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Journal articles on the topic 'Political and social viewschomsky'

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Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Davies, James. "Social Political Engagement." ITNOW 59, no. 3 (2017): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/itnow/bwx075.

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2

Oles, Thomas. "Political Social Work." Social Work 62, no. 3 (May 5, 2017): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/swx029.

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3

Fisher, Robert. "Political Social Work." Journal of Social Work Education 31, no. 2 (April 1995): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10437797.1995.10672257.

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4

Kooiman, Jan. "Social-Political Governance." Public Management: An International Journal of Research and Theory 1, no. 1 (January 1999): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14719037800000005.

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5

La Due Lake, Ronald, and Robert Huckfeldt. "Social Capital, Social Networks, and Political Participation." Political Psychology 19, no. 3 (September 1998): 567–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00118.

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6

Karlsson, Rasmus. "Social Democratic Political Theory." International Journal of Foreign Studies 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/ijfs.2014.06.7.95.

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7

MacMillan, C. Michael. "Social versus Political Rights." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (June 1986): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054020.

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AbstractIn the past century, the notion of human rights has expanded significantly to include a variety of social rights. The introduction of this new category of human rights inspired a lively debate concerning the authenticity of such claims, focussing particularly on the ways in which social rights differ from political rights. This article examines the major points at issue in the debate. The important differences emphasized to date are those relating to costs, universality, and the correlativity of rights and duties. In each of these major areas of dispute, analysis indicates that the allegedly fundamental distinctions between social and political rights are in fact differences of degree, not of kind and, in fact, social rights conform both to the broad logic and the established practice of human rights.
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8

Stoesz, D. "Social Workers' Political Participation." Social Work 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/44.1.85-a.

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9

SHARPEY-SCHAFER, J. F. "Social and political issues." Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 56, no. 2 (January 2001): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00359190109520517.

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10

Earnest, William R. "Political and social writings." New Ideas in Psychology 8, no. 3 (January 1990): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0732-118x(94)90046-9.

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11

Pearson, Ruth. "The Social Is Political." International Feminist Journal of Politics 6, no. 4 (January 2004): 603–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674042000283381.

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12

Rudisill, John. "Social and Political Philosophy." Teaching Philosophy 27, no. 2 (2004): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil200427228.

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13

Hamilton, David, and David Fauri. "Social Workers′ Political Participation." Journal of Social Work Education 37, no. 2 (April 2001): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2001.10779057.

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14

Truman, Carole. "Ethical, Social & Political Processes in Social Research." Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 68, no. 1 (October 2000): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910630006800113.

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15

Barnidge, Matthew. "Social Affect and Political Disagreement on Social Media." Social Media + Society 4, no. 3 (July 2018): 205630511879772. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118797721.

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The perception of political disagreement is more prevalent on social media than it is in face-to-face communication, and it may be associated with negative affect toward others. This research investigates the relationship between interpersonal evaluations (i.e., perceived similarity, liking, and closeness) and perceived political disagreement in social media versus face-to-face settings. Relying on a representative survey of adult internet users in the United States ( N = 489), the study first examines the differences between social media and face-to-face settings in terms of interpersonal evaluations and relates them to parallel differences in perceived disagreement. Results are discussed in light of important, ongoing scholarly conversations about political disagreement, tolerance toward the other side in politics, and the “affective turn” in public communication about politics.
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16

Jiang, Yaqian. "Chinese social media: Social, cultural, and political implications." Chinese Journal of Communication 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2020.1722904.

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17

Frederico, Margarita, and T. C. Puckett. "Let's Get Political: Political Participation Among Social Workers." Australian Journal of Social Issues 23, no. 3 (August 1988): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1988.tb01225.x.

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18

Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.
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19

Gelman, Andrew, and Yotam Margalit. "Social penumbras predict political attitudes." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 6 (February 1, 2021): e2019375118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2019375118.

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To explain the political clout of different social groups, traditional accounts typically focus on the group’s size, resources, or commonality and intensity of its members’ interests. We contend that a group’s penumbra—the set of individuals who are personally familiar with people in that group—is another important explanatory factor that merits systematic analysis. To this end, we designed a panel study that allows us to learn about the characteristics of the penumbras of politically relevant groups such as gay people, the unemployed, or recent immigrants. Our study reveals major and systematic differences in the penumbras of various social groups, even ones of similar size. Moreover, we find evidence that entering a group’s penumbra is associated with a change in attitude on group-related policy questions. Taken together, our findings suggest that penumbras are pertinent for understanding variation in the political standing of different groups in society.
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20

Zvereva, N. I. "Political Effects Of Social Entrepreneurship." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 14, no. 1 (2014): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2014-14-1-111-115.

