Academic literature on the topic '- Political and social views'
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Journal articles on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Kabuldinov, Z. E., and T. A. Ryskulov. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OFSMAGUL SADUAKASOV." History of the Homeland 99, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_62.
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Smagul Saduakasov is an outstanding statesman of Kazakhstan in the period of 1920-1930s, who made a significant theoretical contribution to the development of the Kazakh socio-political thought of the twentieth century. S. Saduakasov in his works, in fact, was one of the first to formulate the national interests of the Kazakh people and the whole of Kazakhstan, outlined those key priorities of socio-economic and cultural development, in accordance with which the Kazakh people and the state of Kazakhstan should develop. Itwas S. Saduakasov who officially spoke out in the public press against maintaining the economic status of Kazakhstan as a “raw material appendage” of the industrialized regions of the European part of the USSR, proposing to develop local Kazakh industry based on a rich resource base. In addition, S. Sadvokasov paid special attention to the training of professional technical and humanitarian specialists from among the Kazakh youth, which, together with the development of domestic industry, was supposed tolead the people and the country to the path of building a modern state.
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Yang, Song, and Michael Nino. "Political Views, Race and Ethnicity, and Social Isolation: Evidence from the General Social Survey." Societies 13, no. 11 (November 4, 2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13110236.
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Using data from the General Social Survey, we investigate whether political views increase the risk of social isolation for Black and White Americans. Our findings reveal an increase in conservative political views differently shaping social isolation patterns for Black and White Americans. For instance, changes in political views from liberal to conservative are associated with reduced risk of social isolation for White Americans, whereas a rise in conservative political views is related to increases in social isolation for Black Americans. Results also demonstrate that these patterns remain after accounting for important covariates such as gender, age, education, occupation, marital status, social class, work status, and religion. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of social relationships, race, and political polarization in the U.S.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.
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In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Guelzo, Allen C., Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford, and Frank J. Williams. "The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 917. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649609.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF LIUDMYLA STARYTSKA-CHERNIAKHIVSKA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 135 (2017): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.135.4.06.
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Lehman, Cynthia L. "The Social and Political Views of Charles Chestnutt:." Journal of Black Studies 26, no. 3 (January 1996): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600303.
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Pervova, I. L. "SOCIAL VERSUS POLITICAL: VIEWS OF ELDERLY IN RUSSIA." Innovation in Aging 1, suppl_1 (June 30, 2017): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igx004.3185.
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Halilovic, Muamer. "Social and political views of Abu Rayhan Biruni." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 5, no. 2 (2016): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1602075h.
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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.
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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Moore, Mark. "Kenotic politics : the reconfiguration of power in Jesus' political praxis." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683248.
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Abbott, Kenrick. "Contemporary Shiʻism as political ideology : the views of Sharîʻatmadârî, Tâliqânî, and Khumaynî." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59561.
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Islam was drastically altered in Iran as a result of the 1978/79 Revolution. This thesis looks at the political aspects of contemporary Imami Shi'ism by comparing the ideas of three leading mujtahids of the day: Ayatullah Shari 'atmadari, Ayatullah Khumayni, and Ayatullah Taliqani. This study points out the wide divergences of ideas present within the religious class, ranging in the political spectrum, from conservative to radical. A comparison of these three figures highlights the differences between "Traditionalist" Islam, as put forth by Shari 'atmadari, and "Fundamentalist" Islam, as proposed by Khumayni and Taliqani. Further differences within the fundamentalist "camp" are demonstrated through Taliqani 's progressive all-inclusive "Liberation Theology" and Khumayni 's equally all-encompassing "religion of militant individuals".
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Ahmad, Shagufta. "Dr. Isrār Aḥmad's political thought and activities." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68066.
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This thesis examines the political thought of Dr. Israr Ahmad and the organizations founded and led by him, namely, Markazi Anjuman-i Khuddam al-Qur'an, Tanzim-i Islami, and Tahrik-i Khilafat. He is an intellectual and reformer born in the Indian subcontinent who witnessed the struggle for independence and migrated to Pakistan. During his medical studies he was a member of the Jam'iyat-i Talabah, and after becoming a doctor, he joined the Jama'at-i Islami formed by Mawlana Mawdudi but later left it. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the main influences on him. This study focuses particularly on Dr. Israr Ahmad's contribution to political thought, that is, his derivation of the process of Islamic Revolution from the sirah, and his modification of this process to suit the present times. He has not only articulated and communicated his thought widely but also formed three organizations to implement the process in Pakistan. The aims, modes of operation, and achievements of the Anjuman and Tanzim are discussed and compared with the Jama'at-i Islami at times. Since Tahrik-i Khilafat is a recent addition, it is discussed only briefly.
