Journal articles on the topic 'Political and economic autonomy'
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1
Kiss, Sam. "Political Realism and Political Reasons." Social Theory and Practice 47, no. 1 (2021): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract2021121113.
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Some people, we may call them realists, endorse the priority thesis. This thesis says political reasons (distinct from moral, prudential, aesthetic, economic, and other kinds of reason) have normative priority whenever we assess political situations. Any putative political reasons, I argue, must satisfy an autonomy condition and an identity condition. I argue that no realist account of political reasons shows such reasons are distinct and autonomous as of yet. One account, the practice-based account, may have the wherewithal to show political reasons are distinct. I also say some things about the relations between identity, autonomy, and priority.
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Jeong, Seongho. "Political Economy of Fiscal Decentralization in Korea." Korea Public Choice Association 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.125.
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Essentially, fiscal decentralization is a matter for the governance, including local governments as well as fiscal authorities. In Korea, whether it is political, bureaucratic, or a matter involving the citizenry, no party truly yearns for fiscal decentralization. Yet, when it comes to every election, one can always hear hollow expressions about fiscal decentralization. This study aims to correct fallacies surrounding the awareness of fiscal decentralization. In South Korea, there has been an awareness that fiscal decentralization is a virtue, and that “20% autonomy” as a rhetorical phrase confuses the fiscal expansion of transferred funds from the central government with fiscal decentralization. Furthermore, balanced development is often confused with fiscal decentralization. If the tax revenue of the local government is over 80%, tax revenue decentralization and expenditure decentralization should be strengthened. If the tax revenue of the local government is under 30%, revenue decentralization should be guaranteed, while expenditure decentralization should be restricted. It is a false doctrine to claim
that fiscal decentralization is workable without minimum autonomy and accountability established in local governments. Absent these requirements, fiscal decentralization remains an unattainable mirage. The reinforcement of autonomy and accountability should be the starting point and ultimate goal of a sustainable fiscal operation.
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김재훈. "A Political Economic Analysis of Decentralization: Fiscal Autonomy and Primary System." KDI Journal of Economic Policy 31, no. 1 (June 2009): 27–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23895/kdijep.2009.31.1.27.
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McGlone, Thomas. "Pluralism, Structure, and Autonomy: On the Political Philosophy of Hountondji." Symposium 26, no. 1 (2022): 242–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium2022261/213.
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In this article, I analyze a concept central to the work of the Beninese philosopher Paulin Jidenu Hountondji: pluralism. Hountondji’s plu-ralism consists of both a theoretical pluralism, which emphasizes the importance of plurality and debate within philosophy and science, and a politico-economic pluralism, which arises in opposition to the dominative tendencies of cultural nationalism and the capitalist world-system. I contend that at the heart of both Hountondji’s theo-retical and politico-economic pluralism rests a concept of negative pluralism, a political principle derived from Hountondji’s immanent critique of his own historical conjuncture. I conclude that Hountondji’s negative pluralism offers a distinct and compelling ac-count of plurality as neither innately nor instrumentally ideal. In-stead, Hountondji’s negative pluralism allows us to identify, through a critique of existing political structures, forms of political compul-sion and economic exploitation which function as obstacles to uni-versal emancipation.
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Sjøvaag, Helle. "Journalistic Autonomy." Nordicom Review 34, s1 (March 13, 2020): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2013-0111.
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AbstractThis article investigates the concept of autonomy within the journalistic institution. A review of the literature reveals that journalist autonomy is restricted at the political, economic and organisational levels of news production, negotiated at the editorial level, and exercised at the level of practice. The article addresses the limits of professional autonomy, aiming for a wider contextualisation of the question to analyse the factors that restrict and enable journalistic autonomy. By investigating journalistic autonomy within the duality of structure, the analysis finds that autonomy is attained when journalists engage in the recursive reproduction of the institution. The level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists therefore remains a fluid concept that is continually adjusted to manage the daily task of reporting the news.
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Joyce, Arthur A., Marc N. Levine, Stacie M. King, Jessica Hedgepeth Balkin, and Sarah B. Barber. "POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS AND THE EVERYDAY IN POSTCLASSIC OAXACA." Ancient Mesoamerica 25, no. 2 (2014): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653611400025x.
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AbstractWe use excavations of low-status houses to explore Postclassic political and economic transformations in the lower Río Verde Valley, Oaxaca. Following the collapse of Classic period political institutions, commoners experienced greater economic and political autonomy. Residential excavations at Río Viejo indicate that commoners took advantage of the absence of regional authority to gain greater control over surplus craft products, especially cotton thread, as well as access to social valuables and long distance trade. By the Late Postclassic period, the region was once again dominated by powerful rulers. Yet household excavations at Tututepec show that Late Postclassic commoners continued to control some surplus craft production and had access to social valuables like copper and polychrome pottery via market exchange. We argue that Late Postclassic political relations were a product of negotiations among elites and commoners that in part reflect the greater economic autonomy and political power that Early Postclassic people had acquired.
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Gehrke, Tobias. "EU Open Strategic Autonomy and the Trappings of Geoeconomics." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (April 1, 2022): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022012.