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21

Peretz, Paul. "Social Security and Political Investment." Polity 30, no. 1 (September 1997): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235321.

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22

Kaufmann, Elton N. "Social Responsibility vs. Political Advocacy." MRS Bulletin 10, S6 (February 1985): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/s0883769400044122.

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23

Ivanov, O. B. "POLITICAL ASPECT OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS." RUDN Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (2018): 564–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2018-20-4-564-577.

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24

Vasilkova, V. V., and N. I. Legostaeva. "Social bots in political communication." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 1 (2019): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-1-121-133.

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25

Mironov, Andrey. "Social distance and political participation." Ideas and Ideals 2, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2016-4.2-43-50.

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26

Nikovskaya, L. I. "SOCIAL GROUNDS FOR POLITICAL CONFLICT." KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, no. 5 (October 2020): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-5-31-42.

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The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, con- tribute to the widening of the gap between "private" and "public", generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. Sociological analysis of the subject cross-section of conflict interaction shows that a conflict based on group interests (in comparison with class and elitist) contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, since it is characterized by flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Class and elitist models of conflict tend more to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the "discontinuous" lines of interaction between the "top" and "bottom", makes the dichotomy "rule-submission" rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.
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27

Kaufmann, Elton N. "Social Responsibility vs. Political Advocacy." MRS Bulletin 10, no. 6 (December 1985): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/s0883769400040343.

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28

Baum, Nehami. "Social Work in Political Conflict." Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 87, no. 3 (July 2006): 395–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1606/1044-3894.3544.

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29

Ferguson, Magnus. "Political Hermeneutics and Social Interpretation." Research in Phenomenology 52, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341492.

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30

Kofford, Steve, Kate Odziemkowska, Haram Seo, Jay B. Barney, Forrest Briscoe, Vanessa Burbano, Aharon Cohen Mohliver, and Donald C. Hambrick. "Corporate Social and Political Activism." Academy of Management Proceedings 2020, no. 1 (August 2020): 13907. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2020.13907symposium.

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31

Shapovalova, Polina Alekseevna, and Sofia Aleksandrovna Ermokhina. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR." News of Scientific Achievements. Sociodynamics, no. 2 (2020): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36616/2712-7583-2020-2-40-44.

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32

Pak, Alina Vladislavovna. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR." News of scientific achievements, no. 6 (2019): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36616/2618-7612-2019-6-28-31.

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33

Jung, Hwa Yol. "Hegel’s Social and Political Thought." International Studies in Philosophy 17, no. 1 (1985): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198517168.

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34

O’Neil, Patrick. "Modern Social and Political Philosophies." International Studies in Philosophy 18, no. 1 (1986): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil1986181102.

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35

Ward, Allen M., Cicero, and Neal Wood. "Cicero's Social and Political Thought." Classical World 83, no. 2 (1989): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350591.

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36

Gruen, Erich S., and Neal Wood. "Cicero's Social and Political Thought." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162980.

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37

Campbell, David E. "Social Networks and Political Participation." Annual Review of Political Science 16, no. 1 (May 11, 2013): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-033011-201728.

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38

Walder, Andrew G. "Political Sociology and Social Movements." Annual Review of Sociology 35, no. 1 (August 2009): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120035.

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39

Hindess, Barry. "Political Equality and Social Policy." Thesis Eleven 25, no. 1 (February 1990): 114–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369002500108.

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40

Brugiatelli, Vereno. "Social Peace and Political Pluralism." Advanced Engineering Forum 11 (June 2014): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/aef.11.267.

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In the modern age cultural and political pluralism received the serious consideration of the Enlightenment philosophers. In the contemporary age, it is the centre of attention of several thinkers that tackle the often dramatic problems related with the misrecognition of rights and freedoms in cultural minority groups. Liberalism in its multiple formulations puts the universal principles that ignore differences at the base of its reflections. Philosophers such as Charles Taylor and Michael Walzer often insisted on the political necessity to face the problem of differences, denouncing the historical and cultural limits of the different forms of liberal universalism. By examining the contraposition between universalism and communitarism, in this paper I intend to give a theoretical solution to such a contrast. In order to outline a perspective able to overcome conflicts in a pacified society, I consider the resources of the recognition of the rights to capabilities, public debate and practical wisdom.
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41

Malamud, Andrés. "Social Revolution or Political Takeover?" Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 1 (June 26, 2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x13492710.