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Temelini, Michael. "Seeing things differently : Wittgenstein and social and political philosophy." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35950.
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This thesis calls into question a currently orthodox view of Ludwig Wittgenstein's post-Tractarian philosophy. This view is that the social and political implications of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations are conservative and relativist. That is, Wittgenstein's concepts such as 'forms of life', 'language-games' and 'rule-following' defend and promote: a rule-determined and context-determined rationality; or an incomparable community-determined human understanding; or a neutralist, nonrevisionary, private or uncritical social and political philosophy.In order to challenge and correct this conventional understanding the thesis sets up as 'objects of comparison' a variety of very different examples of the use of Wittgenstein in social and political philosophy. These uses are neither relativist nor conservative and they situate understanding and critical reflection in the practices of comparison and dialogue. The examples of this 'comparative-dialogical' Wittgensteinian approach are found in the works of three contemporary philosophers: Thomas L. Kuhn, Quentin Skinner and Charles Taylor.
This study employs the technique of a survey rather than undertaking a uniquely textual analysis because it is less convincing to suggest that Wittgenstein's concepts might be used in these unfamiliar ways than to show that they have been put to these unfamiliar uses. Therefore I turn not to a Wittgensteinian ideal but to examples of the 'comparative-dialogical' uses of Wittgenstein. In so doing I am following Wittgenstein's insight in section 208 of the Philosophical Investigations: "I shall teach him to use the words by means of examples and by practice. And when I do this, I do not communicate less to him than I know myself." Thus it will be in a survey of various uses and applications of Wittgenstein's concepts and techniques that I will show that I and others understand them.
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Collins, Rex Anthony. "Private vices, public benefits : Dr. Mandeville and the body politic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69c3a8c9-c069-4d21-93d9-5ce5609c50c5.
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This thesis examines the relationship between Mandeville's medical and non-medical thought, to assess the relevance of the former for an understanding of the latter. By locating his medical text, A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, within the context of an early modern discourse on the nature and treatment of melancholic and nervous disorders, three distinctive features of his medical thought and practice are identified, namely: his commitment to the physiological principles of iatromechanism; his adherence to the precepts of Hippocratic medical practice; and his use of the talking cure in the treatment of hypochondriacal disorders. Those aspects of his medical thought and practice are then taken up and explored in an analysis of his philosophical and polemical performances in The Fable of the Bees. First, it is argued that The Fable of the Bees contains a systematic and coherent theory of man and society, the key elements of which were dictated by Mandeville's reductive and physiological understanding of man as a sentient and passionate machine. It is further argued that the mechanistic and homeostatic principles which informed his model of human functioning also informed his similarly reductive account of both the evolution and the contemporary functioning of the body politic. To distinguish Mandeville's from other reductive social theories, his adherence to the methodological precepts of Hippocratic medicine and his understanding of the development of its rules of diet and regimen are invoked to explain his distinctive and evolutionary account of the social institutions which made civilization and its flourishing possible. Finally, Mandeville's contrasting polemical and rhetorical performances in Parts I and II of The Fable of the Bees are explained by reference to his understanding of the medical art of diagnosis and curing in general and his use of the talking cure in particular.
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Shelton, Cecil J. "What Rocks the Vote? Citizens' Views of Community Leaders and Political Engagement." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/1.
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Political engagement has an established body of research. However, one key area that has not been investigated in the field is the relationship between political engagement and type of community lived in. This study explores this relationship between type of community, past political engagement, perceptions of community leaders, attitude about political engagement, and socieodemographic characteristics. A conceptual model was developed based on existing literature. Utilizing a statewide survey conducted in 2009 that yielded 1,154 respondents with a response rate of 30.2% was used to explore these relationships. Using statistical procedures that test correlation were utilized to investigate the relationship between the key study variables. In addition, a regression model was created to be able to predict an individual’s political engagement. The result concluded that type of community does not significantly play a role in determining an individual’s political engagement. However other insights were revealed that showcase the complexity of political engagement and raise other questions about the role an individual’s attitude towards political engagement, and perception of community leaders affects their political engagement.
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Cathey, Paul Eben. "Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975.