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The EU’s new trade strategy promises to advance open strategic autonomy that is to balance the benefits of economic interdependence with growing demands to manage Europe’s exposure to the risks it entails. What explains these shifting priorities? This article situates open strategic autonomy in the theoretical debates of International Political Economy (IPE) literature on economic interdependence and geoeconomics to aid our understanding of the debates ensnaring economic strategy in the EU, but also related debates in the United States, China and elsewhere. This framework, the article argues, helps us understand changing strategic priorities in economic policy by reference to wider structural shifts engulfing the global economy. It then identifies four priority targets of EU economic policy in which (new) autonomous policies are forthcoming: (i) tackle economic distortions; (ii) defend against economic coercion; (iii) link with values and sustainability; and (iv) protect critical assets and supply chains. These observations build towards addressing the main research question: Has open strategic autonomy turned a corner on EU principles of openness, liberalization and international cooperation? trade and investment, European Union, geoeconomics, International Political Economy
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Flassy, Dance Yulian. "Factors Affecting the Effectiveness of Implementing Special Autonomy in West Papua Province." Journal of Sosial Science 3, no. 5 (September 28, 2022): 1190–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v3i5.431.
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In the implementation of special autonomy, there are crucial actual conditions, with the stipulation of 2% of the general allocation fund ending, the central authority for regional expansion, the establishment of a special autonomous body without involving the Papuan People's Assembly and the Papua Regional Representative Council, new regional autonomy funds and people's welfare is still not yet involved. in accordance with the objectives of the effective implementation of West Papua's special autonomy.This study uses the Convergent Parallel Mixed Methods research design, explained by binomial logit analysis. The sample used is 114 respondents, using stratified random sampling method. The results of his research that the implementation of West Papua's special autonomy based on the political-legal-economic aspects, socio-cultural aspects, and monitoring-evaluation aspects are still not effective, it can be accepted that by strengthening the political-legal-economic, socio-cultural, and in the field of monitoring-evaluation, the implementation of special autonomy will be more effective. Meanwhile, the implementation of special autonomy is due to factors from the central and regional governments as factors that have not been effective in the implementation of special autonomy so that by strengthening central and regional administrators, the implementation of special autonomy will be more effective.The discovery of theories related to the factors that affect the effectiveness of the implementation of West Papua's special autonomy, consists of three aspects, namely: political-legal-economic aspects; socio-cultural aspects; and aspects of monitoring-evaluation. These three aspects must go hand in hand so that the implementation of special autonomy can be even more effective. The findings of the model, namely the functional model, aspects and indicators that affect the implementation of special autonomy; and a model of the structure of a special agency as a working group for the implementation of special autonomy.
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Suk, Julie Chi-hye. "Economic Opportunities and the Protection of Minority Languages." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 134–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1004.
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In this Article, Professor Suk defends the moral legitimacy of liberal states legal protection of minority languages. Many opponents of minority language protection have argued or assumed that legal intervention denies individuals the right to choose the majority language and the economic opportunities often attached to the dominant language. This Article argues that such arguments overlook another category of goods that are necessary to individual autonomy: relational resources. Individuals have an interest in maintaining their ancestral languages because doing so is essential to maintaining ones relationship to ones family and community. The relational interest cannot easily be compared with economic opportunities, because these two dimensions of autonomy are incommensurable. As a result, a liberal state should avoid forcing its citizens to choose between these incommensurable goods. By adopting policies that protect minority languages, while also ensuring individuals access to economic and political participation in the majority language, a liberal state can manage and balance the conflict between these important competing aspects of autonomy.
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Mitchneck, Beth A. "Territoriality and regional economic autonomy in the USSR." Studies in Comparative Communism 24, no. 2 (June 1991): 218–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(91)90007-s.
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Devine, Daniel. "Perceived government autonomy, economic evaluations, and political support during the Eurozone crisis." West European Politics 44, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1675130.
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Tkachenko, Stanislav L. "The study of international political economy in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2003.12.003.
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The author argues that international political economy (IPE), however prominent in the West, has not been established in Russia as an academic discipline. In the Russian policy community, the main debate is between liberal institutionalists, who advocate the country’s integration into the global economy, and the so-called dirigists, who promote relative economic autonomy. These two schools, however, only now begin to find their way in academia. Three main problems impede IPE development in Russia—the excessive separation of political science from economics, the deficit of theoretical generalization, and the weakness of educational curricula.
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Nelson, Joan M. "The Politics of Economic Transformation: Is Third World Experience Relevant in Eastern Europe?" World Politics 45, no. 3 (April 1993): 433–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950725.
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Two sets of Third World nations can shed light on the politics of economic transformation in Eastern Europe. First, there are nations that pursued particularly vigorous reforms in the 1980s. They shared three key political features: popular consensus that basic reforms were imperative; antireform groups largely in disarray or suppressed; and substantial executive autonomy in economic management. The first of these features is clearly present in Eastern Europe; the second is questionable; and the third is present but precarious and probably temporary. Second and also relevant to Eastern Europe is the growing group of Third World nations seeking to consolidate political openings simultaneously with major economic reforms. Economic and political liberalization conflict with, yet are crucial for, each other. Proposals that they be sequenced are unrealistic. In Eastern Europe as in the Third World, a crucial dilemma is reconciling public demands for access to decision making with sufficient executive autonomy for coherent economic management.
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Melenotte, Sabrina. "Zapatista autonomy and the making of alter-native politics." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720105.
