Journal articles: '- Political and social views'

1

Kabuldinov, Z. E., and T. A. Ryskulov. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OFSMAGUL SADUAKASOV." History of the Homeland 99, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_62.

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Smagul Saduakasov is an outstanding statesman of Kazakhstan in the period of 1920-1930s, who made a significant theoretical contribution to the development of the Kazakh socio-political thought of the twentieth century. S. Saduakasov in his works, in fact, was one of the first to formulate the national interests of the Kazakh people and the whole of Kazakhstan, outlined those key priorities of socio-economic and cultural development, in accordance with which the Kazakh people and the state of Kazakhstan should develop. Itwas S. Saduakasov who officially spoke out in the public press against maintaining the economic status of Kazakhstan as a “raw material appendage” of the industrialized regions of the European part of the USSR, proposing to develop local Kazakh industry based on a rich resource base. In addition, S. Sadvokasov paid special attention to the training of professional technical and humanitarian specialists from among the Kazakh youth, which, together with the development of domestic industry, was supposed tolead the people and the country to the path of building a modern state.

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Yang, Song, and Michael Nino. "Political Views, Race and Ethnicity, and Social Isolation: Evidence from the General Social Survey." Societies 13, no. 11 (November 4, 2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13110236.

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Using data from the General Social Survey, we investigate whether political views increase the risk of social isolation for Black and White Americans. Our findings reveal an increase in conservative political views differently shaping social isolation patterns for Black and White Americans. For instance, changes in political views from liberal to conservative are associated with reduced risk of social isolation for White Americans, whereas a rise in conservative political views is related to increases in social isolation for Black Americans. Results also demonstrate that these patterns remain after accounting for important covariates such as gender, age, education, occupation, marital status, social class, work status, and religion. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of social relationships, race, and political polarization in the U.S.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.

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In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.

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Guelzo, Allen C., Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford, and Frank J. Williams. "The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 917. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649609.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF LIUDMYLA STARYTSKA-CHERNIAKHIVSKA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 135 (2017): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.135.4.06.

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Lehman, Cynthia L. "The Social and Political Views of Charles Chestnutt:." Journal of Black Studies 26, no. 3 (January 1996): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600303.

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Pervova, I. L. "SOCIAL VERSUS POLITICAL: VIEWS OF ELDERLY IN RUSSIA." Innovation in Aging 1, suppl_1 (June 30, 2017): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igx004.3185.

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Halilovic, Muamer. "Social and political views of Abu Rayhan Biruni." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 5, no. 2 (2016): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1602075h.

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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.

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Brown, Elizabeth K., Kelly M. Socia, and Jasmine R. Silver. "Conflicted conservatives, punitive views, and anti-Black racial bias 1974–2014." Punishment & Society 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2017): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517736295.

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Research suggests that the views of “conflicted conservatives,” Americans who self-identify as conservative but express support for liberal governmental policies and spending, are particularly important in policymaking and politics because they are politically engaged and often act as swing voters. We examine punitive views among conflicted conservatives and other political subgroups in three distinct periods in the politics of punishment in America between 1974 and 2014. In particular, we consider the punitive views of conflicted conservatives relative to consistent conservatives, moderates, and liberals. Given the barrier that racialized typifications of violent crime may pose to current criminal justice reform efforts, we also explore the role of anti-Black bias in predicting punitive views among White Americans across political subgroups. Our overall findings indicate that conflicted conservatives are like moderates in their support for the death penalty and like consistent conservatives on beliefs about court harshness. These findings, and supplemental analyses on punitive views and voting behaviors across political subgroups, call into question whether conflicted conservatives have acted as critical scorekeepers on penal policy issues. We also find that anti-Black racism was significantly related to punitive views across political subgroups and among liberals in particular.

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Sulaev, Imanutdin Kh. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF NAZHMUDDIN GOTSINSKY (1859-1925)." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.21-29.

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The author tries to analyze the socio-political views of one of the authoritative religious and public figures of the North Caucasus and Daghestan in the first quarter of the 20th century - a mufti-imam Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky basing on the published works of different years, memoirs of the participants in the revolution and the Civil War, archival documents. The author analyzes the views of N. Gotsinsky through his key speeches, sermons and proclamations of 1917-1918. Nazhmuddin Gozinsky is a famous politician and spiritual leader, chairman of the Spiritual Council of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. He was one of the leaders of the counter-revolutionary movement in Dagestan in 1917-1921. On the basis of the studied materials the author draws a conclusion that social and political and social views of Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky reflected all contradictions of the revolutionary period and tragedy of the Civil war.