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This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
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Dias, Rodrigo da Silva. "Political views, morality, and attitudes toward marijuana legalization." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/24098.
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In this paper, we examine why attitudes toward marijuana legalization are split along ideological lines. In a survey, we found that conservatives were more likely to oppose this policy partly because of their greater reliance on the authority and purity foundations of morality. Curiously, concerns about harm were found to play no role in determining attitudes toward marijuana legalization, even though those who were against this policy frequently explained their views with harm-related accounts. In an experiment, we found that opponents of legalization were more likely to adopt a more favorable view towards it when exposed to arguments and sources that were consistent with the authority and purity dimensions of morality. Precisely, subjects who initially opposed legalization were more likely to change their attitudes when exposed to arguments that were based on the purity (vs. harm) foundation of morality, and when they were led to believe that these arguments were given by religious (vs. business) leaders.
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Youla, Christian. "The foreign policies of Mandela and Mbeki : a clear case of idealism vs realism?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1592.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.
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Peterson, Rebecca C. (Rebecca Carol). "Dante, Machiavelli, and Luther: The Evolution of the Modern State." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500496/.
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The evolution of the State was a process which went through many stages. Analysis of the modern State tends to begin with the Enlightenment; however, Dante Alighieri, Niccolo Machiavelli, and Martin Luther each represented early phases of this evolution. The theories of these men were closely tied to their evaluation of man's nature. Their main objectives were separation of the State from the Church and the definition of the rulers obligations to his subjects. Although humanism influenced all of them to varying degrees, each developed unique views of the State. Elements of these views can be detected in more modern theorists.
Books on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Sigurdson, Richard Franklin. Jacob Burckhardt's social and political thought. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004.
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Sathe, Shanta. Lokmanya Tilak, his social and political thoughts. Delhi: Ajanta, 1994.
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Shwarz, Zvi. The social and political ideas of Maimonides. Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1988.
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Holzer, Harold. The Emancipation Proclamation: Three views : social, political, iconographic. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2006.
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McKenna, George, and Stanley Feingold. Taking sides: Clashing views on political issues. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
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Raju, P. A. Social and political ideas of Kandukuri Veeresalingam: A study in political thought. Allahabad: P.A. Raju, 1986.
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Blitz, Mark. Plato's political philosophy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.
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Plimak, Evgeni. Lenin's political testament. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1988.
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Kley, Roland. Hayek's social and political thought. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.
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Gupta, Nitis Das. The social and political theory of Jayaprakash Narayan. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Wathne, Sophia. "Social Movements Prefiguring Political Theory." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 171–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_8.
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AbstractAdding to the growing literature on social movements as knowledge and theory creators, this chapter wants more social movement research to focus on the content of the political theories created by social movements, as an outcome of their morality. This chapter argues that prefigurative social movements create political theory through the interplay of their internal and external communication, their organization, and in their discussions of how and why to change the world: They are prefiguring political theory through their cognitive praxis. The chapter demonstrates how the literature on prefigurative social movements and Ron Jamison and Andrew Eyerman’s concept of cognitive praxis, combined with a decolonial feminist approach to knowledge and theory, provides space for the political theory of social movements within social movement literature. This theory is inherently political as it is aimed to be a (temporary) guide toward the kind of world the movements want to see and argues why the world should look like that.The chapter briefly outlines how a Cartesian approach to science prevents us from viewing theory based on lived experience as theory, even though all theory is based on lived experience, and thereby explains why we have not taken the knowledge and theory created by social movements seriously for so long. To recognize social movements as political actors, we need to engage with the concepts, policy proposals, critiques, or new institutions that they are creating, and not only the mechanics around creating them. Consequently, we need to recognize social movements as the authors of the knowledge and theory they create and not take credit for “discovering” it. Lastly, from a decolonial approach, we should recognize that social movement research is relational and that the research process should involve the social movements themselves to make sure they also benefit from it, and view them as colleagues who are sharing their knowledge with us. Moving away from the more Cartesian view of science requires a decolonization of the entire research process, and in particular rethinking what this means in terms of authorship, ownership, and credit.
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Redclift, M. R. "Marxism and the Environment: A View From the Periphery." In Political Action and Social Identity, 191–211. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17847-6_9.
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Nadezhdina, Elena, Narynkul Chorobaeva, and Ainura Aidaralieva. "Political, Social and University Framing of Lifelong Learning Policies: Countries’ Views and Crossings." In Lifelong Learning Book Series, 45–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98566-0_3.