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Since 1994, the Zapatista political autonomy project has been claiming that “another world is possible”. This experience has influenced many intellectuals of contemporary radical social movements who see in the indigenous organization a new political alter-native. I will first explore some of the current theories on Zapatism and the crossing of some of authors into anarchist thought. The second part of the article draws on an ethnography conducted in the municipality of Chenalhó, in the highlands of Chiapas, to emphasize some of the everyday practices inside the self-proclaimed “autonomous municipality” of Polhó. As opposed to irenic theories on Zapatism, this article describes a peculiar process of autonomy and brings out some contradictions between the political discourse and the day-to-day practices of the autonomous power, focusing on three specific points linked to economic and political constraints in a context of political violence: the economic dependency on humanitarian aid and the “bureaucratic habitus”; the new “autonomous” leadership it involved, between “good government” and “good management”; and the internal divisions due to the return of some displaced members and the exit of international aid.
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Gobe, Eric, and Lena Salaymeh. "Tunisia's “Revolutionary” Lawyers: From Professional Autonomy to Political Mobilization." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 02 (2016): 311–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12154.
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On January 14, 2011, after twenty‐three years in power and one month of popular protest demanding his resignation, President Ben Ali fled Tunisia. Lawyers, wearing their official robes, had marched frequently in the uprising's demonstrations. By engaging with and supporting the uprising, lawyers—both the profession in general and the bar's leadership—gained considerable symbolic influence over the post‐uprising government that replaced Ben Ali's regime. This article outlines the various forms of political lawyering undertaken by Tunisian lawyers and their professional associations from Tunisia's independence to post‐uprising transitions. We demonstrate that economic concerns, professional objectives, and civic professionalism contributed to the collective action of Tunisian lawyers before and after the uprising. Tunisian lawyers moved beyond the realm of their profession to adopt a role as overseers of the post‐uprising government.
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Belous, Ju А., and A. S. Tarasov. "FACTORS OF CENTRIFUGAL POLITICAL TENDENCIES IN SPAIN: A QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 1 (2021): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-1-45-56.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the centrifugal tendencies in 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain by demonstrating that certain differences in the configurations of factors have led to varying degrees of the loss of autonomy. The main conclusion is that for the configurations leading to less autonomy, there is a low level of economic development, a low volume of EU funding, and an absence of local languages as a factor of identity. The cases of Andalusia, Asturias, and Galicia are of particular importance in these configurations. For the configurations that lead to greater autonomy, two patterns are identified. The first group (Catalonia and the Basque Country) demonstrates a link between centrifugal tendencies and three conditions: the existence of regionalist parties in the parliaments of Autonomous Communities (AC), a high level of economic development and a high level of identification with a regional language. The second group of cases (Valencia and the Canary Islands) demonstrates the added importance of funding under the EU regional policy programs for the period from 2014 to 2020. The scientific novelty of the article lies in its analysis of the dynamics of centrifugal tendencies in Spain via crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA).
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Sharmistha Self and Richard Grabowski. "FEMALE AUTONOMY IN RURAL NORTH INDIA: IMPACT OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL FACTORS." Journal of Economic Development 38, no. 1 (March 2013): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35866/caujed.2013.38.1.004.
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Zouboulakis, Michel S. "Contesting the autonomy of political economy: The early positivist criticism of economic knowledge." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 15, no. 1 (March 2008): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560701858699.
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Morehouse, Thomas A. "The meaning of political development in the north." Polar Record 23, no. 145 (January 1987): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400007518.
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ABSTRACTPolitical development in the north (and elsewhere) often occurs in a context of confrontation and conflict between values of community and stability on one hand and economic growth and change on the other. Indigenous peoples of the north may not be able to resist strong tides of social and economic change—‘development’ toward forms of the dominant social, economic and political institutions—but they can substantially affect the terms of their integration into dominant societies. Alaska Natives seek both autonomy through tribal governments and access to the benefits of dominant institutions. Their ability to achieve and reconcile these purposes is a basic measure of their political development.
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Tao, Jill L. "National-Local Networks and Immigration Governance." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 19, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 345–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.19.3.1.
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The ability to regulate the flow of goods, capital and people across borders is one of the defining characteristics of nation-state political power. But there is not always agreement between the central government and local officials as to the desirability of immigration, where local governments may desire greater, or fewer, numbers of immigrants, depending on the local economy and labor needs. In South Korea, a unitary form of government offers an opportunity to examine the policy distance between the national government’s stance on immigration based on the politics of the ruling party, and the attitudes of local officials who work for metropolitan-level governments (those with a population of one million or more). I look at the impact of local economic market needs on local attitudes towards national immigration policy through the lens of intergovernmental relations and Lipsky’s concept of bureaucratic discretion. Comparing two cases drawn from local governments in South Korea with dissimilar economic bases but similar levels of local autonomy, I find that economic needs at the local level are addressed by local approaches to immigration policy. Contrary to expectations, the cases illustrate the relative importance of fiscal autonomy and a new understanding for political autonomy. These cases illustrate the need for caution when applying political and institutional theory within new contexts and offer new variables for future investigations of local autonomy.
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Pohl, Jens Hillebrand. "Emergency, security and strategic autonomy in EU economic regulation." ERA Forum 21, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-020-00624-8.
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Muharram, Samahuddin, Fadly Fadly, Dhena Aldhaliaa, Rosa Pebriandini, and Falehah Nabila. "Politics of Ecology On Environmental Management In Regional Autonomy Perspective In Banjar Regency." International Journal of Politic, Public Policy and Environmental Issues 1, no. 02 (July 24, 2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.53622/ij3pei.v1i02.24.