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Kholikovna, Rakhmatova Kholida. "IMPORTANT FEATURES OF SOCIO-ETHICAL VIEWS OF KHOJA AHROR VALI." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 02, no. 01 (January 1, 2022): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-02-01-06.

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The article analyzes the beginning of the reform of the Naqshbandi doctrine of active participation in social and political life, the abolition of the opposition between the state and religion at the initiative of the Sufi, the system of protection of the Sufi. It has been analyzed that the teachings of Sufism are in line with the philosophy of compromise.

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Rutinowski, Jérôme, Sven Franke, Jan Endendyk, Ina Dormuth, Moritz Roidl, and Markus Pauly. "The Self-Perception and Political Biases of ChatGPT." Human Behavior and Emerging Technologies 2024 (January 22, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2024/7115633.

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This contribution analyzes the self-perception and political biases of OpenAI’s Large Language Model ChatGPT. Considering the first small-scale reports and studies that have emerged, claiming that ChatGPT is politically biased towards progressive and libertarian points of view, this contribution is aimed at providing further clarity on this subject. Although the concept of political bias and affiliation is hard to define, lacking an agreed-upon measure for its quantification, this contribution attempts to examine this issue by having ChatGPT respond to questions on commonly used measures of political bias. In addition, further measures for personality traits that have previously been linked to political affiliations were examined. More specifically, ChatGPT was asked to answer the questions posed by the political compass test as well as similar questionnaires that are specific to the respective politics of the G7 member states. These eight tests were repeated ten times each and indicate that ChatGPT seems to hold a bias towards progressive views. The political compass test revealed a bias towards progressive and libertarian views, supporting the claims of prior research. The political questionnaires for the G7 member states indicated a bias towards progressive views but no significant bias between authoritarian and libertarian views, contradicting the findings of prior reports. In addition, ChatGPT’s Big Five personality traits were tested using the OCEAN test, and its personality type was queried using the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) test. Finally, the maliciousness of ChatGPT was evaluated using the Dark Factor test. These three tests were also repeated ten times each, revealing that ChatGPT perceives itself as highly open and agreeable, has the Myers-Briggs personality type ENFJ, and is among the test-takers with the least pronounced dark traits.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL BELIEFS OF MYKHAILO SLABCHENKO." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 150 (2021): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.150.7.

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In the late 19th – at the beginning of the 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia formed an idea of the importance of personal intellectual contribution to the national development in such fields as of education, science and culture. This concept emerged due to the negative impact of the Valuev Circular and the Ems Decree on Ukrainian education and science. Leading figures of Ukrainian communities and parties called on Ukrainians to contribute to the development of education and science. Most of them were Ukrainians with liberal views, but this position was also shared by their political opponents, namely the Social Democrats. Mykhailo Yeliseyovych Slabchenko became one of those who responded to the call. The purpose of the work is to analyse the social and political beliefs of M. Slabchenko as one of the active representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia of the first third of the twentieth century. As for the methodology used to cover the topic, the methods of historicism, objectivity and science have been applied in the article. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that social and political views of M. Slabchenko, the famous scientist of the 1920s, are considered on the basis of both published and unpublished archival materials. Social and political priorities of the scientist determined his interest to Ukrainian studies, which began immediately after graduating from the Faculty of History and Philology of Odessa University, when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. He put a lot of efforts into organizing various educational activities of the Odessa "Prosvita", the Odessa Scientific Society, contributed to the research work on the history of the Hetmanate, the economy of Ukraine in the 19th century, etc. The study of social and political views of M. Slabchenko allowed us to define four main stages in the evolution of his beliefs: 1) 1903-1917 – formation of the priorities in the field of Ukrainian studies; 2) 1917–1920 – the dominance of the social and political factor; 3) 1920–1930 – combination of both pedagogical and scientific activities; 4) 1930–1952 – a complete refusal to deal with any political topics.

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Bäck, Emma A., Hanna Bäck, Annika Fredén, and Nils Gustafsson. "A social safety net? Rejection sensitivity and political opinion sharing among young people in social media." New Media & Society 21, no. 2 (September 5, 2018): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818795487.

