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FARIA, ALESSANDRA MAIA TERRA DE. "THE SOCIAL AND THE POLITICAL: THEORIES OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=12444@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
O presente estudo abordará as teorias da representação política como expostas por Bernard Manin, Nadia Urbinati e Pierre Rosanvallon, sob a perspectiva de que a relação entre democracia e representação política é marcada por uma tensão inerente, como retomada por Bernard Manin. A retórica que acompanha a escalada do sufrágio universal como solução da tensão entre representação política e democracia faz com que a forma de entendimento da institucionalidade representativa esteja cercada de superstições quanto à eficácia e pujança de seus métodos. Interpelar a representação política enquanto um processo mediador destas tensões entre a esfera social e política é um movimento que aproximaria os três autores estudados. A questão é que para os dois primeiros, o processo de representação seria pré-estabelecido e, portanto, fechado e não permeável às mudanças, onde o mundo da política é claramente delimitado. Enquanto que para o terceiro, por uma postura diferenciada no que concerne à relação entre o social e o político, parece haver uma perspectiva singular de processo em aberto a ser considerada, traduzida em uma concepção de política expandida e contraditória, ou seja, do social e do político em intersecção.
The research herein deals with the theories of political representation as they are exposed by Bernard Manin, Pierre Rosanvallon and Nadia Urbina ti, considering the perspective of a tense existing relationship between democracy and political representation, as it was recovered by Bernard Manin. There is a rhetoric that follows the universal suffrage adoption in which it is seen as a solution to the tense relationship among political representation and democracy, what has led general understanding of representative institutionality to be surrounded by superstitions regarding its mechanisms effectiveness and responsiveness. It is possible to approximate the three studied theorists if political representation is inquired as a process that mediates these tensions between political and social spheres. The question is that for both former authors, the political representation process is pre-established and, thus, closed and not permeable to changes, where the world of politics is clearly delimitated. While to the later, a different attitude towards the relationship between the social and the political seems to assure a singular perspective of open process to be considered, traduced in an expansive and contradictory conception of politics, in others words, of social and political intersection.
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Craig, Weylan. "GENERAL SOCIAL TRUST AND POLITICAL TRUST WITHIN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL GROUPS: A CASE STUDY." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3158.
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People in society with high levels of generalized social trust and political trust are more likely to engage in civic activism and participation. Therefore, people involved in social and political groups will likely have higher levels of generalized social and political trust than the general public. What lacks in this realm of scholarship is a solid comparison of trust among people involved in social and political groups. This case-study analysis of generalized social trust and political trust among social and political groups shows the trust that is not only generated within each group, but also which types of groups are more effective at developing citizens that participate in society. Using a researcher-designed survey instrument, two social groups and two political groups have been evaluated and compared to demonstrate members' propensity to trust others in society and those in political office at all levels of government. Sample size is 115 respondents. Among other demographic data analyzed and compared to a larger population data set in the World Values Survey, six hypotheses have been tested. Typical analysis shows demographic data or group membership as the independent variable with trust values acting as the dependent variable. Graphic and cross-tabular data show that social groups recorded higher levels of political trust than political groups. This is probably due to the ideological leanings of the political groups. Political groups showed higher levels of generalized social trust than social groups. Political group members probably feel that their actions are benefiting the greater good. Additionally, participation variables showed that not only are political group members more interested in politics than social group members, but they also have higher levels of registering to vote and to participate in the voting process. They are probably seeking to make significant change in the political system through their actions. The research conducted does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of trust among members of social and political groups. However, it is intended to promote the analysis of trust among people in society that have a predisposition to trust as they have shown through the act of participating in a social or political group. As foci for the development of trust, analysis of social and political groups provides a shortcut for scholars interested in the development and proliferation of trust in society. This research provides analysis of four case-study groups at one point in time. Further research using larger sample sizes and time-series analysis could advance trust analysis among social and political groups.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science
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Sandovici, Maria Elena. "Social capital and political action." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Thomson, Tiffany Lynn. "Examining dimensions of political discussion and political knowledge." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1185903001.
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Freij, Martin, and Andreas Gartnell. "Political Parties in Social Media : A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35242.
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Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.
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譚棣華 and Dihua Tan. "Political and social changes in Guangdong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31239341.
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RezaeiSahraei, Afsaneh. "Iranian Political Humor in Social Media." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1420.
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Hoffman, Anna. "The John Oliver Effect: Political Satire and Political Participation Through Social Networks." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1450381528.
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Franklin, Stuart. "Białowieża Forest : social function and social power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367455.
