Academic literature on the topic 'Political and economic autonomy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Kiss, Sam. "Political Realism and Political Reasons." Social Theory and Practice 47, no. 1 (2021): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract2021121113.

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Some people, we may call them realists, endorse the priority thesis. This thesis says political reasons (distinct from moral, prudential, aesthetic, economic, and other kinds of reason) have normative priority whenever we assess political situations. Any putative political reasons, I argue, must satisfy an autonomy condition and an identity condition. I argue that no realist account of political reasons shows such reasons are distinct and autonomous as of yet. One account, the practice-based account, may have the wherewithal to show political reasons are distinct. I also say some things about the relations between identity, autonomy, and priority.
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Jeong, Seongho. "Political Economy of Fiscal Decentralization in Korea." Korea Public Choice Association 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.125.

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Essentially, fiscal decentralization is a matter for the governance, including local governments as well as fiscal authorities. In Korea, whether it is political, bureaucratic, or a matter involving the citizenry, no party truly yearns for fiscal decentralization. Yet, when it comes to every election, one can always hear hollow expressions about fiscal decentralization. This study aims to correct fallacies surrounding the awareness of fiscal decentralization. In South Korea, there has been an awareness that fiscal decentralization is a virtue, and that “20% autonomy” as a rhetorical phrase confuses the fiscal expansion of transferred funds from the central government with fiscal decentralization. Furthermore, balanced development is often confused with fiscal decentralization. If the tax revenue of the local government is over 80%, tax revenue decentralization and expenditure decentralization should be strengthened. If the tax revenue of the local government is under 30%, revenue decentralization should be guaranteed, while expenditure decentralization should be restricted. It is a false doctrine to claim that fiscal decentralization is workable without minimum autonomy and accountability established in local governments. Absent these requirements, fiscal decentralization remains an unattainable mirage. The reinforcement of autonomy and accountability should be the starting point and ultimate goal of a sustainable fiscal operation.
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김재훈. "A Political Economic Analysis of Decentralization: Fiscal Autonomy and Primary System." KDI Journal of Economic Policy 31, no. 1 (June 2009): 27–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23895/kdijep.2009.31.1.27.

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McGlone, Thomas. "Pluralism, Structure, and Autonomy: On the Political Philosophy of Hountondji." Symposium 26, no. 1 (2022): 242–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium2022261/213.

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In this article, I analyze a concept central to the work of the Beninese philosopher Paulin Jidenu Hountondji: pluralism. Hountondji’s plu-ralism consists of both a theoretical pluralism, which emphasizes the importance of plurality and debate within philosophy and science, and a politico-economic pluralism, which arises in opposition to the dominative tendencies of cultural nationalism and the capitalist world-system. I contend that at the heart of both Hountondji’s theo-retical and politico-economic pluralism rests a concept of negative pluralism, a political principle derived from Hountondji’s immanent critique of his own historical conjuncture. I conclude that Hountondji’s negative pluralism offers a distinct and compelling ac-count of plurality as neither innately nor instrumentally ideal. In-stead, Hountondji’s negative pluralism allows us to identify, through a critique of existing political structures, forms of political compul-sion and economic exploitation which function as obstacles to uni-versal emancipation.
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Sjøvaag, Helle. "Journalistic Autonomy." Nordicom Review 34, s1 (March 13, 2020): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2013-0111.

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AbstractThis article investigates the concept of autonomy within the journalistic institution. A review of the literature reveals that journalist autonomy is restricted at the political, economic and organisational levels of news production, negotiated at the editorial level, and exercised at the level of practice. The article addresses the limits of professional autonomy, aiming for a wider contextualisation of the question to analyse the factors that restrict and enable journalistic autonomy. By investigating journalistic autonomy within the duality of structure, the analysis finds that autonomy is attained when journalists engage in the recursive reproduction of the institution. The level of autonomy enjoyed by journalists therefore remains a fluid concept that is continually adjusted to manage the daily task of reporting the news.
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Joyce, Arthur A., Marc N. Levine, Stacie M. King, Jessica Hedgepeth Balkin, and Sarah B. Barber. "POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS AND THE EVERYDAY IN POSTCLASSIC OAXACA." Ancient Mesoamerica 25, no. 2 (2014): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653611400025x.