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One reason why people avoid using social media to express their opinions is to avert social sanctions as proposed by the spiral of silence theory. We here elaborate on individual-level sensitivity to social rejection in relation to voicing political opinions on social media sites. Given the uncertainty about sharing political views in social media, and the fact that social acceptance, or rejection, can be easily communicated through, for instance, likes, or a lack of likes, we argue that rejection sensitive individuals are less likely to share political information in social media. Combining an analysis of unique survey data on psychological characteristics and online political activity with focus group interviews with Swedish youth supports our argument, showing that rejection sensitive individuals are less inclined to engage politically in social media. The results extend on previous research by establishing the role of rejection sensitivity in political engagement in social media.

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Verschoor, Marco. "The democratic boundary problem and social contract theory." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 1 (March 2, 2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115572922.

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How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary problem in democratic theory, social contract theory’s potential for solving it has largely been ignored. In fact, contract views are premised on the assumption of a given people and so presuppose what requires legitimization: the existence of a demarcated group of individuals materializing, as it were, from nowhere and whose members agree among themselves to establish a political order. In order to fill this gap in social contract theory, a distinction is made between three kinds of contract views: Lockean political voluntarism, contractarianism, and contractualism. Each of these views can be (re)interpreted in such a way that it offers a democratic solution to the boundary problem. Ultimately, however, a Rawlsian interpretation of the contractualist solution is defended.

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Єлісеєнко, А. П. "ОБЩЕСТВЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ВЗГЛЯДЫ Б. САДОВСКОГО: ОТ ЧЕРНОСОТЕНСТВА ДО БОЛЬШЕВИЗМА." Наукові записки Харківського національного педагогічного університету ім. Г. С. Сковороди "Літературознавство" 3, no. 93 (2019): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/2312-1076.2019.3.93.06.

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In the first decades of the 20th century, as a result of revolutionary uprisings and changes in the foreign and domestic policy of the state, the question of the integrity of the country and the state system became the subject of numerous discussions in literary circles. During this period the literary activity of the young poet, writer and literary critic B. Sadovskoy (1881–1952) began to flourish. His name was undeservedly forgotten and only thanks to the efforts of modern scholars it is included in the scientific work again. Social and political views of B. Sadovskoy changed radically during the time whenRussiaunderwent historical changes. Being a monarchist in the pre-revolutionary period, B. Sadovskoy attempted to warn contemporaries concerning the danger of cardinal transformations. The aim of our article is to study the social and political views of the writer in the pre-revolutionary period. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the Black Hundreds, involvement in which was considered unacceptable among the intelligentsia and, if exposed and confirmed, could negatively affect the author’s literary activity depriving the writer of the opportunity to publish in “respected” journals. The views of B. Sadovskoy were close to the ideas of the Black Hundreds. Despite the fact that there is no direct evidence of his connection with the Black Hundred organizations, researchers are aware of his close friendship with one of the most prominent Black-Hundred representative – B. Nikolsky. The writer’s assistance in publishing articles by A. Tinyakov in the journals “Rech” and “Zemshchina” was also proved. An irreconcilable attitude to the latest literary movements, in particular, to futurism was also considered by contemporaries as an attempt to dissociate himself from the ideas and views of the Symbolists. At the end of his literary career he acknowledged that bolshevism regime was the one that his country deserved. Mostly he wrote about that in his diaries and in letters to his friends.

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Kennedy, Emily Huddart, and Christine Horne. "Do Green Behaviors Earn Social Status?" Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 5 (January 2019): 237802311983633. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023119836330.

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Do green behaviors earn social status among liberals and conservatives? Although evidence shows that high-status consumers incorporate ecological concerns into their consumption choices, politically polarized views on environmentalism in the United States complicate the relationship between green behaviors and status. A vignette experiment shows that across political ideology, people grant status to green consumption. Results from semistructured interviews suggest that green consumers are seen as wealthy, knowledgeable, and ethical, although these status beliefs vary with political ideology. The findings reveal unlikely common ground between liberal and conservative judgments of green behaviors and indicate that green consumption is an emerging domain for evaluating social status.

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Tareen, Hannan Khan, and Malik Adnan. "Political Communication With Social Media In Pakistan: Internal And External Efficacy." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-ii).14.