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In 1995 the Peronist party held the Argentine presidency, a comfortable majority in both congressional chambers, and most provincial governorships and municipalities. In 2013 the political landscape looked exactly the same. However, between 2001 and 2002 the country arguably went through its most serious crisis ever, which led to massive popular uprisings, the early resignation of two presidents, and the largest debt default in international history. The political collapse did not, however, constitute a spontaneous or definite rupture with the past. Instead, the social revolt detonated in December 2001 was not only temporally and territorially limited but also politically nurtured and institutionally bounded. Conventional explanations have tended to overlook a crucial set of actors that was neither marching in the streets nor voting in the Congress. These actors were subnational power holders and they were Peronist, and their participation explains how the protest began, how the crisis unfolded, and how it was resolved. En 1995, el partido peronista ocupaba la presidencia de la Argentina y gozaba de amplia mayoría en ambas cámaras, así como en las gobernaciones y municipios. En 2013, el panorama político lucía exactamente igual. Sin embargo, entre 2001 y 2002 el país sufrió una de las crisis más graves de su historia, que desembocó en levantamientos populares masivos, la renuncia anticipada de dos presidentes y el mayor incumplimiento de pago de una deuda soberana en la historia. El colapso político, sin embargo, no constituyó una ruptura espontánea ni definitiva con el pasado sino un acontecimiento que, además de temporal y territorialmente acotado, fue alimentado políticamente y digerido institucionalmente. Las explicaciones convencionales han pasado por alto a un conjunto de actores que no marchaba en las calles ni votaba en el Congreso. Estos actores tenían dos características: eran autoridades subnacionales y eran peronistas. Su participación explica el inicio de la protesta social, el desarrollo de la crisis y su resolución.
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42

Acemoglu, D., G. Egorov, and K. Sonin. "Political model of social evolution." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 108, Supplement_4 (December 22, 2011): 21292–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1019454108.

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43

Martin, John Levi, and Matthew Desmond. "Political Position and Social Knowledge." Sociological Forum 25, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1573-7861.2009.01154.x.

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44

McGuire, James W. "Political regime and social performance." Contemporary Politics 19, no. 1 (March 2013): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2013.773203.

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45

Karlsson, Martin, and Joachim Åström. "Social media and political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17006.kar.

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Abstract As the Internet has come to play a greater role in politics, there has been a growing scholarly interest in how digital and social media are changing politics. The competition between the innovation and normalization hypotheses has been at the center of the debate. This article sets out to identify evidence of innovation and normalization in terms of how politicians communicate in- and the level of influence they are attaining within the political blogosphere. The analyses conducted show paradoxical results as we find that those groups of politicians who are utilizing political communication in the blogosphere in more innovative and progressive ways – mirroring the hopes and expectations about how social media might influence politicians and political communication – have weaker positions within the blog network compared to other politicians.
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46

Jensen, Michael J. "Social Media and Political Campaigning." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 1 (October 22, 2016): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161216673196.

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This paper develops a way for analyzing the structure of campaign communications within Twitter. The structure of communication affordances creates opportunities for a horizontal organization power within Twitter interactions. However, one cannot infer the structure of interactions as they materialize from the formal properties of the technical environment in which the communications occur. Consequently, the paper identifies three categories of empowering communication operations that can occur on Twitter: Campaigns can respond to others, campaigns can retweet others, and campaigns can call for others to become involved in the campaign on their own terms. The paper operationalizes these categories in the context of the 2015 U.K. general election. To determine whether Twitter is used to empower laypersons, the profiles of each account retweeted and replied to were retrieved and analyzed using natural language processing to identify whether an account is from a political figure, member of the media, or some other public figure. In addition, tweets and retweets are compared with respect to the manner key election issues are discussed. The findings indicate that empowering uses of Twitter are fairly marginal, and retweets use almost identical policy language as the original campaign tweets.
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47

Buchanan, Allen. "Political Liberalism and Social Epistemology." Philosophy Public Affairs 32, no. 2 (April 2004): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2004.00008.x.

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48

Laberge, Yves. "Contemporary Social and Political Theory." European Political Science 12, no. 2 (February 22, 2013): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2013.3.

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49

Frankford, David M. "Social and Political Dis-ease." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-24-1-181.

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50

Rohlinger, Deana A. "Political Shocks and Social Movements." American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 1 (August 12, 2009): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338782.

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