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Research has concentrated on understanding social function and social power in Bialowieza Forest in northeastern Poland. It has attempted to analyse, from the standpoint of political ecology, the value that people, both locally and further afield, place (and have placed) on the forest. And it has struggled to understand how the machinations of power have enabled or disabled such values to be expressed. Over the past ten years Bialowieza Forest has been the site of a particular conflict concerning the enlargement of the existing national park to encompass the whole forest. For some who have moved to Bialowieza from other regions of Poland, the forest is as a Renaissance painting that should not be altered and a laboratory where scientific experiments can be conducted and through which income, from home and abroad, can be generated from project funding and support from international NGOs. At the same time it is (apparently) subject to man's present 'destruction and deterioration'. My principal arguments remain that (i) far from being a pristine 'primeval forest' Bialowieza is a thoroughly logged-over forest that has borne man's influence, in various ways, since at least the sixth century; (ii) that far from being subject to present 'destruction and deterioration' it has, for the past 50 years, been actively restored by foresters after considerable devastation in the 1930s and 30s; and finally (iii) that the social construction of the forest has served to dispossess and alienate local people (mostly Belorussian) living around the forest whose cultural and economic base is currently threatened. I argue that there is little value in discussing the social construction of nature without, at the same time, examining the strategies of political actors that enlist such social constructions as tools in the normal struggle for power at the local, national and supranational scale. To this end I examine the cultural and scientific roots of the national park movement, the dispute over the forest both in terms of utility and through perception and representation. I examine the economic history of the forest. I analyse the legitimacy of those involved in contestation and those who seek to utilise the forest in particular ways. Further, I examine issues of governance and law. Whilst I recognise that research on access to, and management of, forests and national parks today is not unique, I believe this work holds value for its focus (in a European context) not simply on the forest struggle as a locality issue, but on how the struggle is enriched by ideological and representational practices that operate across time and space. Such practices form the scope and inform the principal arguments in this thesis.
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Hash, Andrae Stephen. "Civic and political involvement among young adults: Exploring political talk, political efficacy and political participation in a community context." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51153.
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This study expands research on uses and gratifications by exploring political information-seeking uses of the Internet and social networking sites (SNS) and their relationships with political efficacy and political participation. Approximately 300 young adults completed a survey covering information-seeking, information access, and information sharing uses for local civic and political purposes. The study hypothesizes that young adults' political talk, particularly in their online social networks, is associated with political efficacy. Variables that support the relationship between information-seeking and political efficacy are also explored. Random and convenience samples of young adults were combined in this study to explore the cognitive (perceived efficacy) and civic (actual behavior) behaviors of undergraduate students at Virginia Tech in order to examine the role of political talk in individuals' opinion networks measured by the outcome of political talk. Results show considerable support for hypotheses emphasizing the predicted relationships between Internet and SNS for political information-seeking uses, political efficacy, and political participation gratifications. Future research exploring the broad range of political communication uses and their association with political efficacy and political participation is warranted.Master of Arts
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Simmons, Robin. "Further education, political economy and social change." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2009. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/7071/.
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This submission contains eight papers and a synoptic commentary to be examined for the award of PhD on the Basis of Published Work. The papers focus upon the further education (FE) system in England. Each examines significant contemporary or historical issues and provides a critical analysis of the changing nature of FE. Collectively, the publications constitute an original and significant contribution to understanding further education and the social and economic context within which it is placed. The commentary highlights the links between the different papers and demonstrates their coherence; it locates the publications within an overarching analytical framework; and it shows how the work submitted makes a significant contribution to knowledge. It also explains my contribution to the three coauthored papers that constitute part of this thesis. It is argued that, taken together, my work provides a sustained and consistent critique of the English further education system from a critical materialist perspective.
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Emmonds, Kerry Louise. "Social theory and political change in Argentina." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ39822.pdf.
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Di, Gennaro Corinna. "Social capital and political participation in Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410775.
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Prior, D. "Occupational and political orientations in social work." Thesis, University of Kent, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353816.
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Manikkalingam, Ramanujam. "Political liberalism, social pluralism and group conflict." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8239.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-221).
This dissertation develops a political liberal approach to multiculturalism as an alternative to its dismissal by some egalitarian liberals and its celebration by some multicultural liberals. Some egalitarian liberals overstate the liberal tension with group-specific claims, disregard the role of culture in a person's life, and exaggerate the propensity of group-specific claims to exacerbate conflict. Confusing religion with culture, they assign to religion the status of an all purpose good that liberals traditionally assign to income and wealth. While political liberals require that the state grant exemptions to religious practices that violate uniform rules, these egalitarian liberals do not. Some multicultural liberals overstate the liberal failure to accommodate group-specific political claims, exaggerate the role of culture in a person's life, and ignore the invented nature of culture. Confusing culture with religion, they assign to culture the moral weight liberals traditionally assign to religion. Political liberals, however, assign to culture the same social weight they assign to a person's family, firm, neighborhood and other associations. Political liberals also distinguish encompassing groups, such as language-nations or factory-towns, whose members primarily live, work and socialize with their own group, from other groups, whose members do not. The former have greater social weight, though not moral weight, than the latter. This leads political liberals to require state support for encompassing groups to adjust to new social and economic circumstances, irrespective of whether they are cultural.
