Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political anthropology – congresses

Academic literature on the topic 'Political anthropology – congresses'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political anthropology – congresses"

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Khabutdinov, Aydar Yu, and Marina M. Imasheva. "PROJECTS OF RELIGIOUS AUTONOMY OF MUSLIMS OF EUROPEAN RUSSIA, SIBERIA AND THE NORTH CAUCASUS IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 962–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch184962-974.

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The study aims to compare the concepts of religious autonomies of the Muslims of European Russia and Siberia with similar ones in the North Caucasus, set out in projects in the early 20th century. We analyze the process of developing a decision on the creation of religious autonomy for Muslims in European Russia and Siberia and the North Caucasus at the beginning of the 20th century within the framework of a unified Russian statehood, including government bills, drafts of the All-Russian Muslim Congresses in 1906 and 1914, Muslim congresses in the spring-summer of 1917. As a result, in 1917, the Tatar Muslims of Inner Russia and Siberia at the II All-Russian Muslim Congress in July 1917. The concept of national-cultural autonomy was chosen and the Milli Idare and Millet Majlis were established. In the North Caucasus the First Mountain Congress announced the creation of the the Alliance of the United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan (SOGSKD), as a territorial autonomy, with a single body represented by the “Caucasian Muftiate”. We applied the comparative historical method in order to compare the provisions of the projects and characterize the historical events that accompanied their creation. We came to the following conclusions: firstly, the main questions were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and the land ussue. Secondly, the political cooperation between the Muslim leaders of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the 20th century led to the creation of the All-Russian party “Ittifaq al-Muslimin”, the Muslim faction of the State Duma, the convocations of the all-Russian Muslim congresses, the idea ofcreating 5 separate Muftiates and a single all-Russian Muslim religious autonomy headed by Sheikh-ul-Islam. Thirdly, in 1917 there was a separation of the two regions on the issues of the formation of religious autonomy, a departure from the idea of common Muslim unity within the borders of Russian statehood. Fourthly, didn’t result in a solution of the issue of organizing the Spiritual Administration of Muslims in the region.
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Bordandini, Paola, and Rosa Mulè. "Varieties of capital and gender party office in Italy." Modern Italy 26, no. 1 (February 2021): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.76.

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This article advances a new approach based on ‘varieties of capital’ to explain gendered upward mobility in political parties. Research on gender political advancement unduly neglects women delegates to national party congresses. Our work seeks to redress the imbalance by drawing on data gathered from 5,122 questionnaires issued to national party delegates at 20 national conventions that took place between 2004 and 2013 in Italy. To analyse the data we develop a new framework based on ‘varieties of capital’. Our approach builds on Bourdieu's three types of personal capital – economic, social and cultural – and interprets the findings borrowing analytical tools from recent feminist institutional theory, especially the concept of homosocial capital. Comparisons of male and female party delegates in terms of background and their political trajectories reveal the persistence of an uneven playing field, with gendered hierarchies in Italian political parties confirming an international pattern.
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Schuster, Sven. "The world’s fairs as spaces of global knowledge: Latin American archaeology and anthropology in the age of exhibitions." Journal of Global History 13, no. 1 (February 14, 2018): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000298.

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AbstractAt the end of the nineteenth century, Brazil, Mexico, and Peru were among the countries participating in the most important world’s fairs in Europe and North America. These mass gatherings focused on national self-images as well as technological development and commodities, but the Latin American exhibition organizers also understood them to be transnational spaces that contributed to the mobility of persons, objects, and knowledge. In this context, the scientific display of pre-Columbian ‘antiquities’ was regarded as being as important as the participation in archaeological and anthropological congresses. By understanding the world’s fairs as ‘spaces of global knowledge’, this article highlights the agency of Latin American scientists, intellectuals, and collectors in the transnational endeavour to create a ‘Latin American antiquity’ at the fairgrounds. Although most fair attendees sought to study and display the pre-Columbian past in an objective manner, the older dream of (re-)constructing the splendour of America’s ancient civilizations never completely vanished.
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Baker, Andy, and Corey Cook. "REPRESENTING BLACK INTERESTS AND PROMOTING BLACK CULTURE: The Importance of African American Descriptive Representation in the U.S. House." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, no. 2 (September 2005): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050162.