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Political knowledge influences political behavior and political participation as the person who has sufficient political knowledge will contribute his part in political issues and get engage himself in political campaigns. Hence, a politically informed person put an impact upon others by sharing his views and information. Now a day social media has revolutionized the world due to its unlimited features, and it made it easier for everyone to spread the news and especially the political content. Different political parties use social media platforms to engage their voters and especially youth. This study suggests that social media plays a critical role for youngsters to disseminate information regarding politics and affects the internal and external efficacy of youth by the transmission of knowledge and political participation through social media.

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Jenkins, Matthew. "Bringing the Cross Pressures Thesis into the Digital Realm: Subjective Social Network Heterogeneity and Online Political Expression." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 13, no. 1 (August 24, 2021): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v13i1.641.

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Approaches to social network heterogeneity in political communication research tend to focus on the effect of accumulated interactions among individuals with different political views. This line of research has provided a number of rich insights into the nature of the relationship between sociality and political participation. At the same time, this research tradition has been hampered by inconsistent terminology, and it has not been updated to reflect the fact that the experience of engaging with politics through digital media produces a unique subjective experience wherein the user is made to address an imagined audience with a perceived set of characteristics. In this study I aim to accomplish three main objectives. First, I propose an adjustment to the conceptual framework used in the literature. Second, I introduce the concept of subjective social network heterogeneity to describe perceived heterogeneity in the political views of the imagined audience. Third, I investigate the relationship between subjective social network heterogeneity and political expression empirically, through an analysis of original survey data from Japan and South Korea. The results show that differences between the political views of an individual and the perceived political views of the imagined audience depresses political expression on social media in both countries, but that variance in the perceived views of the imagined audience is positively associated with political expression.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES OF OLEXANDER CHERNIAKHIVSKYI." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.04.

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In the article, the formation of national beliefs of the well-known Ukrainian public and political figure Oleksandr Cherniakhivsky at the end of the XIX-th century has been analyzed. The significance and influence of the Ukrainian Hromada and its most famous representatives, V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, on the development of young O. Cherniakhivsky’s outlook and the formation of his attitude towards the ways of solving the Ukrainian issue in the Russian Empire have been considered. Also, the article analyzes the participation of O. Cherniakhivsky in various cultural, educational and scientific projects in which the scientist had an opportunity to realize that the destructive national policy of the Russian Empire hindered the development of the Ukrainian nation as well as other peoples of the state. On the basis of archival materials and unpublished sources it has been revealed that O. Cherniakhivsky perceived his membership in the "Brotherhood of Tarasivtsy", the participation in the Kyiv Old Hromada, and the organizational work at the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv as a personal contribution to the development of domestic science and, generally, as an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prove their right to exist as a whole nation in spite of resistance from the Russian power. Furthemore, the social and political convictions of O. Cherniakhivsky and their continuous evolution during the revolutionary period of 1917-1918 and the struggle for independence in 1918-1921 have been investigated. It has been revealed that at that time he gave up the method of revolutionary struggle. Instead, he chose the evolutionary preparation of compatriots to the formation of their own statehood through the establishment of major public institutions such as the Ukrainian People's University, the Medical Faculty, and the Association of Ukrainian Doctors, etc. Moreover, O. Cherniakhivsky considered an established system of scientific knowledge and terminology to be a necessary ingredient of the development of the Ukrainian nation. Therefore, throughout all his life he was engaged in the improvement of scientific dictionaries, terminology and popularization of the Ukrainian scientific language.

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Mohylnyi, L., and O. Liashchenko. "SOCIO-POLITICAL VIEWS OF HRYGORYI HOLOSKEVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.6.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.

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Jackson, Patrick G., and Ronald L. Cohen. "Justice: Views from the Social Sciences." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069436.

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Dombrink, John, James H. Frey, and William R. Eadington. "Gambling: Views from the Social Sciences." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 6 (November 1985): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071424.

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Dinas, Elias. "Why Does the Apple Fall Far from the Tree? How Early Political Socialization Prompts Parent-Child Dissimilarity." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (March 12, 2013): 827–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000033.

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Children are more likely to adopt their family's political views when politics is important to their parents, and the children of politically engaged parents tend to become politically engaged adults. When these transmission dynamics are considered together, an important hypothesis follows: the children who are most likely to initially acquire the political views of their parents are also most likely to later abandon them as a result of their own engagement with the political world. Data from the Political Socialisation Panel Study provide support for this hypothesis, illuminate its observational implications and shed light on the mechanisms, pointing to the role of new social contexts, political issues and salient political events. Replications using different data from the US and the UK confirm that this dynamic is generalizable to different cohorts and political periods.

