chapters Two and Three) and, even more importantly, from the linguistic practices of Hobbes and Tocqueville (Chapter Four), study reveals language not only relevant but central to the discipline as even Baumgold and Gunnell understand it. As will be shown below, language's significance is grounded in its value as both a unit for political analysis and as a medium for political participation.
16

Gandhi, Ashu. "Some aspects of political culture and political development in India and Pakistan, a comparative study." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24586.pdf.

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17

Latham, Oliver Martin. "The political economy of mass media and intelligence." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648202.

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Tsunekawa, Hitomi. "The interaction between humanitarian assistance and politics in complex humanitarian emergencies /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33939.

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This thesis examines how humanitarian assistance and political aspects interact in complex humanitarian emergencies (CHEs) in both negative and positive ways, how to minimize negative outcomes, and how humanitarian assistance can contribute to conflict resolution. Although humanitarian assistance has long been considered to be separate from politics, the division between the two has posed serious difficulties for humanitarian aid agencies responding to disasters and even has resulted in negative impacts on political and humanitarian aspects. In order to confront CHEs today, humanitarians need to collaborate conceptually and practically with political actors, while political actors need to be sensitive to humanitarian needs. A priority is considered the minimalist position, aiming at "doing no harm." Under the right circumstances, the maximalist approach can be viewed as an opportunity for maximizing the effects of humanitarian efforts to alleviate people's suffering and contributing to conflict resolution by employing humanitarian assistance as a powerful instrument.
19

Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.
20

郭國全 and Kwok-chuen Kwok. "The political economy of educational investment: a review and an appraisal." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974764.

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21

Houska, Jeremy Ashton. "Front-runners and newcomers: The dynamics of momentum in electoral politics as explained by cue competition." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2898.

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Conditioning theory and research have contributed substantially to a more complete understanding of a variety of social processes including attitude formation, consumer behavior, and interpersonal attraction. The goal of this thesis was to illuminate further another frequently investigated social process, voting behavior.
22

Dubois, Elizabeth. "The strategic opinion leader : personal influence and political networks in a hybrid media system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35b1e408-a70a-4ea0-9c41-10d7df024ee9.

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Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.
23

Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.

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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.

24

Bauhn, Per. "Ethical Aspects of Political Terrorism : The Sacrificing of the Innocent." Doctoral thesis, Lund University, 1989. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-3154.

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Bradford, Jeffrey Peter. "Political aspects of strategic decision making in British defence policy." Thesis, Cranfield University, 1999. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.768495.

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Guilloux, Alain. "Humanitarianism in national and global governance: a study of Taiwan's responses to diseases anddisasters." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37894237.

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Ford, Deborah Kaylee. "An Evaluation of Moderating Influences of Employee Proactive Personality: Empowerment and Political Skill." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/515.

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An action-orientation within the workplace is often sought out by organizations as a source for competitive advantage. Organizational leaders are increasingly reliant on independently driven employees that will take action without being instructed to do so. Toward this effort, proactive personality has become increasingly popular within the literature as a personality trait associated with an employee's propensity to take charge of situations and demonstrate initiative to make a positive impact. In identifying potential variables that will moderate the effects of proactive personality, a highly relevant construct is empowerment. Proactive personality is thought of as a trait, whereas empowerment can be thought of as the contextual counterpart. In this study, I research both psychological empowerment as an employee interpretation of organizational conditions, such as feelings of self-efficacy, control, and flexibility for action (Arnold, Arad, Rhoades, & Drasgow, 2000) and structural empowerment as the influence of situational workplace context (Kanter, 1977). Despite the theoretical overlap between proactive personality and empowerment, very little has been done to integrate or investigate these variables together to evaluate their relative influences on important outcomes. Given that limited concentration has been focused on boundary conditions of proactive personality, employee political skill is hypothesized as a moderator that will encourage the attainment of important organizational outcomes (i.e., job task performance, job satisfaction) and minimize negative outcomes (i.e., occupational stress and strain) from proactive personality and empowerment. This study is a more complete investigation of proactive personality that not only provides a meaningful theoretical examination, but also informs applied practice. Despite a number of theoretical links between proactive personality and empowerment, the two constructs have been investigated in isolation from one another. Therefore, the relationship between empowerment and political skill is largely unknown. It is unclear whether empowerment and political skill are both necessary to realize optimal results or whether being high on both leads to exponentially better outcomes. This study included 252 nurses from union organizations in Oregon, Florida, and Missouri that registered and were invited to participate (53%). They were surveyed across two points in time, 176 participated at Time 1 and Time 2 and 76 participated in only Time 1. Results did not show support for my hypotheses that improvements would be observed for those high on any two research variables: proactive personality, empowerment, and political skill. However, results consistently support a compensatory model. In general, task performance, perceived effectiveness, and satisfaction with quality of care improved when nurses were high on either proactive personality or empowerment (either structural or psychological). Those high on either proactive personality or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Similarly, those high on either structural empowerment or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Only when a nurse was low on both variables in the model did they show reduced benefits. Several clear practical solutions are readily apparent based on study results. Given that empowerment can be manipulated within an organizational culture and proactive personality can be integrated with selection systems, the results are important for organizational leaders and organizational development consultants. Similarly, this research adds greatly to the literature on political skill, an area that is relatively new. By examining the moderating influence of political skill, this adds to the theoretical advancement of the three constructs while also informing practitioners regarding potential selection, training, and organizational design. Political skill has been seen as an attribute with the capacity to change over time with training, experience, and mentoring (Ferris, Perrewé, Anthony, & Gilmore, 2000). Therefore, the practical implications for organizations are clearly evident. Further, given that both proactive personality and empowerment have received limited evaluation into their boundary conditions, an evaluation of potential moderators helps advance into the understanding of the processes related to action within the workplace.
28