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Studies on political ecology problems always start from justice, poverty, resource inequality, population spikes, and environmental damage. This condition tends to only analyze from the side of causality. This causality explanation has a weakness in answering what allows this condition to occur. The problems in these areas are pretty interesting to study further because regional autonomy is a practice. The Provincial Government and Regency Governments play an essential role in the management and regulation of environmental policies. The purpose of this study is to analyze the political ecology related to the interaction between policy (regulation) and environmental management on social and economic conditions from the perspective of regional autonomy. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research approach. This study's data collection techniques are observation (observation), in-depth interviews, and literature study. The types of data in this study include ecological, economic, and social components of environmental ecosystems. The primary assumption in political ecology is that environmental change is not neutral. Instead, it is a form of a politicalized environment that involves many interested actors. Ecology-politics can be interpreted as a political study that understands human relations with environmental changes resulting from political processes. The political ecology perspective emphasizes that internal problems in the environment rather than external influences, namely due to political and economic pressures outside of itself, including the policy of regional autonomy (decentralization) of natural resources, is not just a technical problem. There are socio-political problems related to access to use and control over natural resources (power and authority). Environmental management problems are caused primarily not by technical failures but also by political failures. This means that the approach in environmental management is sectoral, technocratic, exclusive, and elitist, without considering the economic, social, and political forces that are the leading causes of the destruction of natural resources.
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Bulkeley, Harriet, Andrés Luque-Ayala, Colin McFarlane, and Gordon MacLeod. "Enhancing urban autonomy: Towards a new political project for cities." Urban Studies 55, no. 4 (September 27, 2016): 702–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016663836.
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As the 21st Century world assumes an increasingly urban landscape, the question of how definitive urban spaces are to be governed intensifies. At the heart of this debate lies a question about the degree and type of autonomy that towns and cities might have in shaping their economic, environmental, social and cultural geography. This paper aims to examine this question. Starting with the premise that the degree of autonomy any particular town or city has is inherently an empirical question – one which can only be conceptualised in relational terms vis-à-vis the distributed, networked and territorialised responsibilities and powers of the city and the nation-state and other zones of connection – we examine four different contexts where debates over autonomy have intensified in recent history (Brazil, UK, India and South Africa). Drawing on recent respective histories, we identify key elements and enablers in the making of urban autonomy: a characteristic that exists in a variety of guises and forms and creates a patchwork landscape of differentially powerful fragments. We reveal how, beyond its characteristic as a political ideal, autonomy surfaces as a practice that emerges from within specific sectors of particular societies and through their relationship with national and regional politics. Four alternative forms of urban autonomy are delineated: fragmented, coerced (or enclave), distributed and networked. We contend that the spatial templates for autonomy are not predetermined but can be enhanced in multiple different sites and forms of political space within the city. This enhancement appears essential for the integration and strengthening of capacities for sustainable and just forms of development throughout the urban.
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Bolshakov, A. "Regulatory Autonomy of Great Britain: Problems and Perspectives." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-71-79.
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Sovereignty does not imply regulatory autonomy. After Brexit, the UK should align its regulatory policy with European norms, if it is interested in close partnership with the EU. Compromises must be made by both sides in order to ensure stability of the partnership. The EU will have to acknowledge the UK’s right to diverge from European rules. Britain will have to partly accept the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. The structure of dispute settlement mechanism which will be created under the partnership agreement should be a product of a compromise. The present study shows that optimal structure of dispute settlement mechanism must include two different procedures: one for political issues and the other for commercial issues. The central role for the European Court of Justice must be envisaged as a part of politically oriented procedure. There must be no role for the European Court of Justice or any Union to set the pace of political communication. The latter reflects the interest of Great Britain to simplify economic relations, which means that, firstly, disputes are resolved by independent arbiters; secondly, the EU acknowledges the UK’s right to diverge from European regulations; and thirdly, the UK accepts the EU’s right to impose countervailing duties to compensate for adverse effects of divergence on competition. This article also examines the main problems of future British regulatory policy, especially in the field of state aid. Boris Johnson’s government has decided not to form a full-fledged regulatory regime in the area of state aid. Its stance is politically appropriate since Conservative party manifesto for the 2019 general election promised to support local industries without limitations. But that decision created a great deal of economic risk. Firstly, the absence of a domestic subsidy control regulator can cause chaos within regulation system because workable norms and rules can only be sustained by a tight enforcement mechanism. Secondly, the EU can cite lack of subsidy control as an obstacle for British business to have unrestricted access to the European market.
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Yang, Hongxing, and Dingxin Zhao. "Performance Legitimacy, State Autonomy and China's Economic Miracle." Journal of Contemporary China 24, no. 91 (June 20, 2014): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2014.918403.
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Aprita Sari, Cut Maya, Muhammad Suhail Ghifari, and Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid. "TRANSACTIONAL POLITICAL PRACTICES IN THE ASYMMETRIC DECENTRALIZATION SYSTEM IN ACEH (10-YEAR ANALYSIS OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY FUND MANAGEMENT PERIOD 2008-2018)." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 3 (September 19, 2020): 1443–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.83145.
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Purpose of the study: Within 10 years, the central government of Indonesia has granted the special autonomy fund to Aceh as a strategy to improve the welfare of Acehnese. Contrary, the special autonomy funds that cannot be implemented properly-affected to the poverty in Aceh-is not significantly decreased. This study aims to determine the failure of special autonomy funds to decrease poverty in Aceh.
Methodology: This research used descriptive qualitative methods by conducting the primary data through interviews, also secondary data through books, journals, newspapers, and other related sources. The analysis data is doing by using Transactional Political Theory.