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Chun, Allen. "Socialization in the Longer View." In From Social Visibility to Political Invisibility, 185–226. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-2018-1_5.
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Miller, Ronald B. "The social, political, historical, and philosophical context." In Not so abnormal psychology: A pragmatic view of mental illness., 33–59. Washington: American Psychological Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/14693-002.
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Mubangizi, Betty C. "A Rural Perspective on the African Peer Review Mechanism: Views on Socio-Economic Development and Public Service Delivery in Rural South Africa." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 59–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16313-5_4.
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"Conceptual views and political commitments." In Social Construction of Law, 33–52. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839103223.00009.
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Dombrowski, Daniel A. "Political Liberalism, Social Justice, and Christian Faith." In Christian Faith and Social Justice: Five Views. Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501388330.ch-002.
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Krallis, Dimitris. "The Social Views of Michael Attaleiates." In Social Change in Town and Country in Eleventh-Century Byzantium, 44–61. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841616.003.0003.
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The historian Michael Attaleiates was a judge and well-connected political agent active in eleventh-century Byzantium. The opinions he expressed in his historical work, but also in the synopsis of Roman law he dedicated to Michael VII and the monastic charter he produced to organize a privately owned pious foundation, become here entry points for the study of his take on the social and political reality around him. This chapter offers a short biographical sketch of our protagonist, who emerges as a patriotic Roman, who casts a sympathetic eye on popular political action. It then studies Attaleiates as a social and economic agent, looking at his active participation Byzantium’s economy only to reveal a confident investor and builder of a personal fortune. Here is also examined the ways in which Attaleiates’ take on foreign mercenaries outlines a readiness to accommodate others in a Roman polity. Finally, a study of his social circles considers how intellectual affinities and friendships developed, while serving the state and the emperor allowed for the development of a fluid and ever-adjustable politics of accommodation. All in all, we have here an updated portrait of an important figure in eleventh-century intellectual circles.
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Riess, Jana. "Social and Political Views among Current and Former Mormons." In The Next Mormons, 169–88. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190885205.003.0010.
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This chapter discusses the social and political views among current and former Mormons. Since World War II, Mormons have been recognized for their conservative moral values, staunch patriotism, and commitment to the nuclear family. Those core values are still very much present with older generations of Latter-day Saints, though one sees political dilution among millennials who remain active in the Church; the Next Mormons Survey (NMS) finds that millennial Mormons are more conservative than their non-Mormon millennial peers but more progressive than their Mormon elders. Whether Mormon millennials will veer to the right as they age is unclear; there may be an age effect associated with political views, since conventional wisdom dictates that people tend to become at least slightly more conservative as they grow older. Meanwhile, in the former Mormon population, rather than a dilution of the conservative political agenda, one sees an outright rejection of many parts of it.
Conference papers on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.
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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Yavanoglu, Uraz, Medine Colak, Busra Caglar, Semra Cakir, Ozlem Milletsever, and Seref Sagiroglu. "Intelligent Approach for Identifying Political Views over Social Networks." In 2013 12th International Conference on Machine Learning and Applications (ICMLA). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmla.2013.136.
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Zaslavsky, S. E. "Transformation Vectors Of Russian Political Views In Social Networks (Case "Winter Cherry")." In Proceedings of the II International Scientific Conference GCPMED 2019 - "Global Challenges and Prospects of the Modern Economic Development". European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.03.175.
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Kupiak, Uliana, and Romana Myshok. "Cyberbullying as a socio-political internet technology in the information warfare." In Sociology – Social Work and Social Welfare: Regulation of Social Problems. Видавець ФОП Марченко Т.В., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sosrsw2023.057.