(cont.) Unlike some multicultural liberals, political liberals do not require that such adjustment lead to the maintenance of the encompassing group because it is a cultural community. Finally, political liberals distinguish the role of reasonable differences over how to treat others as equals, from that of hate and greed in aggravating group conflict. This leads to a less pessimistic view about the prospects for resolving group conflict. By looking at reasonable differences among liberals over political claims in two group conflicts - Tamil self-determination in Sri Lanka and Black political representation in the United States - a political liberal approach to cultural pluralism can contribute to the design of just institutions that resolve group conflict.
by Ram Manikkalingam.
Ph.D.
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Williams, Emyr. "Social and political thought of Saunders Lewis." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2009. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/54521/.
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Located within the embryonic discipline of Welsh political thought, this thesis seeks to identify, explore and analyse the central ideas apparent in the political thought of John Saunders Lewis. It utilises key texts authored by Saunders Lewis with which to focus upon these ideas, and these texts and their inherent ideas form the basis of the earlier chapters. The thesis operates employing a 'History of Ideas' methodology. The introduction sections seek to locate the contemporary need for a study such as this, and also provide some background and context to Saunders Lewis' political thought. Noting that political ideas are not monolithic and free-standing, ideas and thinkers that influenced Saunders Lewis are also identified and analysed before engaging with his authored texts directly. The latter chapters of this thesis seek to examine the ideas of Saunders Lewis that are relevant to the contemporary theory context. The thesis culminates with an analysis of Saunders Lewis' nationalism employing contemporary nationalism analysis paradigms. A counter-critique of these paradigms is also performed employing Saunders Lewis' nationalism. The central ideas of Saunders Lewis are examined, namely his political thought regarding Welsh history, nationhood, language, culture, state and their associated ideas. Whilst his ideas focus upon Wales and the Welsh societal and political experience, this thesis is also intended to be of use within the context of a wider investigation into nationalism, as well as to wider political theory. Despite the simplistic labelling of Saunders Lewis as a 'radical conservative', the analysis of his thought in this thesis reveals a far more complex thinker than this description would suggest, as he sought to combine an ideology of linguistic cultural preservation with a vision of national liberation. Contrary to Saunders Lewis' definition of nationalism, this thesis employs as its investigative methodology the premise that nationalism is a fluid concept and phenomenon that interfaces and interacts with other left-right ideologies, thus enabling a critical overview of other nationalist positions in order to highlight and aid in the understanding of Saunders Lewis' own concepts.
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Tilley, James Robert. "Social and political generations in contemporary Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.247159.
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Krenn, Martin. "The political space in social art practices." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.692824.
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This research contributes to knowledge by conceptualising a post-foundational theoretical base to assess the significance of social art practices and their political dimension, whilst allowing, at the same time, for such a foundation to remain permanently contingent. Thereby, I discus the key terms: society, the social and the political in relation to art. In so doing I identify the two main criteria for social art practices namely non-identitarian solidarity and minimal politics which, I argue, constitute and define the possibility for the political in social art practice. The (post-foundational) criteria for minimal politics are organisation, strategy, collectivism and the aim of becoming a majority (Marchart 20 I 0: 318). In order to distinguish the political potential of social art practices from any form of totalitarian political art they have to be democratic and have to be at least based on principles such as freedom and equality. I then claim that social art practices also have the potential to become radically democratic, as soon as they base their practice on the principle of difference and root their practice in non-identitarian solidarity. Prerequisites for social art practices developed in this thesis contend that art becomes a social practice as soon as it intervenes aesthetically into social conditions by oscillating between the poles of aI1istic dialogue and aesthetic autonomy. The artistic component of this PhD project is the website project The Political Sphere in Art Practices, which is based on interviews that I conducted with experts in the field of social practice art. The interviewees are Grant Kester, Margit Czenki, Christoph Schafer, Roger Behrens, Neala Schleuning, Mary Jane Jacob, Gregory Sholette and Nora Sternfeld. The project provides an interactive dialogical platform constructed as a modular system of questions, answers and categories.
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Karzen, Brittany K. "#DoINeedSocialMedia: Social Media in Local Political Elections." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2015. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5522.
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More research is needed to be able to fully understand the role that social media plays in elections, specifically in local elections. Candidates need to understand how it works and how they can effectively use this new communication medium. By exploring Diffusion of Innovation Theory, Social Information Processing Theory, and the Two-Way Symmetrical Model of communications this study sought to answer one overarching question: how should a candidate employ social media in a local election? This qualitative, single case study explores the 2014 recall and general election in Yorba Linda, California. Councilman Tom Lindsey and candidate Matt Palmer are the primary subjects of study. Observations were made through analysis of documentation, interviews, and participant and direct observation. The researcher was employed as the campaign manager for both Lindsey's and Palmer's campaigns. The findings support the use of social media in local campaigns on a case by case basis. Determining use depends on the demographics of the voters and the abilities of the candidate. The data suggests that social media needs to be part of comprehensive strategy that includes traditional communication tools. Observations from the case study illustrate the need for candidates to engage in two-way communication that is monitored and regulated. This study begins to establish social media as a tool that candidates can use to inexpensively reach voters in a way that showcases the candidate's personality and allows them to connect on a personal level with constituents. Social media will play a role in politics at all levels.