Main Findings: The results of this study indicate that asymmetric decentralization can be seen from the weak Regional Economic Growth Rate and the slow improvement of the Quality of Human Development Index (HDI). Thus the failure was caused by two things, namely: the thick Political Content of The Local Political Elite and the Domination of Local Political Elite in the Management of Aceh's Special Autonomy Fund in the Compilation of Planning and Work Programs. The absence of control in the management of special autonomy funds is based on project performance without good planning, and the existence of interest-based planning in the management of special autonomy funds that based on populist activity programs following the wishes of politicians which have an impact on weak regional economic growth, slow index improvement of human development quality, high poverty rates, and high unemployment in Aceh.
Applications of this study: The finding of this study offered the evaluation systems for the government of Aceh to strengthen better local government governance, especially in increasing budget planning and implementation efficiency and strengthening regulations, and implementing an e-planning system to select program activities from the Aceh special autonomy fund.
Novelty/Originality of this study: Based on the literature review conducted, there were limited publications which are focusing on the failure of autonomy funds in Aceh. Therefore this research will enrich the publication that concerns the failure of managing special autonomy funds in Aceh.
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BARKEY, HENRI J. "State Autonomy and the Crisis of Import Substitution." Comparative Political Studies 22, no. 3 (October 1989): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414089022003003.
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Import Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategies that were instituted with great expectations in Latin America and elsewhere have not produced the desired results. Instead, ISI has been blamed for giving rise to inefficient economic structures and even for the emergence of Bureaucratic Authoritarian States. This article argues that the problems generally attributed to ISI are, in fact, due to a lack of state autonomy. What causes the loss of autonomy is the emergence of powerful and fiercely competing private sector interests intent on maximizing their share of “economic rents.” The resulting private sector-state dynamic hampers the formulation of long-term policies. The operation of this dynamic is demonstrated through a case study of Turkey in the 1970s, where the state, paralyzed by private sector competition, just witnessed the collapse of its political economy.
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Woodward, Susan L. "Orthodoxy and solidarity: competing claims and international adjustment in Yugoslavia." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 505–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027223.
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Yugoslav policies of domestic adjustment to world economic changes during 1973–85 are the result of two sets of constraints imposed by the strategy of the ruling communist party for retaining its power:(1) an open international strategy for economic growth and national autonomy, chosen in the 1940s, that includes extensive use of foreign capital resources, and (2) the coalition of competing political and economic interests gathered within the party, which has been maintained by granting autonomy to producers, limits on the economic role of the state, and successive devolution of financial and administrative authority. The first imposes external budget constraints, the terms of which are defined by foreign creditors and supported by domestic economic liberals; the second imposes domestic political constraints that narrow the policy alternatives, limit their effective implementation, and require compromises that encourage further borrowing and political reform. The policy result is central party determination of policy orientation; macroeconomic stabilization policies that have continually given priority to maintaining the external balance and that combine orthodox deflation with administrative controls; periodic alternation in structural adjustment policies between a developmental, redistributive emphasis and an exportoriented, liberal, market emphasis, depending on the external constraints; and political and institutional flexibility in response to each policy shift and in order to maintain political order.
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McGuinness, Max. "Proust's Political Emotions." Paragraph 45, no. 1 (March 2022): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2022.0386.
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Proust's Recherche includes detailed depictions of political mentalities that reveal the critical influence of socio-economic structures without foreclosing the possibility of individual autonomy. His novel also draws attention to a factor that seems resistant to formal social-scientific analysis, namely the role of emotional contingency in shaping individuals’ political views. The capriciousness displayed by Proust's characters in their approach to the Dreyfus Affair and other political controversies comes to epitomize a broader pattern of emotional volatility within high politics during the First World War and its aftermath. That caustic vision of how politics works remains pertinent in our own time, as the rebirth of charismatic authority and performative transgression transform politics into a contest of volatile polarizing enthusiasms.
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Frombgen, Elizabeth. "Economic Autonomy and Democracy: Hybrid Regimes in Russia and Kyrgyzstan." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 666. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707072040.
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Benneworth, Paul, and Peter Roberts. "Devolution, Sustainability and Local Economic Development: Impacts on Local Autonomy, Policymaking and Economic Development Outcomes." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 17, no. 3 (August 2002): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940210152540.
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In this paper, we examine how devolution has affected local sustainable development. We focus on attempting to gauge how devolution will affect the promotion of sustainable development in the English regions through an analysis of the changes to date in Scotland, Wales and London. This evaluation is made more difficult because of the range of changes which devolution involves - political, institutional, organizational and cultural, and it is hard to ascribe particular outcomes to particular changes. The focus of the paper is examining how local sustainability regimes have been affected by devolution in the three case study regions. We then conclude that devolution can only add value to existing arrangements if it creates an additional level of legitimacy which supports local coalitions deepening their commitment to the principles of local sustainable development.
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Zhang, Yang, and Xi Wang. "Provincial deficits and political centralization: evidence from the personnel management of the Chinese Communist Party." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000098.
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AbstractThe political autonomy of Chinese provinces derives from their economic independence. After the 2008 economic crisis, budget deficits increased significantly in most Chinese provinces, making them more reliant on financial support from Beijing. Provinces suffering high deficits will lose their political clout in both local and national politics. Therefore, provinces with large deficits tend to be less resistant to the enforcement of the law of avoidance and underrepresented in the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We find that in provincial standing committees, the members who are native or have more birthplace ties are more likely to be ranked behind the outsiders, especially so in provinces with a high level of deficits. We also find that provincial-standing-committee members from high-deficit provinces have a low possibility to obtain seats in the party's Central Committee. These findings confirm the close relationship between economic independence and political autonomy of Chinese provinces. In addition, we find that the logic of economic independence cannot depict the whole picture and that regional pluralism is also an important concern when the party manages its provincial leadership teams.