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Stepanov, A. N. "Social-Aesthetic Ideas of P.L. Lavrov." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 10, no. 2 (2010): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2010-10-2-46-50.

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Object of study this article is the problem of progressive development and aesthetizations social relations of Russia before reform (1861), reflected in literary, social, political works political attitudes of P.L. Lavrov. An object of research are his literary, social, economic, political views analyzed from aesthetic positions. In article is the actual socio-philosophy problem of development, transformation, perfection, humanisation and harmonisation social relations.

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Medovarov, Maksim V. "Social and Political Views of Alexey Filippov and Russian National Democrats." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 1 (2022): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.103.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the social and political views of Alexey Filippov during the years of his cooperation with the Russian National Democrats. It reveals the achievements and gaps in the historiography of Filippov’s ideological biography. Considerable attention is paid to the formation of the thinker’s original views on the construction of the greatness of Russia by the hands of non-Russians. The reasons for the unpopularity of Filippov’s “progressive nationalism” and the conditions of his activity in St Petersburg since 1912 are considered. The article analyzes the collaboration of Filippov with Alexander Gariazin; the chronology and circumstances of their publication of the weekly “Dym Otechestva” and the monthly “Zhurnal Dlia Vsekh” (“The Journal for All”). Filippov’s sharp criticism of the leaders of the right-wing parties in Russia, the aristocracy, the ruling dynasty, ministers, the Holy Synod is emphasized. His loyalty to the monarchy as a form of government, and personally to Nicholas II, as well as the loyalty of other National Democrats, which they tried to use in confrontation with the All-Russian National Union and the Union of the Russian People, is pointed out. The positions of Filippov and his associates on Russian foreign policy, the reasons for their calls for the immediate war against Germany and Austria-Hungary are demonstrated. It is concluded that behind the eclecticism of Filippov’s views was hidden his sincere conviction in the necessity of combining democracy, rights and freedoms with strong imperial power and national patriotism. The article demonstrates the continuity of Filippov’s views throughout his life, including the Soviet period.

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Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.

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Murugesapandian, N. "Dravidian Movement’s Political Dramas." Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v7i4.6255.

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Even after India’s independence from British colonialism, the Vedic Sanathana dominated the majority of people. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam criticised the ruling Congress party in Tamil Nadu. At the same time, the ideas of social reforms against the social atrocities that dominated the Tamil society of that time were depicted through political dramas. The Dravidian movement’s political dramas particularly portrayed the views against the caste inequality, untouchability, gender inequality, mythological myths, and Sanskrit dominance created by the Vedic Sanathana.

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Aitymbetov, Nurken, and Lazzat Nabieva. "THE IMPACT OF DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL CULTURE OF MODERN KAZAKHSTANI YOUTH." Al-Farabi 81, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2023.1/1999-5911.13.

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discusses the main theoretical concepts and approaches to studying the impact of digitalization on new political views and ideas, the political behavior of Kazakhstani youth. With the help of a network approach, the authors make an attempt to understand the nature of digital communications, their mobilization opportunities among Kazakhstani youth. Content analysis of publications in social networks, materials of electronic media revealed differences of views in the course of discussions in the Kazakhstani expert community, made it possible to assess how the virtual space has become an alternative to the political participation of Kazakhstani youth. The article concludes that social networks can become a new channel of political activity for modern Kazakhstani youth, because the Internet, social networks enable young people to freely express their political views, protests, etc. According to the majority of young people, modern digital technologies are characterized by such indicators as speed, accessibility, timeliness, openness provided by social networks.

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Razdyiakonov, Vladislav. "The Revolution of the Spirits for the Spiritual Brotherhood: Russian Spiritualist Movement and Its Social Ideals." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 4 (2020): 318–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-318-342.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the social ideals of Russian spiritualists. Main sources include texts revealing spiritualists’ ideas about the structure of the spiritual world; structure and characteristics of spiritual circles; and literary works by spiritualists reflecting their social ideals. Although the social and political views of Russian spiritualists were mostly conservative, their ontological views contained elements of social radicalism. The author distinguishes between the two types of spiritualists — rationalists and traditionalists — depending on their attitude towards the Orthodox Church, Christian theology and their specific views about the spiritual world. All spiritualists viewed the society critically as gripped with disease. Rationalist spiritualism was critical towards Christian dogmatic and practice, and although its supporters advocated the preservation of the social and political status quo, they hoped for both gradual social and political transformation and the realization of social ideals in the spiritual world. The traditionalists, despite their commitment to monarchy and the Church institution, expected a millenarian overturn and thus challenged the social and political order. Overall, the spiritualist social ideals are close to communitarian social projects based upon the idea of Christian brotherhood.