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Melton, Craig Huntington. "Social Mobilization and Political Decay in Argentina." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625361.
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AZZOLLINI, LEO. "Social Stratification, Life Course, and Political Inequality." Doctoral thesis, Università Bocconi, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11565/4035715.
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No abstract availableThe topic of this dissertation is the relationship between social stratification and inequality in electoral participation in European countries, examined from a life course perspective. This participatory inequality across social strata is considered as particularly worrisome by social scientists, due to a potential vicious circle arising between socio-economic and political inequalities. The goal of this dissertation is to contribute to the exploration of said vicious circle, focusing on theoretical perspectives originating in sociology, at the intersection of social stratification and life course research: unemployment scarring, precarious work, relative cohort size, and age-class intersections. Broadly, I posit how the impact of individual social stratification on turnout is moderated by contextual-level dynamics, such as the unemployment rate, the size of the birth cohort, and the ideological convergence in the party system. I test the hypotheses by fitting logistic and multilevel regressions to data from the European Social Survey, combined with data from the EUROSTAT, Fraser Institute’s World Project, and the International Database of the US Census for Chapters 1-3. In Chapter 4, I integrate data from British Social Attitudes, the British Election Study, and the Manifesto Research on Political Participation in the case study of Great Britain. The key findings are the following: unemployment scarring decreases electoral participation by 10%, but its impact is amplified (up to 17%) by lower contextual unemployment, and nullified by higher levels of the latter. Precarious work decreases probability of voting in 21 European countries, on top of traditional predictors such as social class and education. In contrast with the Easterlin Hypothesis, larger Relative Cohort Size increases electoral participation, especially in upper social strata. Ideological convergence in Great Britain depresses the turnout of the working class and the self-employed, and this is driven mainly by younger cohorts within those classes. In sum, integrating the social stratification and life course approaches sheds new light on how inequality in electoral participation is jointly affected by individual and contextual characteristics. In future work, this joint approach may orient research on additional socio-political outcomes, towards a broader research programme on the Political Sociology of Inequalities.
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AZZOLLINI, LEO. "Social Stratification, Life Course, and Political Inequality." Doctoral thesis, Università Bocconi, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11565/4035714.
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No abstract availableThe topic of this dissertation is the relationship between social stratification and inequality in electoral participation in European countries, examined from a life course perspective. This participatory inequality across social strata is considered as particularly worrisome by social scientists, due to a potential vicious circle arising between socio-economic and political inequalities. The goal of this dissertation is to contribute to the exploration of said vicious circle, focusing on theoretical perspectives originating in sociology, at the intersection of social stratification and life course research: unemployment scarring, precarious work, relative cohort size, and age-class intersections. Broadly, I posit how the impact of individual social stratification on turnout is moderated by contextual-level dynamics, such as the unemployment rate, the size of the birth cohort, and the ideological convergence in the party system. I test the hypotheses by fitting logistic and multilevel regressions to data from the European Social Survey, combined with data from the EUROSTAT, Fraser Institute’s World Project, and the International Database of the US Census for Chapters 1-3. In Chapter 4, I integrate data from British Social Attitudes, the British Election Study, and the Manifesto Research on Political Participation in the case study of Great Britain. The key findings are the following: unemployment scarring decreases electoral participation by 10%, but its impact is amplified (up to 17%) by lower contextual unemployment, and nullified by higher levels of the latter. Precarious work decreases probability of voting in 21 European countries, on top of traditional predictors such as social class and education. In contrast with the Easterlin Hypothesis, larger Relative Cohort Size increases electoral participation, especially in upper social strata. Ideological convergence in Great Britain depresses the turnout of the working class and the self-employed, and this is driven mainly by younger cohorts within those classes. In sum, integrating the social stratification and life course approaches sheds new light on how inequality in electoral participation is jointly affected by individual and contextual characteristics. In future work, this joint approach may orient research on additional socio-political outcomes, towards a broader research programme on the Political Sociology of Inequalities.
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Thomson, Tiffany L. "Examining dimensions of political discussion and political knowledge." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1185903001.
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Poulette, Joshua J. "INTERGENERATIONAL DYNAMICS AND POLITICAL OUTCOMES." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/10.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between intergenerational dynamics and politics outcomes in several distinct contexts. It is motivated by the remarkable demographic shifts exhibited by people in advanced countries over the past several decades. Individuals on average have longer lives and fewer children than ever before. Combining these shifts with the large intergenerational public policies that exist in many such states (education, old-age social welfare, healthcare) provokes several distinct yet related research questions addressed in the chapters below. First, do political traits matter for fertility behavior? If so, could the presence of differential fertility behavior across political groups lead to a shift in the position of the future median voter? Second, what are other significant determinants of fertility in contemporary Europe and the United States? Does more recent data support the findings of established “determinants of fertility” models? Finally, does the relationship between age and Social Security benefit preferences (and confidence in the Social Security system) seem to suggest the potential for intergenerational conflict over Social Security? The chapters below tie together disparate bodies of literature from multiple academic disciplines and use empirical evidence to answer these research questions. The results suggest political traits are significant determinants of fertility in some cases. The results also demonstrate that the relationship between wealth/education and fertility in many European states is positive – in contrast to much of the literature on this relationship and the common wisdom. Finally, the last empirical chapter illustrates the existence of potential age-based political conflict over Social Security in the United States.