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Bennett, R. J. "Tax Assignment in Multilevel Systems of Government: A Political-Economic Approach and the Case of Spain." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050267.
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In this paper the question of tax assignment in multiple-level systems of government is addressed. Existing economic theory of fiscal federalism, which is the main source of information on tax assignment, is reviewed and various criticisms of this theory, as a normative theory, are outlined which indicate major difficulties in application to practice. Where a strong desire for decentralisation exists, such as in Spain, an alternative political-economic approach is suggested. This is then used to comment on developments in Spain where, it is concluded, the present assignment of taxing powers is insufficient to guarantee the autonomy of the regional governments. For Spain, regional access to a share of the VAT or personal income tax is suggested as the best option for tax reform in order to offer sufficient regional tax autonomy.
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Fossati, Diego. "The Resurgence of Ideology in Indonesia: Political Islam, Aliran and Political Behaviour." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 2 (August 2019): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419868400.
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The 2019 Indonesian presidential elections indicate that ideology played an important role in voting behaviour, as aggregate subnational results seem to mirror the mid-1950s, when Indonesian politics was organised around ideological and partisan groups known as aliran. However, the extent to which these macro-level patterns are rooted in real ideological divisions among Indonesian voters is an open question. This article analyses an original survey specifically designed to measure aliran identities, ideological orientations and political preferences of ordinary Indonesians. Findings indicate that aliran identities are still present and associated with party choice but only loosely connected with political ideology. Most notably, however, political Islam is associated with important political attitudes and behaviours. Islamist Indonesians are less likely to support liberal understandings of democracy, more likely to see economic issues as policy priorities and more likely to support economic redistribution and regional autonomy. This suggests that ideology should receive greater attention in the study of Indonesian politics.
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Isra Sarwar, Muhammad Shamshad, and Farooq Arshad. "Crisis of Identity in 20th Century: The Case of the Sikhs in India." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 3, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 280–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v3i2.123.
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Punjab has been in turmoil since the partition of British India and now its predicament is the outcome of blend of factors. These factors may include mixing of religion with politics, central machination, vote-bank polities and obvious economic grievances. In the post-partition period, the Sikhs demanded affirmative discrimination largely based on colonial heritage job and regional autonomy. They started using ethnic symbols like history, geography, culture and land to gain sympathies of the masses and to attain greater political autonomy and economic benefits. Unfortunately, the Congress considered their struggle for identity disturbing for the secular outlook of India and put this social issue into the conceptual framework of communal politics and aligned it with Sikh tradition. The situation was politically engineered by Congress through mixing religion with politics and it took decisive actions following the divide and rule policy and extracted electoral benefits out of it. The militant operations against fellow the Sikh citizens and manipulated actions radicalized the society which created social unrest and urged the Sikhs to demand a separate state. This article has highlighted the Sikh political struggle for the
recognition of their separate identity and demand for Khalistan. The critically analyzed historical study is based on qualitative methods by using secondary sources.
Punjab has been in turmoil since the partition of British India and now its predicament is the outcome of blend of factors. These factors may include mixing of religion with politics, central machination, vote-bank polities and obvious economic grievances. In the post-partition period, the Sikhs demanded affirmative discrimination largely based on colonial heritage job and regional autonomy. They started using ethnic symbols like history, geography, culture and land to gain sympathies of the masses and to attain greater political autonomy and economic benefits. Unfortunately, the Congress considered their struggle for identity disturbing for the secular outlook of India and put this social issue into the conceptual framework of communal politics and aligned it with Sikh tradition. The situation was politically engineered by Congress through mixing religion with politics and it took decisive actions following the divide and rule policy and extracted electoral benefits out of it. The militant operations against fellow the Sikh citizens and manipulated actions radicalized the society which created social unrest and urged the Sikhs to demand a separate state. This article has highlighted the Sikh political struggle for the recognition of their separate identity and demand for Khalistan. The critically analyzed historical study is based on qualitative methods by using secondary sources.
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Kraus, Jon. "Capital, power and business associations in the African political economy: a tale of two countries, Ghana and Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 395–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0200397x.
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In this era of neo-liberal capitalist economics in Africa, has organised private capital in the form of business associations (BAs) become more active in public life or developed influence in public policy formation or implementation? This analysis examines the impact of five key factors to explain varying activity levels and influence of BAs in Ghana and Nigeria since independence: levels of capitalist development and hence size of the capitalist class; strength and autonomy of the capitalist class; strength of capitalist ideology; democratic vs. authoritarian rule; and impact of external hegemonic powers and ideologies. The paper finds that Nigeria's BAs are more highly developed, have had higher activity levels, and had more influence, however limited, than Ghana's. Externally generated economic liberalisation has stimulated higher levels of BA activity, but not necessarily the political space for BA autonomy. Political democratisation appears to increase political space, BA access to the state, and policy influence.
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Kong, Tat Yan. "From Relative Autonomy to Consensual Development: The Case of South Korea." Political Studies 43, no. 4 (December 1995): 630–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01723.x.