Angers, Daniel. "La promotion de l'hygiène privée, les autorités sanitaires de la province de Québec et la propagande hygiéniste en territoire québécois, 1908-1936." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0026/MQ35656.pdf.

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29

Pattershall, Jennifer. "Promotion, Prevention, and Politics: Linking Regulatory Focus to Political Attitudes and Ideology." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/PattershallJ2008.pdf.

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30

Li, Luxia. "The social roles of Chinese political blogosphere in the age of "we media" : a case study of Lianghui Blogs." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/933.

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HILLO, Jaakko Jonas. "The disclosure game : inception, implementation and unusual influence of aid transparency." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74613.

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Defence date: 15 June 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Philipp Genschel (European University Institute, Supervisor); Prof. Diane Stone (European University Institute); Prof. Rachel Beatty Riedl (Cornell University); Prof. Tero Erkkilä (University of Helsinki)
The dissertation investigates the origins, implementation, and effects of transparency in development aid. Transparency is a key tenet in most contemporary governance reforms because of its inherent value and expected instrumental benefits. Under the auspice of transparency, standardized information disclosure practices – an increasingly common yet understudied form of transparency – are being deployed in the development field to improve governance. The relationship between disclosing information and improved aid is, however, conceptually unclear, underspecified, poorly validated and arguably problematic. This research tackles these issues by identifying the origins of aid transparency, theorising the global architecture for information disclosure and investigating its consequences for governing. The approach of the dissertation is institutional, emphasising the steering influences of the imperative to disclose data. The research builds on a multi-method design with four empirical parts. The first part explores how information sharing developed into a global norm. The second part consists of two donor case studies that consider what aid transparency entails in practice. The third part links information disclosure and aid governance qualities through quantitative analysis to pinpoint what kind of governing information disclosure contributes to. The fourth part inspects how information disclosure over time generates implicit conditionalities in global aid flows. The thesis argues and shows empirically that the spread of aid transparency contributes to a self-perpetuating form of aid governance where donors disclose to obtain evidence and seek evidence to be able to disclose. This elusive quest for evidence has political implications as it shapes who gets funds. The unfortunate risk of the openness paradigm is pushing the development field towards two-tiered aid governance where those recipients that possess the institutional capabilities to partake data-dense governing benefit disproportionately compared to others, who are left to fend for themselves or rely on alternative funding from outside of the Western, data-obsessed donor establishment.
32

Johnson, Ailish M. "Social aspects of economic integration : European and global governance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270084.

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Mouzakis-Neolis, Fotis. "Empirical and theoretical aspects of the international arms trade." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1999. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/2148/.

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Mulla, Richard M. "Legal aspects of decentralisation of government in the Sudan." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296352.

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Bonilla, Claudio Andres. "Political competition and ideology in formal political economy." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077408.

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Yu, Zhihao. "Three essays on international trade, political economy and environmental policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/NQ39009.pdf.

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Rossiter, Ned. "Processual media theory, organised networks and the politics of information societies." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2005. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/634.