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Houston, Andrew. "Views & Reviews." Canadian Theatre Review 118 (June 2004): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.118.020.

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Social differences are not simply given to experience through an already authenticated cultural tradition; they are signs of the emergence of community envisaged as a project – at once a vision and a construction – mat takes you “beyond” yourself, in order that you may return, in a spirit of revision and reconstruction, to the political conditions of the present (Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture)

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Handra, Hefrizal, Werry Darta Taifur, Donard Games, and Hafrizal Okta Ade Putra. "Social capital, diffusion of innovation and political engagement: views of millennials." International Journal of Sustainable Society 14, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijssoc.2022.10046093.

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Putra, Hafrizal Okta Ade, Werry Darta Taifur, Donard Games, and Hefrizal Handra. "Social capital, diffusion of innovation and political engagement: views of millennials." International Journal of Sustainable Society 14, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijssoc.2022.122098.

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Bail, Christopher A., Lisa P. Argyle, Taylor W. Brown, John P. Bumpus, Haohan Chen, M. B. Fallin Hunzaker, Jaemin Lee, Marcus Mann, Friedolin Merhout, and Alexander Volfovsky. "Exposure to opposing views on social media can increase political polarization." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 37 (August 28, 2018): 9216–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1804840115.

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There is mounting concern that social media sites contribute to political polarization by creating “echo chambers” that insulate people from opposing views about current events. We surveyed a large sample of Democrats and Republicans who visit Twitter at least three times each week about a range of social policy issues. One week later, we randomly assigned respondents to a treatment condition in which they were offered financial incentives to follow a Twitter bot for 1 month that exposed them to messages from those with opposing political ideologies (e.g., elected officials, opinion leaders, media organizations, and nonprofit groups). Respondents were resurveyed at the end of the month to measure the effect of this treatment, and at regular intervals throughout the study period to monitor treatment compliance. We find that Republicans who followed a liberal Twitter bot became substantially more conservative posttreatment. Democrats exhibited slight increases in liberal attitudes after following a conservative Twitter bot, although these effects are not statistically significant. Notwithstanding important limitations of our study, these findings have significant implications for the interdisciplinary literature on political polarization and the emerging field of computational social science.

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Hayes, Rebecca A., Andrew Smock, and Caleb T. Carr. "Face[book] Management: Self-Presentation of Political Views on Social Media." Communication Studies 66, no. 5 (May 11, 2015): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10510974.2015.1018447.

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Parker, Eugene T., and Teniell L. Trolian. "Collegiate Diversity Experiences and Students’ Views Regarding Social and Political Involvement." Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice 52, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19496591.2015.1080718.

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Glazkova, Anna V., Zinaida N. Sokova, and Valery M. Kruzhinov. "Predicting political views in social media: VKontakte as a case study." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, politologiya, no. 65 (February 1, 2022): 252–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/1998863x/65/21.

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Möller, A. Marthe, Rinaldo Kühne, Susanne E. Baumgartner, and Jochen Peter. "Exploring User Responses to Entertainment and Political Videos: An Automated Content Analysis of YouTube." Social Science Computer Review 37, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 510–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439318779336.

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On YouTube, videos are always presented together with additional user-generated information about those videos. This social information is presented in the form of number of views, (dis)likes, or comments. However, we know little about the characteristics of social information about entertainment videos. To fill this gap, the present study examined the amount and valence of online entertainment videos’ social information and compared this to the social information of online political videos. An automated content analysis of (dis)likes, views, and 39,602 comments presented alongside 463 videos showed that entertainment videos received more views and comments than political videos. Moreover, entertainment videos’ comments were more neutral than political videos’ comments. We also found that comments with a stronger positive or negative valence received more replies and likes, with the exceptions that the positive valence of political videos had no effect and that, for political videos, a stronger negative valence led to fewer likes. Finally, we found that as political videos received more comments, the positive valence of their comments became more consistent. Overall, these results show that the type of video influences the amount and valence of social information the video receives.

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Lomonosov, Aleksey V. "V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-165-170.