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Heath, Oliver. "Political action in contemporary Britain : the social and political context of individual behaviour." Thesis, University of Essex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410794.
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Smith, James William. "Political parthenoi : the social and political significanec of female performance in archaic Greece." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/10901.
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This thesis will explore how social and political conditions in archaic Greece affected the composition of poetry for female choral performance. My primary source material will be the poetry of Alcman and Sappho. I examine the evidence suggesting that poems by both Alcman and Sappho commented on political issues, using this as a basis to argue that women in archaic Greece may have had a more vocal public presence that has previously been imagined. Rather than viewing female performance as a means of discussing purely feminine themes or reinforcing the idea of a disempowered female gender, I argue that the poetry of Alman and Sappho gives parthenoi an authoritative public voice to comment on issues in front of the watching community. Part of this authority is derived from the social value of parthenoi, who can act as economically and socially valuable points of exchange between communities, but I shall also be looking at how traditional elements of female performance genre were used to enhance female authority in archaic Sparta and Lesbos. Once this has been established, this thesis will proceed to examine how public female performance dealt with major political and social issues in the archaic world. I shall argue that the performance of parthenoi did focus on primarily feminine concerns such as marriage, desire, and abduction, but that it could also be an opportunity to discuss much broader political themes that were of major importance to the entire polis. Alcman and Sappho use their poetry as a vehicle to comment on the society in which their poetry was composed, both discussing threats to order and representing solutions for a stable society. The content of female performed poetry was often composed as much for a male audience as for the performers themselves, using traditional female performance as a means of commenting on the current political climate. Through arguing these factors, the intention of this thesis is to suggest a much more prominent public role for archaic Greek females than has previously been recognised.
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Nash, Hassan Khalid. "POLITICAL EVOLUTION:A Theory on the Phenomenon of Political Change in a Social Construct." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1493399185427214.
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Hagen, Daniel Edward. "Social capital and political participation in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20281.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Empirical research on the impact of membership in voluntary associations as a dimension of social capital on political participation has been conducted in a number of countries in Europe as well as North America. With the aid of quantitative analysis of survey data, these studies found that members of voluntary associations were more likely to participate both formally and informally in their country’s political processes than those who were not members. This was due to the role played by voluntary associations in the generation of human capital in the form of self-efficacy and participatory skills or values, as well as bridging social capital in the form of increased networking and trust. Existing research by Marion Keim, Cora Burnett and others have indicated that social capital, and particularly the voluntary association of sport, can have a profound societal impact on South African communities. However, no quantitative study has been conducted on the relationship between membership in voluntary associations and the level of formal political participation in the South African context. Therefore, this study applied the social capital theory as developed in the literature on European and North American studies to the South African context in order to determine whether there is a relationship between the variables of membership in voluntary associations, membership in multiple associations, membership in sports as a voluntary association and the level of formal political participation. Using quantitative methodology, a cross-section of 2006 World Values Survey data was analysed. The findings indicated that the social capital theory on political participation did not apply to the South African context in the same way as to the European or North American contexts due to explanatory differences in South Africa’s socio-political climate. Questions were then raised over whether, due to South Africa’s current political culture, membership in voluntary associations is conducive to encouraging informal channels of participation. The findings reached had implications for social capital theory by indicating its uneven application to the South African context. Moreover, the study highlighted the need for a more context-specific understanding of social capital and its impact upon South Africa’s political processes.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Empiriese navorsing oor die uitwerking van lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings as 'n dimensie van maatskaplike kapitaal op politieke deelname is in 'n aantal lande in Europa asook Noord-Amerika uitgevoer. Met behulp van kwantitatiewe analise van opname-data het hierdie studies bevind dat lede van vrywillige verenigings op beide formele en informele wyse meer geneig was om aan hulle land se politieke prosesse deel te neem as diegene wat nie lede was nie. Dit kon toegeskryf word aan die rol wat vrywillige verenigings speel by die ontwikkeling van menslike kapitaal in die vorm van selfwerksaamheid en deelnemende vaardighede of waardes, asook tussentydse maatskaplike kapitaal in die vorm van groter netwerkvorming en vertroue. Bestaande navorsing deur Marion Keim, Cora Burnett en ander het daarop gedui dat maatskaplike kapitaal, en in die besonder die vrywillige verbintenis van sport, 'n diepgaande uitwerking op Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe kan hê. Geen kwantitatiewe studie is egter nog oor die verhouding tussen lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings en die vlak van formele politieke deelname in die Suid-Afrikaanse opset uitgevoer nie. Hierdie studie het dus die maatskaplike kapitaalteorie soos in die literatuur oor Europese en Noord-Amerikaanse studies ontwikkel, op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset toegepas ten einde te bepaal of daar 'n verhouding tussen die veranderlikes van lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings, lidmaatskap aan veelvuldige verenigings, lidmaatskap aan sport as 'n vrywillige verbintenis en die vlak van formele politieke deelname bestaan. Met behulp van kwantitatiewe metodologie is 'n dwarssnit van data uit die 2006- Wêreldwaardes-peiling geanaliseer. Die bevindinge het daarop gedui dat die maatskaplike kapitaalteorie ten opsigte van politieke deelname nie op dieselfde wyse op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset as op die Europese of Noord- Amerikaanse opsette van toepassing is nie weens verklarende verskille in Suid-Afrika se sosiopolitieke klimaat. Vrae is toe gevra of lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings weens Suid-Afrika se huidige politieke kultuur bevorderlik is vir die aanmoediging van informele kanale van deelname. Die bevindinge wat bereik is, het implikasies gehad vir maatskaplike kapitaalteorie deur die ongelyke aanwending op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset aan te dui. Daarbenewens het die studie die behoefte aan ’n meer konteks-spesifieke begrip van maatskaplike kapitaal en die uitwerking daarvan op Suid-Afrika se politieke prosesse beklemtoon.