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This thesis setss out to re-evaluate and re-think theories of communications media and theories of democracy formation under translocal, global and networked conditions. In order to do this, the thesis brings a combination of social and communications theory, political philosophy and "radical empiricism" to the study of the socio-technical dimensions of Net cultures. It examines the ways in which emergent networks of creativity, labour, organisation and intervention challenge the sovereignty of the state-corporation nexus, which functions tu restrict access and control information flows in the interests of security and profit. The thesis investigates the relationship between emergent forms of organisation and the seemingly de-nationalised realm of networks. It considers how democratic polities might be constituted in terms of material interventions within the network. The challenge of theorising and inventing new idioms of democracy within an informational paradigm underpins much of the inquiry within this thesis.
38

Curry, Kevin Everett. "Politics in the Social Media Era: the Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4506.

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The growth of social media use raises significant questions related to political information and its effect on political knowledge and participation. One issue is whether social media delivers news and political information in a similar manner as traditional news media sources, like newspapers, TV, and radio, by contributing to political knowledge, which is linked to voter turnout. This dissertation examines the relationship between an individual's social media use, their use of traditional news media sources, and whether they turn out to vote. It utilizes American National Election Survey data from the 2016 U.S. Presidential election to complete three studies. First, the dissertation compares people who prefer social media and those who prefer traditional news media sources across as series of political habits and attitudes. Second, it looks at the expansion of the media environment and examines whether a person's social media use and preference for news or entertainment is related to political knowledge and voter participation. Finally, this dissertations examines at whether social media use increases the odds an individual will turn out to vote, thus acting in a similar manner as traditional news media. The results identify differences between people who prefer social media and people who prefer traditional news media sources. In particular, people who prefer social media tend to be younger, have less political knowledge, and have a lower voter turnout rate. However, unlike traditional news media use, the use of social media did not increase the odds an individual turned out to vote in 2016. Further, the use of social media and an individual's content preference of entertainment versus news was not related to political knowledge nor voter turnout. While social media does not appear to have a positive relationship with turnout, it does not appear to discourage a person from voting either. The results suggest that more work needs to be done, including examining the relationship between age, social media use and turnout, as well as how content length may be related to political participation. Finally, further examination is needed of the possible indirect ways social media may be related to voter attitudes and participation.
39

Idema, Timo. "Brain power : the political economy of higher education." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f92e1b3-ddfa-4467-a36e-8ea3273b7e7e.

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This dissertation disputes conventional interpretations of the comparative political economy literature on higher education. In particular, I challenge the common assumption that access to higher education is structured by income. Instead, based on insights from the relevant psychology, sociology and economics literature, I argue that a child's probability of entering higher education is predominantly a function of her abilities, and that her abilities are strongly related to her parents' level of education. I develop a theory of the distributive politics of higher education solidly grounded in this relationship. The result of this model is the counter intuitive hypothesis that the initial expansions of higher education benefit the children of more highly educated parents. Moreover, more highly educated families are the net beneficiaries of free higher education and generous subsidies. Extensive survey evidence from Britain, Australia, Canada and Sweden of higher education policy preferences confirms this picture of the politics of higher education as a zero-sum distributive game between highly and lesser educated families. In order to analyse the consequences of these preference patterns for higher education policy, I develop a theoretical and empirical measure of voting power for multi-party systems. Voting power measures how many votes a party stands to gain from converting and mobilising voters by distributing resources from one group to another. Using data from 15 EU countries, I show that parliaments and cabinets, on average, stand to win more votes from pleasing highly educated voters than from targeting less educated voters. Furthermore, the conversion imperative is much stronger than the mobilisation imperative. Statistical analyses show that variations in the voting power of highly educated individuals over the government help to explain variations in higher education policy across countries and within countries over time. All in all, the theoretical and empirical analyses presented in this dissertation represent a significant contribution towards understanding the specific distributive politics of higher education, and the political economy of redistribution more generally.
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KABA, Mustafa. "Essays on empirical political economy and public policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69197.