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The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

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Shypulski, Eydie, Aynsley H. M. Scheffert, Shelly Smart, Mary Kirk, and Tiana Kruger. "Justice Views in Social Work Project: Examining Views on Race and Justice." Journal of Teaching in Social Work 44, no. 2 (March 11, 2024): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08841233.2024.2316355.

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Hout, Michael, and Christopher Maggio. "Immigration, Race & Political Polarization." Daedalus 150, no. 2 (2021): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01845.

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Abstract Americans' views of immigration are substantially more positive than political discourse since 2010 might suggest. And they are becoming more positive. So too are Whites' views of Blacks, as racial resentment declined from 2010 to 2018. Views of immigration and race became more correlated over the last twenty years. And both are more correlated with political party preference now than at any time on record. While Republicans' views of immigration and their racial resentment have changed very little since 2010, Democrats' views of immigration have become far more positive and their racial resentment has declined substantially. The consequences of these trends were borne out dramatically in the 2016 presidential election. In combination, the two attitudes predict well who voted for Trump and who voted for Clinton. These trends and correlations make clear that xenophobic Americans are not ascendant, they are desperate. The dynamics of race, immigration, and polarization tilt in favor of both more immigration and a more progressive view of racial disparities.

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Candra, Ade, Anwar Fauzi, and Marissa Laila Rahmadhani. "Political Relations: Political Identity and Social Media in Elections in Indonesia." Kybernology : Journal of Government Studies 3, no. 2 (November 15, 2023): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/kjgs.v3i2.13054.

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This research examines the role of social media in shaping political identity and political participation in contemporary Indonesia. Utilizing document analysis, the study explores how individuals and societal groups use social media as a tool to influence and participate in political discourse. The method employed in this research is qualitative descriptive. The findings reveal that social media facilitates a framework for personal action, enabling widespread participation in various political and social issues, and integrating personal lifestyle values into political dialogue. The study also pays attention to the challenges faced by political parties in Indonesia in attracting voters, especially the younger generation who are highly engaged with social media, in the lead-up to the 2024 simultaneous elections. Lastly, it is found that social media has deepened social interaction and information for the millennial generation, particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic, affecting their views on politics and religion. The conclusion of this research emphasizes the importance of social media in shaping the political landscape in Indonesia, providing significant insights into how digital technology affects political participation and social identity.

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Şan, Selda, Cemil Öztürk, and Ahmet Katılmış. "Developing Political Literacy of Social Studies Teacher Candidates for Citizenship Education." International Journal of Contemporary Educational Research 10, no. 4 (December 28, 2023): 930–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52380/ijcer.2023.10.4.548.

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In the rapidly developing and advancing world, citizens are expected to be involved in politics and help to their administrators/politicians. Although the concept of political literacy has an old history, it has become popular today. It has been included as a skill in 2018 and 2023 social studies curriculums in Türkiye. Considering the relevant national literature and the results of the needs analysis conducted within the scope of this research, it is seen that social studies teachers and teacher candidates don’t know political literacy and don’t have political literacy knowledge, skills and values as necessary. They, expected to raise politically literate individuals, have to be politically literate citizens/teachers in order to be successful. In this research, produced from a doctoral thesis, it was aimed to improve the political literacy of social studies teacher candidates. So, a political literacy education program was prepared within the scope of action research, one of the qualitative research designs, and political literacy education was given to improve the political literacy of teacher candidates. After the training, lasting about three and a half months, the effectiveness of the program in developing political literacy and the views of teacher candidates on it were tried to be revealed. Keywords: Citizenship education, Political literacy, Social studies, Teacher candidates

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Matsunaga, Lucas Heiki, Daniel Aldrich, Cristiane Faiad, Toshiaki Aoki, Po-Hsing Tseng, and Jun Aida. "The psychological determinants of avoiding crowded areas: An international and political investigation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 11, no. 2 (August 21, 2023): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.9819.