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Despite considerable examination, scholars have yet to definitively establish the relationship between a legislator's racial background and his or her legislative activities. We assess the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation by discerning whether Black members of the U.S. House are more likely to promote group interests in their varied capacities as elected officials than are similarly positioned non-Black legislators. Our empirical tests utilize the most appropriate econometric models and techniques to analyze data from four Congresses spanning two distinctive districting regimes and incorporating several elements of representational behaviors. The findings are clear: Black members represent group interests more vociferously than non-Black members, including liberal non-Black Democrats from similar districts. Moreover, because Black members do not receive electoral benefits for engaging in such behavior, these legislators have policy-based motivation for representing Black interests. These results have profound practical implications for minority political representation and the future of identity politics.
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Azamatova, Gulnaz B., Mikhail I. Rodnov, and Marsil N. Farkhshatov. "Уфа — культурный центр мусульман Российской империи на рубеже XIX–ХХ вв.: становление, развитие, наследие." Oriental Studies 13, no. 5 (December 28, 2020): 1243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-51-5-1243-1255.

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Introduction. In the Southern Urals traditionally densely inhabited by Turkic peoples, the role of Ufa for the cultural and economic development of Bashkirs and Tatars was extremely important. Goals. The article highlights key moments in the formation of administrative, intellectual and economic resources in the Southern Ural capital, the systemic combination of which has turned Ufa into a center for the Muslim peoples of Russia’s East. The conceptual insight into cultural history of the multinational city presupposes analyses of religious, economic, and sociopolitical preconditions for its emergence. Materials. Along with historiographic data, the article investigates periodicals, archival documents, including a large array of reporting papers by the Volga-Kama Commercial Bank stored at the Russian State Historical Archives. Results. The early history of Ufa was associated with the existence of a Tatar settlement in the city and the shaping of a layer of non-Russian officials and nobility. The strategic efforts aimed at eliminating the influence of Central Asian and Turkish Muslims on co-religionists in the eastern outskirts of Russia resulted in an unprecedented project to create Orenburg Muftiate in Ufa. The latter’s activities became the main prerequisite for further concentration of intellectual and social resources of Russian Muslims in the city. The economic base of Muslim parishes with a full-fledged infrastructure — mosques, madrasas and maktabs — was largely formed by wealthy Ufa-based Muslim merchants. The role of Ufa in the social and political life of Russian Muslims can be traced through the development of the media, regional and national Muslim congresses. Conclusions. The development of Ufa as a center of Russia’s Turko-Islamic society contributes to the understanding of the phenomenon of cultural regionalism and its content.
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Morozova, T. I. "Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 8 (October 25, 2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.

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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
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Lotchin, Roger W. "The Political Culture of the Metropolitan-Military Complex." Social Science History 16, no. 2 (1992): 275–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016485.

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Like many modern historians’ concepts, the notion of political culture comes to us from the social sciences, especially anthropology and political science. One assumes that political culture is a term familiar to most readers. The term metropolitan-military complex may require some explanation. I coined the phrase some years ago when undertaking a study of San Francisco politics. At the time, the inquiry was fairly conventional. Yet as I worked through the struggles over municipal services, labor and management problems, political structure, mass transit, minorities, parties, reformers, bosses, and so forth, the role of the military loomed ever larger. The longer the military was investigated, the more important that role appeared to be. Eventually, I changed the focus of my study from politics, conventionally defined, to the relationship between cities and the military. President Dwight D. Eisenhower used the term military-industrial complex in his 1961 farewell address to describe an alliance among technicians, congressmen, bureaucrats, military men, and businessmen. He did not define his words rigorously, but he left the definite impression that the military-industrial complex (MIC) was national in scope and something close to a conspiracy on behalf of greater defense spending. The president also implied that the MIC had only recently appeared. Subsequent commentators on the subject have largely followed this approach, stressing the importance of conspiracy, militarism, Washington bureaucrats, big business, and big congressmen. They have also accepted the World War II or cold war origins of the alliance as well as its national scope.
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Albaladejo, C. Martín, and F. Carmona Vivar. "Sixth International Congress of Entomology, Madrid (1935): politics and science." Archives of Natural History 48, no. 2 (October 2021): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2021.0722.