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Pontin, Fabricio. "CONSTITUTING THE POLITICAL: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON POLITICAL LIBERALISM." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/777.
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In this thesis I will attempt to develop a phenomenological account for Political Liberalism. My hypothesis is that a re-articulation of the main issues in transcendental phenomenology as it relates to social philosophy, first in a genetic sense (as developed by Alfred Schutz), but also in a generative context (as developed by Bernhard Waldenfels), provides us with a methodological ground that can instigate a more complex account for the questions of social choice and the way in which we establish preferences. My thesis is that such a complex account of social choice can motivate us to focus on the disordered nature of our constitution of preferences, and point at the importance of a deep comprehension of historicity, along with a defense of freedom of speech as a tool for resignification of social values.
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Toney, Jeffrey A. "Political engagement and social networking sites exploring the relationship between social networking sites and political engagement in young adults." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/713.
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Social Networking Sites (SNS) have extremely high rates of young adult users. Facebook.com report.s that more than half of its users are of college age. Due to the increasing number of political figures and political information on SNS, this study analyzes the relationship between SNS and political engagement. Specifically, this study seeks to determine if adults' consumption of political information on SNS leads to higher levels of political engagement. Political engagement is broken down into three different variables: political knowledge, political interest, and political participation. This study draws its data from a sample of 355 undergraduate college students. Data was collected through a volunteer self-administered survey questionnaire. Three sections respectively measured political engagement, social networking site dependency for political information, and demographic information. Data were collected from a junior college and a private university in Northern California.
This study found a positive relationship between SNS dependency for political information and political interest and participation. In other words, individuals who depend on SNS for political information have higher levels of political interest and participation. There was no significant relationship found between political knowledge and SNS dependency. These results suggest that SNS may help foster political engagement in young adults.
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El-Mahdi, Rabab. "Social democratization or political manipulation? : social funds in Egypt and Bolivia." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100357.
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"Inclusion" in the broad sense of access to, and participation in, public policy and services has been lacking in the majority of developing countries---whether authoritarian or democratic---due to highly skewed political, social and economic power structures. To understand why this tends to be the case, the dissertation provides a political economy model for understanding civil society, arguing that the evolution of civil society and its potential as a vehicle for inclusion are conditioned by the economic imperatives in place and the state prerogatives. More specifically, I question the extent to which the neoliberal model allows civil society to fulfill this role, by examining the impact of Social Funds (SFs), a key social policy institution created and promoted solely under the neoliberal model, on civil society in Egypt and Bolivia.I argue that neoliberalism severely limits the possibility of: citizenship construction, achieving development synergy between the state and civil society, or strengthening the latter. These limitations are structural, inherent to the neoliberal development model and the changes it has brought about economically and politically. The research shows how these changes have manifestations within the state, the economy and civil society and more specifically social policy. Just as important, there are limitations intrinsically grounded in the structures found in many developing countries, pre-neoliberal changes. Such structures, I argue, do not allow new institutions like SFs to push forward such an ideal three-way relationship among the economy, state and civil society. Rather than strengthening civil society and creating development synergy, SFs are shown to be just an attempt to give neoliberal policies a human face and subdue any potential for structural changes.
More generally, by contrasting the dynamics of civil society under neoliberalism in a developing country with a democratic regime (Bolivia) with those of a soft authoritarian regime (Egypt). I argue that a dichotomous framework, which sees democracy as antithetically opposed to authoritarianism is not necessarily appropriate to the analysis of developing countries. The cases illustrate that the state and civil society, under two-different regime types, continue to share a number of similarities.
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Mui, Michelle S. "Chinese movements and social controls." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FMui.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons, Christopher Twomey. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.61-63). Also available in print.
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Andronescu, Cristina Gabriela. "Pension benefits and social cohesion." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107533.