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Background: Internet technologies quickly spread and change our perception of the world, which in turn leads to radical changes in various spheres of our life, in particular in social, political, economic, etc. Despite the many prospects that the Internet gives us, it can also be used by certain groups to carry out cyber attacks, spread misinformation, and purposefully ignite aggression among users. Such actions often have serious consequences for the national security and stability of countries, including those at war. Purpose: To establish how cyberbullying was formed as a means of information warfare in Ukraine. Methods: Method of analysis, theoretical method of research was to analyze the documents used to study the work of scientists who studied cyberbullying and its types. Results: Digital aggression, such as cyberbullying, can take many different forms, such as abusive communications, the dissemination of false information, extortion, etc. The following manipulative technologies are included in cyberbullying: flaming, trolling, threats and intimidation, cancellations, etc. Understanding cyberbullying as an Internet technology used in information warfare can be done by studying it from a constructivist perspective. Cyberbullying is seen through the lens of online engagement and from the perspective of how it is felt and interpreted by the individuals involved. Conclusion: The use of cyberbullying and other cybertools in information warfare is now accepted as the standard. Thus, when society views cyberbullying as a set standard in the virtual world, especially during the information war, this phenomenon has gone through a stage of legitimization. Keywords: cyberbullying, information war, internet technology
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Alontseva, Dina. "Theocratic State In Political And Legal Views Of L. A. Tikhomirova." In International Scientific Conference «Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism» dedicated to the 80th anniversary of Turkayev Hassan Vakhitovich. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.10.05.175.
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Nakanishi, Hisae. "Human Security and Political Violence in the Middle East: Views From Security-Development Nexus Perspective." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.9.
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Rathnayake, Kamini. "Sri Lanka, its Laws and its Women: Feminist Jurisprudence Views Law as a Subversive Site for Women." In SLIIT International Conference on Advancements in Sciences and Humanities 2023. Faculty of Humanities and Sciences, SLIIT, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54389/uqzf6962.
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Patriarchal laws of a country subject women to various degrees of oppression owing to socially constructed institutions. Sri Lankan women continue to struggle with socio-economic, political, and cultural issues that marginalise them, as different social structures, classes, castes, customs, religions and societal behaviours influence, control and suppress them. In this background, the Sri Lankan judicial thinking is dominated by the sameness approach to equality that ensures ‘gender neutral’ laws. And feminists argue that this ‘neutrality’, is simply a male-standard. In this explanatory investigation, this paper questions this ‘male-standard’ and ‘asks the woman question’ to provide insight to the question; Does Sri Lankan Law serve as a Subversive Site for Women? Through this inquiry, it deduces that, taking a difference approach to achieve substantive equality by understanding positionalities and intersectionalities of women in patriarchal societies shall inhibit the contribution of a country’s laws to create a subversive site for its women.
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Оздамирова, Лаура Мусатовна. "THE HISTORY OF THE INTERACTION OF SOCIETY AND THE STATE." In Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Июнь 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/seh291.2020.74.23.007.
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В данной статье рассматривается взаимодействие таких важных категорий как государство и общество. Подчеркивается важность взаимовлияния социальных и политических воззрений, концепций, обусловленность политический явлений общественными. Также указывается, что впервые концепция различения и соотношения общества и государства была разработана в политическом учении Гегеля. This article discusses the interaction of such important categories as the state and society. The importance of the mutual influence of social and political views, concepts, and the conditioning of political phenomena by social ones is emphasized. It is also indicated that for the first time the concept of distinguishing and correlation of society and the state was developed in Hegel's political doctrine.
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Song, Sumin, Zhaoping Zhang, and Xiaoxia Feng. "Analysis of Views on Objective of Colleges Ideological and Political Education based on Conversion from Course Education to Cultural Identity." In 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.228.
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Nuhanović, Amra, and Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.
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In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
Reports on the topic "- Political and social views"
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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Demchenko, Dmytro. DEMASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL PROCESSES IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITAL COMMUNICATION (TO THE PROBLEM OF THE DICHOTOMY OF “ELITE-MASS” AS A POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PARADOX). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12171.
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The article aims to analyze a complicated process of the society’s main components – elite, mass communication, and masses – in their interaction and interdependence from the historical perspective. Due to industrialization and modernization of the life quality, the social life changes radically, and the essence of every component of the society changes as well. The elite loses its dynastic character. The media stop to play the role of a mediator taking on the obligations of a collective agitator and propagandist, and the mass stops to be cloth for wiping shoes. It starts to form a mass audience and, by that, obtains new forms that must be taken into account by social institutions. Together with that the collective views are substituted by the views which are stronger than the ones of a separate individual. One of the main conclusions of the investigation is as follows. The formation of the “consumer society” and the strengthening of the mass communication role resulted in the appearance of “mediocracy” which factually introduced an absolute elite dependence on it and conferred the right of media to set the social agenda. The mass turned out to be a silent majority, a unity of conformity-oriented people. These people become simultaneously a product of mass communication impact because they dictate what one must read, listen to, and watch from the media menu. They force MMC to satisfy their unassuming needs making the content trivial and commodificated. In other words, the mutual process of the interaction of the media, “impossible independence” and the conscious “communicative consensus” of individuals who are willingly united with the mass audience takes place. The creation of the internet due to “digital anonymity” and the autonomy of the consumer formed the conditions for the self-determined citizens and gave the elite a modest place in the “cyber democracy”. However, the increase in individual self-isolation leads to his gradual loss of “social capital,” and that threatens to replace the direct experience with a virtual environment that will make it very difficult to differentiate reality from fiction. Keywords: elite, mass, media, mass communication, information space, globalization.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Donor Support for ‘Informal Social Movements’. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.085.