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AbstractWe use excavations of low-status houses to explore Postclassic political and economic transformations in the lower Río Verde Valley, Oaxaca. Following the collapse of Classic period political institutions, commoners experienced greater economic and political autonomy. Residential excavations at Río Viejo indicate that commoners took advantage of the absence of regional authority to gain greater control over surplus craft products, especially cotton thread, as well as access to social valuables and long distance trade. By the Late Postclassic period, the region was once again dominated by powerful rulers. Yet household excavations at Tututepec show that Late Postclassic commoners continued to control some surplus craft production and had access to social valuables like copper and polychrome pottery via market exchange. We argue that Late Postclassic political relations were a product of negotiations among elites and commoners that in part reflect the greater economic autonomy and political power that Early Postclassic people had acquired.
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Gehrke, Tobias. "EU Open Strategic Autonomy and the Trappings of Geoeconomics." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (April 1, 2022): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022012.

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The EU’s new trade strategy promises to advance open strategic autonomy that is to balance the benefits of economic interdependence with growing demands to manage Europe’s exposure to the risks it entails. What explains these shifting priorities? This article situates open strategic autonomy in the theoretical debates of International Political Economy (IPE) literature on economic interdependence and geoeconomics to aid our understanding of the debates ensnaring economic strategy in the EU, but also related debates in the United States, China and elsewhere. This framework, the article argues, helps us understand changing strategic priorities in economic policy by reference to wider structural shifts engulfing the global economy. It then identifies four priority targets of EU economic policy in which (new) autonomous policies are forthcoming: (i) tackle economic distortions; (ii) defend against economic coercion; (iii) link with values and sustainability; and (iv) protect critical assets and supply chains. These observations build towards addressing the main research question: Has open strategic autonomy turned a corner on EU principles of openness, liberalization and international cooperation? trade and investment, European Union, geoeconomics, International Political Economy
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Flassy, Dance Yulian. "Factors Affecting the Effectiveness of Implementing Special Autonomy in West Papua Province." Journal of Sosial Science 3, no. 5 (September 28, 2022): 1190–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v3i5.431.

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In the implementation of special autonomy, there are crucial actual conditions, with the stipulation of 2% of the general allocation fund ending, the central authority for regional expansion, the establishment of a special autonomous body without involving the Papuan People's Assembly and the Papua Regional Representative Council, new regional autonomy funds and people's welfare is still not yet involved. in accordance with the objectives of the effective implementation of West Papua's special autonomy.This study uses the Convergent Parallel Mixed Methods research design, explained by binomial logit analysis. The sample used is 114 respondents, using stratified random sampling method. The results of his research that the implementation of West Papua's special autonomy based on the political-legal-economic aspects, socio-cultural aspects, and monitoring-evaluation aspects are still not effective, it can be accepted that by strengthening the political-legal-economic, socio-cultural, and in the field of monitoring-evaluation, the implementation of special autonomy will be more effective. Meanwhile, the implementation of special autonomy is due to factors from the central and regional governments as factors that have not been effective in the implementation of special autonomy so that by strengthening central and regional administrators, the implementation of special autonomy will be more effective.The discovery of theories related to the factors that affect the effectiveness of the implementation of West Papua's special autonomy, consists of three aspects, namely: political-legal-economic aspects; socio-cultural aspects; and aspects of monitoring-evaluation. These three aspects must go hand in hand so that the implementation of special autonomy can be even more effective. The findings of the model, namely the functional model, aspects and indicators that affect the implementation of special autonomy; and a model of the structure of a special agency as a working group for the implementation of special autonomy.
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Suk, Julie Chi-hye. "Economic Opportunities and the Protection of Minority Languages." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 134–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1004.

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In this Article, Professor Suk defends the moral legitimacy of liberal states’ legal protection of minority languages. Many opponents of minority language protection have argued or assumed that legal intervention denies individuals the right to choose the majority language and the economic opportunities often attached to the dominant language. This Article argues that such arguments overlook another category of goods that are necessary to individual autonomy: relational resources. Individuals have an interest in maintaining their ancestral languages because doing so is essential to maintaining one’s relationship to one’s family and community. The relational interest cannot easily be compared with economic opportunities, because these two dimensions of autonomy are incommensurable. As a result, a liberal state should avoid forcing its citizens to choose between these incommensurable goods. By adopting policies that protect minority languages, while also ensuring individuals’ access to economic and political participation in the majority language, a liberal state can manage and balance the conflict between these important competing aspects of autonomy.
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Mitchneck, Beth A. "Territoriality and regional economic autonomy in the USSR." Studies in Comparative Communism 24, no. 2 (June 1991): 218–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(91)90007-s.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Luo, Ting. "Village economic autonomy and authoritarian control over village elections in China : evidence from rural Guangdong Province." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/991/.