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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 35-39).
How does the expansion of social protection programs to the poor in developing democracies affect social cohesion? I address this question by examining Bolivia's central government run, non-contributory pension program, Renta Dignidad. Using a regression discontinuity design as well as a novel difference-in-discontinuities design, I find that recipients of pension benefits are overall more likely to display increased support for the central government and that in provinces where both territorial tensions and class tensions are most acute, support for the central government is significantly greater. This is consistent with a theoretical argument that expansion of social protection to the poor can mitigate opposition on active dimensions of social conflict that intersect the socio-economic dimension.
by Cristina Gabriela Andronescu.
S.M.
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Thomas, Damian. "The Irish social partnership 1987-2000 : an evolving economic and social governance." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275593.
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Thomson, Stuart William James. "The social democratic dilemma." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU115282.
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The social democratic dilemma lies in the fact that to gain (or regain) office, parties of the social democratic left are having to abandon many of their ideals, and adapt to a changed globalised, advanced market capitalist system. This in itself provides a further dilemma, how to achieve egalitarian policies in an environment which thrives on inequality. It is the contention of this thesis that the version of social democracy presented to the electorate in Western Europe today adheres to a neo-liberal agenda. In the past, social democracy in Western Europe has been viewed as a single entity, but this was inaccurate. A fuller understanding can be gained by distinguishing between a Northern European and Southern European model, each with its own characteristics. Yet, these are now converging upon a 'new' social democracy which abandons the central values of the past and embraces neo-liberalism. An examination of the theories suggested to explain the problems facing social democracy show that many of them revolve around difficulties with the economic agenda. A number of Western European parties are examined in light of this to illustrate the development of social democracy. A fuller analysis of the British New Labour Party is forwarded as it is the most advanced in the direction of 'new' social democracy. This helps to highlight a number of historic reversals for social democratic parties and to confirm that the parties are following an agenda which is incongruent with their theoretical values.
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Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between democractic promises and socio-political realities the challenges of political representation in Ghana and Nigeria /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244222282.
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Orihuela-Gruber, Daniella. "Political cartoons and graphic novels a study of political and social commentary in comics /." Click here to view, 2009. http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/joursp/7/.
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Thesis (B.S.)--California Polytechnic State University, 2009.Project advisor: Patrick Munroe. Title from PDF title page; viewed on Apr. 19, 2010. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on microfiche.
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Liu, Bingyang. "Social Media Use and Political Participation in China: The Mediating Role of Political Efficacy." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7050.
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In the Chinese authoritarian and conservative political system, Chinese political efficacy and political participation are popular directions of research in recent years. Based on uses and gratifications theory and self-efficacy theory, this thesis explored the relationships among social media use, political efficacy, and political participation. The most important part of this study was examining the mediating role of political efficacy between social media use and political participation in mainland China. Internal political efficacy and external political efficacy are two dimensions of political efficacy that were separately examined in this study. The results revealed that internal political efficacy can mediate between social media use and political participation. However, external political efficacy cannot mediate social media use and political participation. The additional findings are related to gender, age, and educational level. Chinese males scored higher on average in social media use, internal political efficacy, and political participation than females. Chinese females measured a higher on external political efficacy score than males. In addition, Chinese young adults have more social media use related to politics than older adults. On the other hand, Chinese older adults have higher internal political efficacy and external political efficacy than younger adults. Furthermore, higher educational level is a strong predictor of political participation.
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Werhun, Cherie D. "The relationship of social dominance orientation and political efficacy to political participation of women." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ53276.pdf.
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Knox, Dean 1988. "Essays on networks and social interaction." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/113488.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 161-169).
This dissertation presents new models and experimental designs for understanding network behavior and social interaction. The first paper develops a model for a new kind of data, "path data," that represents the sequential decisions made by actors navigating social, geographic, and other kinds of networks. The model is validated in a benchmark test, then used to measure sectarian influences in the ways that Sunni and Shia individuals navigate the streets of Baghdad in a smartphone-based field activity. The second paper uses a novel experimental design to examine the social network search patterns employed by both sects. Using smartphone and self-reported data, the paper shows that differing search strategies result in differential access to public services in Baghdad. The third paper presents a new model for measuring rhetorical style and other modes of speech in political deliberation. The model is validated in a benchmark test of conflictual speech in political debates.
by Dean Knox.
A Model for Path Data with Application to Sectarian Movement in Baghdad -- Experimental Evidence on Sect and Network Access to Services in Baghdad -- A Model for Classifying Mode of Speech in Political Deliberation -- Supporting materials for each paper.
Ph. D.
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Hawkins, David Alexander. "Social Capital and Trust in Government." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625903.
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Profeta, Paola. "The Political economy of retirement and social security." Phd thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7596.
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¿Porqué existen programas de seguridad social que transfieren recursos desde los trabajadores a los mayores? (ii) ¿Porqué los programas de seguridad social preveen que para cobrar la pensión los trabajadores tienen que jubilarse? (iii) ¿Cuál es el impacto del proceso de envejecimiento de la población sobre la jubilación y la seguridad social? (iv) ¿Cuál es la evidencia empírica sobre la importancia de la finámica demográfica como determinante de la jubilación y de la seguridad social en el mundo?