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“Social movements” are by definition informal or semi-formal, as opposed to the formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. They are relatively long lasting over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing (Smelser et al., 2020). There is a substantial and growing body of work dedicated to social movements, encompassing a wide range of views about how to define them (Smelser et al., 2020). This is complicated by the use of other terms which shade into the idea of “social movements”, such as grass-roots mobilisation/ movements, non-traditional civil society organisations, voluntary organisations, civic space, new civic activism, active citizenship, to name a few. There is also an implied informality to the term “social movements”, so that the research for this rapid review used both “social movement” and “informal social movement”. Thus this rapid review seeks to find out what approaches do donors use to support “informal social movements” in their programming, and what evidence do they base their strategies on. The evidence found during the course of this rapid review was drawn from both the academic literature, and think-tank and donor reports. The academic literature found was extremely large and predominantly drawn from single case studies around the world, with few comparative studies. The literature on donor approaches found from both donors and think tanks was not consistently referenced to research evidence but tended to be based on interviews with experienced staff and recipients.
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Guizzo Altube, Matías, Carlos Scartascini, and Mariano Tommasi. The Political Economy of Redistribution and (in)Efficiency in Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005239.
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Predominant views on the political economy of Latin America and the Caribbean tend to emphasize that elite domination helps to understand the high levels of inequality. The contemporary fiscal version of that assertion goes something like “the rich are powerful and they dont like taxes, hence we have little taxation and little redistribution.” That is a good approximation to the reality of some countries, but not of others. There are cases in the region where there are high levels of taxation and non-negligible redistributive efforts. But in some of those cases such redistribution comes hand in hand with macroeconomic imbalances, high inflation, low growth, as well as low-quality public policies. When redistributive efforts are short-sighted and attempted with inefficient public policies, fiscal imbalances lead to inflation and to frequent macroeconomic crises that reduce growth and thwart poverty reduction efforts. The argument of this paper is that there are various possible political configurations (including elite domination and populism among others) that lead to different economic and social outcomes (including the degree of redistribution and others). We postulate that each configuration of social outcomes emerges out of different political economy equilibria. Different countries in the region will be in different political economy equilibria, and hence will have different combinations of political economy syndromes and of socioeconomic outcomes. In this paper, we characterize the countries regarding the size of the public sector, how much fiscal redistribution there is, and how efficient this public action is. We summarize various strands of literature that attempt to explain some elements of that fiscal vector one at a time; and then attempt to provide a simple framework that might explain why different countries present different configurations of size, distributiveness, and efficiency.
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Wickenden, Mary. Practical Guides for Participatory methods: Disability Inclusive Research. Institute of Development Studies, August 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2023.045.
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In the past, people with disabilities have been left out of many aspects of life including research. They have not usually been included in ‘mainstream’ studies about key topics such as health, education, WASH, gender empowerment, social and political participation, while other groups in populations are more routinely asked for their views and their qualitative data is collected. It is often perceived to be too difficult or expensive to include disabled people. This is discriminatory and leads to continued lack of understanding about their lives. We need to collect disability inclusive data to understand disabled people’s situations and needs, alongside others’ views. Additionally, disability-specific research has been rare and poorly funded. Now, partly in response to the game-changing UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disability (UNCRPD, 2007), the rights of disabled people to participate in all aspects of life are recognised, and research priorities are changing to include disability data and disabled people’s perspectives on many topics.
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Just, David, and Amir Heiman. Building local brand for fresh fruits and vegetables: A strategic approach aimed at strengthening the local agricultural sector. United States Department of Agriculture, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2016.7600039.bard.