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This thesis investigates the effects of village economic wealth and economic autonomy on the authoritarian control of local government over village elections in China. With new data - qualitative evidence and quantitative data collected from the extensive fieldtrips to a county in Guangdong Province, this study finds that given that village elections operate within China’s one party authoritarian regime and the official purpose of the elections is to solve the grassroots governance crisis, local government have the incentive to control the elections in their favour, that is, to have incumbents and/or party members elected. Using the election of party members to the village committee chairman position and the re-election of incumbent chairmen as proxies for the inclusiveness and contestation dimensions of village elections, this study demonstrates that collective village wealth triggers fierce electoral competition, as collective village wealth represents the lucrative benefits candidates can obtain from holding the office. However, the success of authoritarian control hinges on village economic autonomy - the opportunities for economic development beyond the control of local government. If economic resources are controlled by local government, economic development might strengthen the capacity of local government to control the elections in their favour. Even if opponents win the elections, they are inclined to be co-opted by the local government - becoming party members, because their economic gain and maintenance of power are affected by the authoritarian local government control over economic resources. In most villages in the sample, authoritarian control prevails in village elections. The findings of this thesis suggest that until now the elections have been maintained within the boundary of the CCP’s authoritarian governance. In rural China, for elections to serve the function of promoting democracy and fostering checks and balances of power - neither manipulation by the local government nor manipulation by rich opponents - the key lies in the economic empowerment of villagers.
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Arthur, William Stewart, and William Arthur@anu edu au. "Torres Strait Islanders and Autonomy: a Borderline Case." The Australian National University. Crawford School of Economics and Government, 2006. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070612.114556.

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During 1996 and 1997 an Australian parliamentary committee conducted an inquiry into greater autonomy for Torres Strait Islanders, but by 2000 the future of the issue seemed unclear. This thesis explores what the notion of autonomy has meant for Torres Strait and for Torres Strait Islanders in the past, and what it might mean in the future. The thesis uses material from the period before European contact to just after the end of the parliamentary inquiry. ¶ Several analytical tools were utilised to explore the concept of autonomy. Major among these to propose and then analyse the relationship between autonomy’s economic and political components. The thesis also introduces the paired concepts of negative and positive autonomy to provide a counterpoint to ideas of welfare colonialism. Cross cutting these economic and political elements is a consideration of both regional and corporate forms of autonomy. The thesis argues that it is necessary to consider the factors which people can use to legitimise a case for autonomy and these are identified and discussed. ¶ Although previous research and historical material are utilised, unique parts of the thesis include an analysis of: the formal submissions and hearings associated with the parliamentary inquiry; the Torres Strait’s location between Australia and Papua New Guinea; and the Strait’s small-island make-up. In this latter regard, comparisons are made with models and examples of autonomy found in small island states and territories in the Pacific. ¶ The findings include that we must consider two groups of Torres Strait Islanders, those in Torres Strait and those on mainland Australia. Whereas those in the Strait have been able to legitimise a case for a form of autonomy those on the mainland have not. Islanders in the Strait have achieved a degree of regional autonomy; those on the mainland are unable to make a case to be part of this regional autonomy, or to achieve a form of corporate autonomy. The status of Islanders in the Strait is influenced by several factors including the Strait’s location on the border with Papua New Guinea, the associated Treaty with that country, and the nature and the accessibility of the in-shore fishery. A major finding however is that although Islanders have achieved a degree of regional political autonomy, which may be progressed yet further, they have been unable to embrace non-Indigenous people within this. Their present aspiration for regional political autonomy therefore is limited to one that would apply only to Indigenous-specific affairs. This stands in some conflict with their aspiration for regional economic autonomy which would include their control over the entire regional fishery which they presently share with non-Islanders. ¶ Though Islanders have achieved some degree of political autonomy, they depend on substantial government financial transfers to the region. Despite this they have also achieved some economic autonomy, particularly through being involved in the region’s fishery. Juxtaposing negative and positive autonomy with political and economic autonomy shows that a dependence on government economic transfers does not preclude gains in political autonomy. This can be contrasted with the notion of welfare colonialism.
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Bearce, David H. "Agency under Capital Mobility: Domestic Political Institutions and the Policy Autonomy/ Exchange Rate Stability Tradeoff." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363690221.