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Using the Sixth International Congress of Entomology (Madrid, 1935) as an example, we present a representative case of science as a social construct and its importance to the history of the winning side of a war to construct a memory that supports its own version of events. The Congress was held prior to the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939); however, the proceedings were not published until 1940. An examination of the proceedings and of archival documents show the exclusion of contributions initially intended for publication, particularly those by Spanish entomologists who were politically aligned with the Second Spanish Republic, the losing side, and who, as a result, suffered reprisals after the military conflict. These documents suggest that their contributions were rejected for reasons unrelated to their scientific investigations but due to the political inclinations of the editor.
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Loomis, Burdett A. "Congress at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970–1998. By Richard F. Fenno, Jr. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 170p. $34.95 cloth, $16.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 472–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401332021.

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Not long ago, Richard Fenno was at an American Political Science Association convention, wondering aloud whether anyone might want to publish a case study of a single congressional district over almost three decades. The Uni- versity of North Carolina Press did, and congressional schol- ars and students of representation are indebted to the editors there. Just when we suspected that Fenno could not wring one more set of insights from his "soaking and poking" political anthropology, he produces a book that tells a profound tale of political change in the South (and in suburbia), gives us a grounded study of what it means to represent a constituency, and offers an understanding of both the Rayburn and Gingrich eras in the House of Representa- tives. In addition, students of Congress can enjoy this book in its nuanced referencing of Home Style, Fenno's still-relevant study of House members in their constituencies, published in 1978.
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Jones, James R. "RACING THROUGH THE HALLS OF CONGRESS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 1 (2017): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000369.

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AbstractAlthough there is an impressive body of research on the U.S. Congress, there has been limited discussion about the central role race plays in the organization of this political institution. While some scholars have documented Congress’ racist past, less is known about the present significance of race in the federal legislature. Throughout the day, African Americans routinelynodto one another in the halls of the Capitol, and consider the Black nod as a common cultural gesture. However, data from over sixty in-depth interviews suggest there is an additional layer of meaning to the Black nod in Congress. From the microlevel encounters, I observed and examined, I interpret the nod as more than a gesture that occurs in a matter of seconds between colleagues or even among perfect strangers in the halls of Congress. The Black nod encompasses and is shaped by labor organized along racial lines, a history of racial subordination, and powerful perceptions of race in the post-Civil-Rights era on the meso-, and macrolevels. Using this interpretive foundation, this article will show how the nod is an adaptive strategy of Black staffers that renders them visible in an environment where they feel socially invisible. The nod becomes an external expression of their racialized professional identity. I argue that the congressional workplace is a raced political institution and that the microlevel encounters I observed delineate and reproduce its racial boundaries. This article represents perhaps the first sociological study of Congress and provides an unprecedented view into its inner workings and the social dimensions that organize workplace relationships.
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Books on the topic "Political anthropology – congresses"

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Steadman, Upham, ed. The Evolution of political systems: Sociopolitics in small-scale sedentary societies. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

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Ladwig, Bernd, and Dirk Jörke. Politische Anthropologie: Geschichte, Gegenwart, Möglichkeiten. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009.

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Gontier, Thierry, and Emiliano Ferrari. L'axe Montaigne-Hobbes: Anthropologie et politique. Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2016.