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Defence date: 04 December 2020
Examining Board: Professor David K. Levine (European University Institute); Professor Arthur Schram (European University Institute); Professor Daniela Iorio (University of Bologna); Professor Cemal Eren Arbatli (National Research University Higher School of Economics Moscow)
This thesis is a collection of independent empirical essays in the field of political economy. The first chapter investigates the electoral effects of a local public good provision, using a local food subsidy program that took place in Turkey, 2019. Exploiting the variation in the geographical distances of voters to the food subsidy program groceries, I establish three results. First, the food subsidy program has a statistically significant positive effect on the incumbent vote share. Second, the effects of the program are conditional on partisanship. Although the effects of the incumbent vote share do not change across different partisan groups, the effects on turnout are heterogeneous and countervailing across partisans of incumbent and opposition party. Finally, I find that much of the electoral effects of the program come from areas where voters are uniformly partisans of either party rather than from areas with mixed partisan profiles. The second chapter investigates the evolution of class distinctiveness in economic preferences across countries and over time. To this end, I first develop a new measure of class distinctiveness by using predictive modeling. I then estimate this new measure for 18 European countries for three points in time using micro-level survey data. After validating the newly developed measure, I test whether the variation in the strength of class-based voting can be explained by the class distinctiveness in economic preferences. In the third chapter, co-authored with Nicole Stoelinga, we test whether hosting or bidding on the Olympic games leads to an increase in the exports of the host and bidding countries. Previous studies on this question provide mixed findings and typically suffer from empirical problems such as selection bias. We re-evaluate the problem by applying a synthetic control approach. Our results indicate that hosting or bidding on the Olympic Games may affect exports positively or negatively depending on the countries’ initial reputation in terms of trade.
-- 1. The Differential Electoral Returns to a Local Food Subsidy Program -- 2. Class Distinctiveness & Class Voting -- 3. Escaping the Reputation Trap : revisiting the Olympic effect
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Lou, Lai Chu. "Alternative political discussion in Macau's online forums." Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1874131.

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Younge, James Gavin Forrest. "The mirror and the square : a study of ideology within contemporary art systems with special reference to the American avant-garde in the period 1933-1953." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16370.

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Bibliography: pages 232-240.
This dissertation argues that abstract art is not ideologically neutral. In spite of many artists' anti-fascist stance early in their careers, the mantle of neutrality was assumed as a reaction to the protracted struggle between the two major ideologies confronting artists living in Europe and the United States of America in the period 1933-1953, namely capitalism and communism. These ideologies were not peripheral to artists lives, but were actively debated by both artists and intellectuals and resulted in the establishment of powerful cultural organisations. The ensuing growth in prestige and influence of left-wing artist's organisations was countered by a campaign which included direct suppression of left-wing artists as well as a form of ideological control. This control was vested in what has been called the specifics of patronage and is reflected in the establishment of the Arts Council in Britain and the private art museums in the United States. Changes in the art market have meant that, together with dealers and critics, these institutions wielded almost complete economic control over artists. The prevailing ideology of liberal humanism, which glorified individualism and defined democracy as a middle ground between the left and the right, favoured the development of a seemingly apolitical abstract art style. Analysis of the demise of the Artists International Association and the American Artist's Congress supports the conclusion that the figurative tradition lost prestige as a result of the stigma attached to Socialist Realism and the idealised realism demanded by National Socialism in Germany. Account is also taken of the attempt by well-positioned and influential commentators to identify all forms of realism with totalitarianism. It is not surprising therefore, that it was commonly believed that to paint in an abstract modern style was to strike a blow against fascism. In the same way that realism was identified with the regimentation of Soviet society, the avant-gardes' abstract experiments came to symbolize democracy. Drawing on the texts of writers, critics, artists and theorists, this dissertation shows that the force of the identification of progressive realism with totalitarianism, prepared the way for acceptance of the idea that freedom of expression epitomised freedom in general. In this way, anti-Stalinism and the post-war liberal philosophy of individual freedom, coupled with a search for 'essences' and the 'universal', directed artists inward to the medium of art as relevant subject-matter. This dissertation argues that this identification was ideologically motivated in respect to the balance of social and political power in America.
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Noh, Jeo-Yong. "T.S. Eliot and The Criterion : aspects of literary and political Toryism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314462.

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Middleton, K. "Marriages and funerals : Some aspects of Karembola political symbolism (South Madagascar)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480525.

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Katagiri, Kaori. "Enchi Fumiko : an examination of political aspects in Enchi Fumiko's works." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Asian Language, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9666.

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Writer Enchi Fumiko (1905-1986) is one of the most successful female writer in modem Japan. Having survived major surgical procedures and the Second World War, she subsequently made a late debut as a novelist. In her later years she received many literary awards and eventually, in 1985 was awarded Bunka Kunsho (the Order of Cultural Merit). Among various topics in her works, many critics have recognised her predominant themes of feminine psychology and sexuality. They, however, tend to neglect her political aspects and are reluctant to regard her as either a political or a feminist writer. Regarding feminist themes that Enchi deals with, there is a new perspective that writing about women themselves is political. On the basis of this theory, a re-examination is claimed for Enchi's works. Enchi actually depicts many accurate historical events and also deals with gender issues in the same context. En chi's fundamental challenges to Japanese politics are certainly viewed in her works. She dealt with political issues raised in the period mostly earlier than scholars and her intention to deal with them is praiseworthy. This review of Enchi's works will lead to a new interpretation.
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Zesik, Barbara. "Exploring the social and political aspects of talent management in organisations." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2016. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/809955/.