Esta tesis contribuye a contestar a estas preguntas en un contexto político-económico.
Primero, examina el estado del arte, y las principales contribuciones en la literatura de los modelos político-económico de la seguridad social.
Segundo, considera los elementos políticos que relacionan la seguridad social con la jubilación, desarrollando un modelo de votación`probabilística. Una hipótesis crucial es que el tiempo libre en la edad mayor representa un "merit good", es decir un bien que tiene valor positivo para todos los agentes en la sociedad (jóvenes y viejos). En consecuencia, los jóvenes inducen los políticos a establecer un impuesto positivo sobre la renta laboral de los viejos, que los induce a retirarse. Esto aumenta el nivel de homogeneidad ideológica de los viejos, y por lo tanto su poder político para obtener una transferencia desde los jóvenes.
Tercero, la tesis examina el nivel de equilibrio de jubilación y de seguridad social en un contexto económico y demográfico, desarrollando un modelo a generaciones solapadas con grupos de interés. El modelo estudia la solución política que sandrá cuando la proporción de viejos en la población aumentará.
Cuarto, la tesis ofrece nuevas evidencias sobre los determinantes del nivel de jubilación y de seguridad social en el mundo, construyendo un nuevo data set que incluye las informaciones sobre demografía, jubilación y seguridad social para muchos paises.
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Neilson, Lisa Anne. "Social capital and political consumerism: a multilevel analysis." Connect to resource, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1156951934.
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Salvatore, Santagati. "The social and political thought of Max Stirner." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.722599.
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Haysom, Keith R. "Art and the social construction of the political." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24852.pdf.
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Wright, Bette Diane. "Equal pay : the economic, social and political determinates /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw947.pdf.
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Funke, Manuel [Verfasser]. "Financial Crises: Political and Social Implications / Manuel Funke." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138980676/34.
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Canton, Emma Palmer. "Social processes in the development of political commitments." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299399.
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Tremewan, Christopher C. "The political economy of social control in Singapore." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4612.
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Singapore is a highly controlled society. This thesis shows how the system of social control works as a whole. It does this by examining the details of social regulation in relation to political struggles, the phases of capital accumulation, and the alliance between the People's Action Party-state and foreign capital.
A theoretical consideration of social control critically examines traditions which have related economic strategies to political resistance and to the role of the state. This chapter acts as a resource to identify and address issues which emerge in the subsequent detailed study of Singapore.
The historical origins of current state repression are located in the British response to the anti-imperialist uprising in the post-war period. During the transition to political independence, the Lee Kuan Yew-faction of the People's Action Party built its alliance with foreign capital under the shelter of colonial-state violence.
A survey of theoretical approaches to Singapore's political economy favours an interpretation which sees local struggles as the driving force of change within the context of the latest phases of imperialism.
The greater part of the thesis concentrates on the concrete ways that social control has worked in Singapore since the PAP came to power. Major institutions are studied in depth: public housing, education, elections and parliament, and the law. Each highlights a major aspect of social control.
The system of state welfare provision through public housing and education stratifies society, forces people into wage labour and induces political loyalty. Parliamentarism and the forms of liberal democracy help to convert submission into consent. If consent is not forthcoming, then the coercive powers of the law and the military are applied.
The thesis concludes by showing how different political struggles were met by different forms of social control during the various stages of Singapore's economic development. The result is an overview of the way the whole system of social control works.
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Symon, Toni. "Paparua Men's Prison: A Social and Political History." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7775.
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Situated amidst farmland 18 kilometres from the centre of Christchurch is Paparua men’s prison, one of New Zealand’s oldest and largest penal institutions. Prisoners have been housed at the Paparua site since 1915 and when the prison buildings were completed in 1925, around 120 prisoners were incarcerated there. Still at the same location where the two original wings continue to accommodate inmates, Paparua has the capacity for nearly 1,000 low to high-security male prisoners.
Despite being almost a century old, very little has been recorded about Paparua, which is symptomatic of the paucity of published material on New Zealand prisons. This thesis seeks to address this shortfall in the literature by, for the first time, documenting the events which have taken place at Paparua and giving insight into life for prisoners there over the last 100 years. These events and the changes to prison life have been driven by the social conditions of the day and their intersection with a complex range of factors at the inmate, community and administrative levels. Paparua’s evolution, therefore, has been the product of the changing socio-political climate and by contextualising the prison’s history I will show how these dynamics have contributed to the development of Paparua.
The research undertaken to achieve such a task involved an historical analysis of 130 years of departmental reports, government reports, parliamentary debates and newspaper articles. This was accompanied by 13 comprehensive interviews with former and current staff and inmates of Paparua.
The reconstruction of Paparua’s past is valuable not only in that it captures the details of an interesting feature of New Zealand history but because it offers insight into the complex range of forces that a are likely to influence its development in the future.