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Giovanni, Lauriola, and Antiseri Dario, eds. Antropologia ed etica politica. Bari: Levante, 1995.

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Jean-François, Bayart, Argenti Nicolas, Warnier Jean-Pierre, and Fondation nationale des sciences politiques. Centre d'études et de recherches internationales., eds. Matière à politique: Le pouvoir, les corps et les choses. Paris: Karthala, 2004.

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Panourgia, E. Neni K. 1958- and Marcus George E, eds. Ethnographica moralia: Experiments in interpretive anthropology. New York, NY: Fordham University Press, 2008.

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Kradin, N. N. Politicheskai︠a︡ antropologii︠a︡ tradit︠s︡ionnykh i sovremennykh obshchestv: Materialy mezhdunarodnoĭ konferent︠s︡ii. Vladivostok: Izdatelʹskiĭ dom Dalʹnevostochnogo federalʹnogo universiteta, 2012.

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Ade, Ajayi J. F., Ikara Bashir, Kaduna State Council for Arts and Culture., and National Seminar on Nigeria's Political Culture (1981 : Kaduna, Nigeria), eds. Evolution of political culture in Nigeria: Proceedings of a national seminar organized by the Kaduna State Council for Arts and Culture. Ibadan: University Press, 1985.

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Olufemi, Vaughan, ed. Indigenous political structures and governance in Africa. Ibadan, Nigeria: Sefer, 2003.

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Vserossiĭskai︠a︡ nauchnai︠a︡ konferent︠s︡ii︠a︡ pami︠a︡ti S.Ė. Krapivenskogo (2008 Volgograd, Russia). Chelovek, obshchestvo, istorii︠a︡: Metodologicheskie innovat︠s︡ii i regionalʹnyĭ kontekst sbornik materialov Vserossiĭskoĭ nauchnoĭ konferent︠s︡ii pami︠a︡ti S.Ė. Krapivenskogo, g. Volgograd, 16-17 apreli︠a︡ 2008 g. Volgograd: Volgogradskiĭ gos. universitet, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political anthropology – congresses"

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"The Launching of the First Pan-African Congress and the Subsequent Pan-African Congresses by African-American Men Actors." In Pan-Africanism: Political Philosophy and Socio-Economic Anthropology for African Liberation and Governance, 177–502. Langaa RPCIG, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh9vw4r.8.

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Sanders Johnson, Grace. "Stage Right." In White Gloves, Black Nation, 182–215. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469673684.003.0007.

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Abstract This chapter looks at how LFAS organizers adopted the pageantry of regional wartime alliances and public performances (fêtes, choreographed dances, congressional presentations, and plays) to establish a political aesthetic that drew different Haitian women toward each other in local, national, and international politics. Following LFAS women’s political wayfaring from Port-au-Prince to the Belgian Congo, to Argentina, to the United States and Germany, the chapter discusses women’s participation in international conferences, global post-World War II diplomacy, and their practices of feminist anthropology. The leaders of the LFAS held memberships and affiliations in multiple international women’s movements, including the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, the Pan-American Women’s Congresses, the United Nations Council on Women, and the International Council of Women of Darker Races. The chapter shows how LFAS women leveraged these international organizational and interpersonal relationships for their national initiatives. Intersecting with the history of Black women’s internationalism in the early and mid-twentieth century, the chapter ends with the first Haitian Women’s International Conference in 1950.
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Varga, Simon. "Hesiod’s Political Anthropology." In Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy, 47–52. Philosophy Documentation Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp232018211271.

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Smith, Woodruff D. "Berlin Ethnology as Neoliberal Cultural Science." In Politics and the Sciences of Culture in Germany 1840-1920, 100–114. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065367.003.0006.