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Talent management has been an area of significant organisational focus since 1997 when McKinsey and Company first introduced the concept of the ‘war for talent’. What appears to have been neglected in many subsequent talent management publications, however, is the tension between the rhetoric and reality of talent management. The objective of the research is to explore this tension in the context of the social and political aspects of managing talent in organisations and to gain a deeper understanding of how talent management really works in organisations. The empirical, qualitative study, which is based on a social constructivist perspective, involved a cross-sectional study of 14 semi-structured interviews with a key informant sample comprising 14 Human Resources and Talent Management professionals from 11 industry sectors. Participating organisations ranged in employee number from 85 to 114,000 globally. Interviews were personally transcribed and, following an extended period of inductive thematic analysis, three aggregate dimensions emerged from 27 first order codes and eight second order themes. The findings, summarised in the three aggregate dimensions of 1) The challenge of maintaining objectivity in talent management; 2) The desire for more structure and follow-through in talent management; and 3) Disappointment and unfulfilled promises, highlight the discrepancy which exists between the literature on talent management and the everyday experience of practitioners in the field. The data provide evidence that talent decisions are heavily influenced by the degree to which senior executives know and hence support an individual discussed in talent review sessions. The study also illuminates the significant frustration felt by HR and talent professionals about the ‘real’ talent management process in their respective firms. Another key finding concerns the anxiety line managers experience in the talent management process out of fear of raising (false) expectations and not being able to manage these appropriately.
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El-Rayes, Waseem. "The political aspects of Ibn Khaldun's study of culture and history." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8529.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Kunov, Andrey. "Anatomy of a crisis : political aspects of macroeconomic reform in Russia /." May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.

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In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters.
This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
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Herbert-Burns, Rupert. "Petroleum geopolitics : a framework of analysis." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4035.

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The playing field upon which actors, both state and non-state, develop strategies to secure existing supplies of oil and seek access to new ones is as systemically, politically and strategically complex is as it is geographically vast. In considering this activity, the terminology used by pundits and journalists to describe the significance of issues such as oil demand, the complexities of access to petroleum and concerns over security threats to supplies of oil is familiar. Juxtapositions such as the ‘geopolitics of oil', ‘energy geopolitics', the ‘geopolitics of resource wars' and the ‘geopolitics of oil and gas' are all familiar. But what do they mean when they use ‘geopolitics' in this context? Thus, by extension, can petroleum geopolitics - a hybrid conceptual construction used in this thesis - be disassembled into its component parts, analysed and systematically understood. This is the aim of this thesis. This thesis contends that the very nature of oil and gas reserves, the processes of exploration and production, and the means that govern and characterise the transportation of petroleum overland and by sea is inherently geopolitical - that some core features of geopolitical theory and key geopolitical concepts are pivotal in determining the ontology and process of the international oil business. Indeed, so central has oil been to the advancement of industrial capacity, technology, warfare, transportation and economic prosperity of states since the 20th century, it could be argued that petroleum is the single largest determinant of the geopolitics that characterises the modern international system. In order to address the interrelationship and correlations between core aspects of the petroleum industry and causal geopolitical phenomena, I begin by advancing a framework of analysis that systematically binds key geopolitical features and concepts – specifically: Spatial Phenomena; Environmental Ontology; Territorial Access; Geopolitical Features; State and Non-state Concepts; and, Strategic Resources and Geopolitics - with examples of empirical findings revealed in subsequent chapters in the thesis. Fundamentally, this process works to assess causality and correlations between geopolitical phenomena such as space and distance, sovereignty, territory, boundaries, chokepoints, resource nationalism, transnationalism, resource security and conflict, and the features and processes inherent in petroleum reserves and the exploration, production and transportation of oil and gas. The framework is followed with a sequential analysis of the three empirical foci of the project: the ontology of oil and natural gas reserves; the planning and processes of exploration and production; and, the processes of the conveyance petroleum. I have concentrated my research to activities within Eurasia, which comprises the traditional continents of Europe and Asia, and the Indo-Pacific maritime realm, which extends eastwards from the Red Sea to the western Pacific Rim. After systematically assessing the empirical findings and examining key areas of geopolitical theory, I conclude that there is an identifiable and logical correlation between geopolitical phenomena, petroleum reserves, and the means to produce and distribute oil and gas between source and market.

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