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Abstract The debate about whether to reduce import barriers on fresh produce in order to decrease the cost of living and increase welfare or to continue protecting the local agricultural sector by imposing import duties on fresh vegetables and fruits has been part of the Israeli and the US political dialog. The alternative of building a strong local brand that will direct patriotic feelings to support of the agricultural sector has been previously discussed in the literature as a non-tax barrier to global competition. The motivation of consumers to pay more for local fresh fruits and vegetables are better quality, environmental concerns, altruism, and ethnocentrism. Local patriotic feelings are expected to be stronger among national-religious consumers and weaker among secular left wing voters. This project empirically analyzes consumers’ attitude toward local agricultural production, perceptions of the contribution of the agricultural sector to society and how these perceptions interact with patriotic beliefs and socio-political variables perhaps producing an ethnocentric preference for fruits and vegetables. This patriotic feeling may be contrasted with feelings toward rival (or even politically opposing) countries competing in the same markets. Thus geo-political landscape may help shape the consumer’s preferences and willingness to purchase particular products. Our empirical analysis is based on two surveys, one conducted among Israeli shoppers and one conducted among US households. We find strong influences of nationalism, patriotism and ethnocentrism on demand for produce in both samples. In the case of Israel this manifests itself as a significant discount demanded for countries in conflict with Israel (e.g., Syria or Palestine), with the discount demanded being related to the strength of the conflict. Moreover, the effect is larger for those who are either more religious, or those who identify with right leaning political parties. The results from the US are strikingly similar. For some countries the perception of conflict is dependent on political views (e.g., Mexico), while for others there is a more agreement (e.g., Russia). Despite a substantially different religious and political landscape, both right leaning political views and religiosity play strong roles in demand for foreign produce.
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TOTROVA, Z. H. THE TOPIC OF OBJECTIVITY OF KNOWLEDGE AS A SOCIOCULTURAL PROBLEM. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-14-1-3-14-21.
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The actualization of this topic is explained by modern information technologies, which center the question of knowledge, as such, before its practical application. The purpose of the article is to analyze the topic of objectivity of knowledge, as a sociocultural problem, involving consideration of the relationship of various forms of skepticism with the sociocultural context. Research methods are philosophical and general logical. Research results. Pyrrhonian skepticism reflects the personal, socio-political and economic crisis of the Hellenistic era. The complete and consistent development of the views of extreme skeptics in practice turns into an apology for force or chaos. The time of M. Montaigne is characterized by the conjugation of historical optimism with paradigm instability, the struggle of ideas and socio-cultural structures for the right to exist. Hence the appeal to the subject, as to the basis that determines the stability of social and personal existence.
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Hellström, Anders. How anti-immigration views were articulated in Sweden during and after 2015. Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24834/isbn.9789178771936.
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The development towards the mainstreaming of extremism in European countries in the areas of immigration and integration has taken place both in policy and in discourse. The harsh policy measures that were implemented after the 2015 refugee crisis have led to a discursive shift; what is normal to say and do in the areas of immigration and integration has changed. Anti-immigration claims are today not merely articulated in the fringes of the political spectrum but more widely accepted and also, at least partly, officially sanctioned. This study investigates the anti-immigration claims, seen as (populist) appeals to the people that centre around a particular mythology of the people and that are, as such, deeply ingrained in national identity construction. The two dimensions of the populist divide are of relevance here: The horizontal dimension refers to articulated differences between "the people", who belong here, and the "non-people" (the other), who do not. The vertical dimension refers to articulated differences between the common people and the established elites. Empirically, the analysis shows how anti-immigration views embedded in processes of national myth making during and after 2015 were articulated in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 2019. The results indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys a nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socioeconomic fairness.
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Teixeira, Mariana. Vulnerability: A Critical Tool for Conviviality-Inequality Studies. Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/teixeira.2022.44.
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The aim of this working paper is to foster the concept of “vulnerability” as a critical tool for social theory in general and conviviality-inequality studies in particular. First, to clarify the concept, an analytical distinction is established between vulnerability as either an experiential structure shared by all persons (constitutive vulnerability) or as historical social injustice that detrimentally impacts some more than others (contingent vulnerability). The paper then explores the contrast between approaches to epistemic injustice theory and standpoint epistemology as two opposing views with regard to the political and epistemic potential of vulnerability. From this contrast, finally, a critique of one-sided conceptions shows us that, for vulnerability to have a productive and critical use, it must be grasped as fraught with ambiguity, implying both a contingent risk of subjection and a constitutive opening to otherness. It is this ambiguity that makes vulnerability a useful conceptual tool for grasping conviviality as inextricably connected to inequality
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, and Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.
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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.