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The success of the autonomous state in promoting rapid industrialization in South Korea from 1961 to 1987 is usually seen in terms of the state's capacity to coerce reluctant societal actors into productive economic pursuits. The economic sluggishness associated with some autonomous states suggests that any explanation of Korean economic success also needs to mention the factors that constrained bureaucratic abuse and the methods by which societal motivation behind the industrialization effort was maintained over three decades. Democratization has accentuated the capacity of societal actors to challenge the state's economic leadership but has not resulted in the emergence of an economic free for all. While similarities exist, Korea will experience greater difficulty in realizing the synthesis between developmental state and liberal-democratic polity (consensual development) that characterized postwar Japanese development.
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Coolsaet, Rik. "Continuïteit en discontinuïteit in het Belgisch Europabeleid." Res Publica 40, no. 2 (June 30, 1998): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i2.18554.
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European states, including Belgium, have looked at the construction of Europe through an economie and a political prism. Both dimensions have evolved following parallel paths. In Belgium a large consensus has always existed concerning the economie dimension of the European construction. In this respect Belgiums post-1945 European policies area direct continuation of the interwar efforts to build a West-European economic area, based on a free trade philosophy and a rejection of economic nationalism which always handicapped small trading states such as Belgium. Even before the second world war the Belgian elite thus accepted the principles of economic multilateralism.In the political dimension however a consensus on a federal Europe only emerged at the end of the seventies. Till then, important parts of the Belgian political elite remained sceptical and even hostile to the construction of a supranational Europe, based on a traditional view on political autonomy and independence. The reasons why Belgian views on the political dimension of Europe slowly shifted to a federal objective were partly domestic and partly the result of the growing awareness that a small countries' political interests in the world can be best pursued through supranationality.
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Mang, Pum Za. "Burman, Burmanisation and Betrayal." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 2 (August 2012): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0014.
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The root cause of the decades-old political crisis in Burma has been neither the issue of political prisoners nor the political confrontation between the opposition group (NLD) and the brutal military junta (SPDC) but Burmanisation policy, apparently suggesting that successive Burman leaders continue to deny equal rights to all citizens and greater autonomy to ethnic groups who make up 40 per cent of the entire population of the country. In order to restore permanent peace, political stability and economic prosperity in Burma, the Burman-dominated regime must thus give rights of equality to all citizens, greater autonomy to ethnic groups and religious freedom to all religious groups. It is certain that as long as the ethnic groups are denied religious freedom, ethnic equality, greater autonomy, innate rights, a federal system and self-determination, there will be no peace, stability or prosperity in the country.
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Grundmann, Stefan. "Information, Party Autonomy and Economic Agents in European Contract Law." Common Market Law Review 39, Issue 2 (April 1, 2002): 269–393. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/406099.
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Bryar, Tim. "Towards a Left Secretariat for the Pacific." Counterfutures 10 (July 27, 2021): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v10.6943.
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The Pacific Islands region occupies a vast ocean continent, consisting of a diversity of cultures. What draws the islands together is a shared experience of economic dependency and vulnerability driven by global warming, geopolitical competition, and class divisions. Together, these factors account for poor performance on a range of development indicators, including policy and inequality. It is in this context that Epeli Hau‘ofa has argued that the hoped-for era of autonomy following political independence has not materialised in the Pacific. In response, this paper explores the possibilities and potential aims of a Left secretariat in the Pacific. It aims to rethink political and economic autonomy in the Pacific by bringing together Left theory and practice with the history of Indigenous and class struggles.
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Kagotho, Njeri, and Michael G. Vaughn. "Women’s agency in household economic decision making in Kenya." International Social Work 61, no. 6 (September 16, 2016): 767–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816663291.
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The misalignment between economic strengthening opportunities and women’s agency is especially salient given the connection between women’s economic empowerment and household well-being. Using Kenya Demographic Health Survey 2014 data, we examine married women’s agency in household economic decision making. Women who are less likely to characterize abusive patterns of behavior as problematic and women reporting emotional abuse are less likely to report economic autonomy in the household. Furthermore, data indicate little congruence in perceptions of wife’s household economic autonomy between couples. These findings point to the need to understand the interplay among structural factors, gender, marital status, and the financial well-being of married persons.
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Stepanov, Nikita Sergeevich. "Economic and political future of Hong Kong." Финансы и управление, no. 2 (February 2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7802.2020.2.33443.
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Relevance of this article is substantiated by series changes in the world's largest economy, related to the special status of Hong Kong, which is rapidly losing its autonomy and privileges associated with it. The goal consists in outlining potential prospects and restrictions pertaining to economic and political future of Hong Kong. The subject of this research is the peculiarities, trends and patterns of Hong Kong’s development in the economic and political spheres. Examination of the development of Hong Kong and the factors impacting these processes was conducted by means of structural approach, methods of logical, comparative and statistical analysis, grouping, abstract-logical modeling, etc. The conducted research of modern trends and patterns allowed determining the key problems that may negatively affect successful development of Hong Kong in the nearest future: China’s encroachment on the special status of Hong Kong, reflected in the adoption of in 2019; possible sanctions from the United States, threatening to deprive Hong Kong of the status of world’s top financial hub; protests of Hong Kong’s residents; effects of the Coronavirus pandemic in the economic sector. The acquired results may be applied in formation of Hong Kong’s strategic development vectors, considering current conditions of political conflicts, as well as crisis trends related to Coronavirus pandemic. The scientific novelty lies in identification of the problems of current state of Hong Kong, as well as in formulation of possible solutions for balancing the crisis trends. The author believes that there could be several scenarios of events. Full abolition of the special status of Hong Kong seems less realistic, as it would suppress the attempts to establish relations based on the principle “one state – two systems”.