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Social isolation is one of the most important measures to reduce clusters of infections. This research aims to explain why people avoided crowded spaces during periods of high global infection of COVID-19 in a cross-national and politically diverse sample. We conducted a cross-cultural survey using Likert-type scale questions (N = 1,196) in New York (n = 313), Brasilia (n = 283), Tokyo (n = 300), and Taipei (n = 300). We ascertained the validity of a model based on the theory of planned behavior, moral norms, and risk perception while analyzing invariance in its estimates and differences in the component`s mean scores across cultures and political groups. The results showed that the data fit the model well, and we found significant differences across countries by comparing the components` mean scores and estimates. Finally, diverging political views generated contrasting scores in the most politically polarized cultures. This study thus shows how the act of avoiding crowded places is shaped by social-cognitive determinants, cultural background, and political views. These insights are relevant for the formulation of better public health policies. It also calls for the academic community to build an integrative research agenda over psychological phenomena based on social factors and calls for the need for behavioral management in pandemics.

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HAMILTON, JAMES J. "THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF HOBBES'S POLITICAL THOUGHT." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 1 (March 5, 2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000310.

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The social context of Hobbes's political thought is ripe for reassessment in light of advances in the social history of seventeenth-century England in the past half-century. The evidence does not support C. B. Macpherson's claim that England had a “possessive market society” which became the social model for Hobbes's political theory, nor the case that Hobbes was a bourgeois ideologist. A new examination of his social theory, his social identity, his social prejudices and his understanding of what we today call social class instead produces a picture of an intellectual of the “middle sort” with strong aristocratic, pro-court sentiments. A clearer understanding of his social views would probably have prevented the current controversy over his political sentiments or channeled it in a different direction. The issues make a strong case for more social contextualization at the macro level of analysis in intellectual history.

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Saveski, Martin, Nabeel Gillani, Ann Yuan, Prashanth Vijayaraghavan, and Deb Roy. "Perspective-Taking to Reduce Affective Polarization on Social Media." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 16 (May 31, 2022): 885–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v16i1.19343.

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The intensification of affective polarization worldwide has raised new questions about how social media platforms might be further fracturing an already-divided public sphere. As opposed to ideological polarization, affective polarization is defined less by divergent policy preferences and more by strong negative emotions towards opposing political groups, and thus arguably poses a formidable threat to rational democratic discourse. We explore if prompting perspective-taking on social media platforms can help enhance empathy between opposing groups as a first step towards reducing affective polarization. Specifically, we deploy a randomized field experiment through a browser extension to 1,611 participants on Twitter, which enables participants to randomly replace their feeds with those belonging to accounts whose political views either agree with or diverge from their own. We find that simply exposing participants to "outgroup" feeds enhances engagement, but not an understanding of why others hold their political views. On the other hand, framing the experience in familiar, empathic terms by prompting participants to recall a disagreement with a friend does not affect engagement, but does increase their ability to understand opposing views. Our findings illustrate how social media platforms might take simple steps that align with business objectives to reduce affective polarization.

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Chen, Shuyan, and Junhao Zhang. "Exploring the Political Thoughts and Social Influences of Schmitt and Foucault." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 25, no. 1 (November 28, 2023): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/25/20230255.

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This article mainly discusses the ideas of Schmitt and Foucault and their impact on society. Schmitt and Foucault are both famous thinkers, and their own ideas are very famous. Exploring the differences between the political thoughts of Schmitt and Foucault would be beneficial for scholars to understand their ideas and better know the reasons for the differences. Schmitt used to be a Nazi, and his ideas were sometimes misunderstood. But this does not affect his and Foucault's ideas, which have led to many changes and progress in society. The first part discusses their respective introductions and their thoughts. The second part describes their differences, including differences in views of sovereign roles, the relationship between power and knowledge, different social backgrounds and Political ideologies, and changes to society. The third part is a discussion about their ideas. The final section analyzes the conclusions of these individuals, their views on rights, and concludes which side is better.

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Sezgin, Ayşe Aslı. "Political Humour in the Social Network Sites." Studies in Media and Communication 6, no. 1 (May 29, 2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v6i1.3320.

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“Social network sites” first began to be used as new tools of political communication during the 2008 Presidential Election in the United States, and their importance became even more apparent during the Arab Spring. In the course of this, the social network sites became a new and widely discussed channel of communication. In addition to its ability to bring together people from different parts of the world by removing any time and space barriers, creates a virtual network that allows individuals with shared social values to take action in an organized manner. Furthermore, this novel, versatile and multi-faceted tool of political communication has also provided a new mean for observing various aspects of social reactions to political events. Instead of voters expressing their political views through their votes from one election to the other, we nowadays have voters who actively take part in political processes by instantly demonstrating their reactions and by directly communicating their criticisms online.

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Journal articles on the topic '- Political and social views'

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