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Abstract In September 1869, the Congress of German Natural Scientists and Physicians met in Innsbruck. Included in its program was a section devoted to anthropology and ethnology.1 The section was organized and, in the event, dominated by Rudolf Virchow who had for the past several years been spending increasing amounts of his professional time on anthropological subjects. At one point, the discussion turned to the fact that practically every other major European country except Germany possessed national associations for the advancement of physical anthropology, ethnology, and related subjects. Undoubtedly, this discussion was affected by the nationalist political climate of the late 1860s, by the formation of the North German Confederation, and by the prospect of Germany’s impending complete unification. The section issued a call for the establishment of a German Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory-in part for the reason that if other countries had such organizations, Germany ought to have one as well. The society was envisioned as being German in a grossdeutsch sense-incorporating members from north and south Germany and from Austria. It was intended to support research in the three general areas indicated by its title, and it was supposed to coordinate the activities of local societies devoted to those subjects.
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"The Sixth Pan-African Congress of Manchester in 1945:." In Pan-Africanism: Political Philosophy and Socio-Economic Anthropology for African Liberation and Governance, 57–270. Langaa RPCIG, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh9vvnj.8.

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"The Seventh and the Eighth Pan African Congress of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania – 1974 and Kampala, Uganda- 1994:." In Pan-Africanism: Political Philosophy and Socio-Economic Anthropology for African Liberation and Governance, 1–52. Langaa RPCIG, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh9vwbn.7.

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Diamant, Neil J. "Officials Read the Draft Constitution." In Useful Bullshit, 21–44. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761270.003.0002.

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This chapter examines how the 1954 constitutional discussion provides an unprecedented and unlikely-to-be-repeated opportunity for “constitutional anthropology.” During this discussion period, ordinary officials were not only allowed to offer commentary but encouraged to do so. Officials were asked about constitutional history (“Where did the constitution come from?”), role (“What is a constitution?”), ideological foundations (“Whose interests does the constitution represent?”), and institutional underpinnings (“Who is the premier?” “What does the National People's Congress do?”), and how China's constitution was different from those in capitalist countries. These questions were not easy to answer; even Mao Zedong seemed unclear about how a “president in a capitalist country” was different than the People's Republic of China's state chairman position. Focusing primarily on the Shanghai area, with several other areas sprinkled in, the chapter looks at the state from the inside out, beginning with officials' political and sociocultural concerns, and then to the process by which they got educated about the constitution. The chapter then considers the officials' reactions to two key elements in the constitution that were critical to their work: public order and ideology.
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Fiore, Silvia Ruffo. "Giambattista Vico and the Pedagogy of 'Heroic Mind' in the Liberal Arts." In The Paideia Archive: Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy, 93–98. Philosophy Documentation Center, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp20-paideia199829481.

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Vico's concept of the Heroic Mind forms the pedagogical basis for his view of the liberal arts in university education. It is also the key to understanding his humanist critique of Cartesian epistemology. This essay studies Vico's Heroic Mind concept as revealed in his 1732 De mente heroica Oration, discusses the nature of Vico's challenge to Descartes' view of the human person and of knowledge, and points out the development of Vico's ideas on mind, education, and knowledge from his earlier works. Vico's writings not only offer a portrait of eighteenth century European intellectual and cultural thought, but also prophesy the change, disruption, and dehumanization that result from the exaggerated emphases on rationality as the end of all knowledge divorced from other physical, emotional, natural, or historical contingencies and from a neglect of the de mente heroica concept at the foundation of the humanistic world view. His understanding of the state of learning, wisdom, and culture in his own age as well as his exposure to the aversion of the Cartesian mathematical paradigm which discounted the Heroic Mind issues forth in an understanding of the forces driving modern technological society and the problems plaguing contemporary consciousness and life. He has influenced and inspired much modern thinking in sociology, politics, anthropology, language, pedagogy, literature, psychology, and even science. It is the concept of the historical and cultural evolution of the Heroic Mind which Vico passionately pursued in his monumentally creative The New Science.
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