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Önis, Ziya. "Redemocratization and economic liberalization in Turkey: The limits of state autonomy." Studies In Comparative International Development 27, no. 2 (June 1992): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687108.
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Koo, Jun, and Byoung Joon Kim. "Two faces of decentralization in South Korea." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 3 (July 9, 2018): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2017-0115.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review historical progress and current picture of decentralization in Korea from political, administrative and fiscal perspectives. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on economic as well as political theories regarding decentralization and describes historical development of the local autonomy system in Korea. Findings This paper discusses the current discrepancies among the progress of political, administrative and fiscal independence in the local autonomy system in Korea and concludes that the lack of fiscal independence in the local level significantly undermines the efficacy of political and administrative decentralization in Korea. Originality/value Decentralization has three distinct perspectives. This paper examines decentralization in Korea from all three perspectives.
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Besters, Michiel, and Milda Macenaite. "Securing the EU Public Order: Between an Economic and Political Europe." German Law Journal 14, no. 10 (October 1, 2013): 2075–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002650.
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Until recently, throughout the European Union's integration process, public order and internal security matters have been marked by a concern and respect for the national sovereignty of the EU Member States. Member States enjoyed their respective regulatory autonomy, as public order and internal security matters were dealt with at the EU level merely on the basis of the internal market logic. This is particularly evident in Articles 45(3) and 52 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). These Articles establish the exceptions of public policy and public security as grounds that may be invoked by the Member States to limit the fundamental right to free movement. These grounds have been primarily viewed as deriving from impediments to the creation of the common market.
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Alcantara, Christopher, and Caroline Dick. "Decolonization in a Digital Age: Cryptocurrencies and Indigenous Self-Determination in Canada." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 32, no. 01 (April 2017): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2017.1.
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Abstract Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin, might be used to facilitate Indigenous self-determination, political autonomy, and economic prosperity. Based on our review of the literature, we argue that cryptocurrencies demonstrate some potential for advancing these goals but that there are a number of potential roadblocks as well. Future research should investigate how Indigenous communities might use digital currencies and other related technologies to further their political, economic, and social goals.
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Beeson, Mark. "Bilateral Economic Relations in a Global Political Economy: Australia and Japan." Competition & Change 2, no. 2 (June 1997): 137–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102452949700200201.
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This paper argues that despite the internationalisation of economic activity, and a concomitant diminution of economic policy-making autonomy, national policy settings continue to display a surprising degree of divergence and remain important determinants of economic outcomes. Similarly, there are distinctively different and enduring patterns of corporate organisation across nations which confer specific competitive advantages. Important theoretical and practical questions are raised, therefore, about the potential efficacy of national economic policies and their capacity to accommodate such divergent practices. This paper examines the bilateral relationship between Australia and Japan, and assesses the effectiveness of Australia's predominantly neoliberal economic policy framework in the light of such national and organisational variation. It will be suggested that Australian policy-makers' faith in market mechanisms caused them to underestimate the significance of Japanese commercial practices and regional production strategies, rendering attempts to transform the relationship largely unsuccessful.
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Anastassopoulos, Jean-Pierre. "State-owned Enterprises Between Autonomy and Dependency." Journal of Public Policy 5, no. 4 (October 1985): 521–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00003305.
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ABSTRACTThe relationship between the state and its own enterprises may be analyzed at three different levels: a rational-economic level, where what is good for the state-owned enterprise may oppose what is good for the state as a whole; an organizational level, where such conflicts are aggravated by a power struggle; and a political level, where the arbitrating authority is seen as an individual member of the government. If state-owned enterprises are to serve national goals and be efficiently managed, their relationship with the state must be improved. First, the state should set the state-owned enterprise's general objectives, approve its proposed strategy, and refrain from intervening any further in its management. Second, the state-owned enterprise should report to one authority only for an approval, and submit to effective strategic control. Third, political interventions should be few, and should consist of middle-range agreements signed between a member of government and the state-owned industry's top manager, avoiding partisan or too detailed considerations.
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Babu, Gloria M., and Rajeev Kumaramkandath. "Reconceptualizing Empowerment and Autonomy: Ethnographic Narratives from a Self Help Group in South India." ECS Transactions 107, no. 1 (April 24, 2022): 19469–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/10701.19469ecst.
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The paper revisits academics’ conceptualisations of women empowerment as stopping short of autonomy. It departs from the general observation that women empowerment movements by and large have failed to translate the new agency of women outside the domains of socio-economy; that women empowerment movements’ capacity to re-engage with patriarchal structures and ideologies is seriously contained. Through an ethnography of Kudumbashree, an SHG in the South Indian state of Keralam, we question the neat distinctions between empowerment and autonomy that prevail in the academic common sense. The transition of agency from the economic to the political domain is a subtle enterprise and is mediated by a number of factors, including the awareness, economic independence, personal freedom, mobility, decision making capability, and political participation. Socio-economic and political implications of women empowerment could be the first step in challenging and overcoming the relations of oppression in any society. The stereotypical assumptions can be negotiated by solely apportioning responsibilities and re-engaging with the system through everyday practices. The ethnography rearticulates the subversive potentials of socio-economic forms of women empowerment. The nuances of empowered women’s re-engagement with local gender/power regimes lead to changes at the conceptual level that cuts beyond the individual and group level material transformations.