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Zounffa, Hossou C. Boniface. "Monetary Autonomy as a Driving Force for Poverty Reduction in the Franc Zone." Thesis, Western Illinois University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1572966.

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The thesis takes as its point of departure the "long-run monetary union" between France and fifteen French-speaking African countries to provide insights into how the rules, mechanisms and practices underlying the monetary dependence of these African states operate. The main objective of the study is to contribute towards a better understanding of the institutions and principles governing the CFA franc zone with the intention of helping policy-makers to take optimal decisions.

A well-designed monetary policy could generate employment and pro-poor growth. But designing and administering a good policy will depend on the objective of policy designers. In principle, monetary authorities could choose between a fixed exchange regime and a flexible exchange regime. Of this, the above African countries adopted a managed regime with France since 1945. In this study, I examine the relationship between monetary autonomy and poverty reduction in the Franc Zone. The discussion focused on the impact of monetary independence on poverty incidence and poverty gap in the fifteen African nations.

I utilized two OLS model equations. The functions were estimated using data from a panel of 14 countries (the exception being Equatorial Guinea because insufficient data were available) in the CFA franc zone and covering the 1984-2011 period. Seven predictor variables were forced into the models. With regard to the findings, only four of them such as inflation and, more importantly, credit to private sector, centralization rate, exchange rate and gross national savings are important to headcount index and the depth of poverty reduction in the CFA franc zone.The results therefore suggest that monetary sovereignty measured by the specified variables is a driving force for poverty reduction in the CFA franc zone.

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Källberg, Christoffer. "Catch up if you can : A comparative study of institutional and economic development." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2402.

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This thesis examines the correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of a number of institutions that according to a theory elaborated by economists Christer Gunnarsson and Mauricio Rojas are growth promoting. The economic development and the institutional quality of four African countries, namely Botswana, Zambia, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, is examined by comparing index scores for relevant institutional factors. The results show that some correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of the institutions examined can be confirmed, why the theory only gains moderate support. A minor attempt is also made to trace potential correlations between the level of economic equality and the institutions in question, but no correlation is found in this respect.

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Sampaio, Adriano Vilela. "Liberalização financeira e autonomia de política econômica: o caso brasileiro de 1990 a 2007." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9376.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriano Vilela Sampaio.pdf: 791664 bytes, checksum: a1e2f8e1979518f22640b33ffdf362c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-15
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The objective of this work is the study of the Brazilian economic policy autonomy in the context of increasing capital mobility and financial liberalization initiated on the 1990s. In order to accomplish our purpose, it is made a brief presentassesation of the evolution of the international financial system and of the debate between liberalization and capital controls on the theoretical and empirical literature with the purpose of comprehending how the functioning of the international financial system may restrict the economic policy autonomy and whether this restriction is desirable or not. The analysis of econometrical papers that tried to assess the impacts of the Brazilian financial liberalization showed that given the divergences of the results, it is not possible to corroborate the hypothesis that the financial liberalization generated the benefits proclaimed by its defenders. About the works that discussed the economic policy autonomy, the results didn t allow a definitive conclusion. It was made an econometrical exercise to assess the impacts of the financial integration, represented by capital flows, over the economic policy autonomy. The results suggest a loss on the economic policy autonomy in the period jan/1995 dec/1999 and that such loss didn t occur in the period jan/1999 dec/2007, although the capital flows had been relevants on explaining the interest rate
O objetivo deste trabalho é o estudo da autonomia da política econômica brasileira no contexto de crescente mobilidade de capitais e liberalização financeira iniciada a partir dos anos 90. Para tanto, faz-se uma breve apresentação da evolução do sistema financeiro internacional e do debate entre liberalização e controles de capitais na literatura teórica e empírica com o propósito de compreender de que forma o funcionamento do sistema financeiro internacional pode restringir a autonomia de política econômica dos países e se essa restrição é desejável ou não. A análise de trabalhos econométricos que trataram dos impactos da liberalização financeira brasileira mostrou que, dada a divergência dos resultados, não é possível corroborar a hipótese de que a liberalização financeira brasileira trouxe os benefícios apregoados por seus defensores. Em relação aos trabalhos que discutiram a autonomia de política econômica, os resultados não permitiram uma conclusão mais segura. Foi realizado um exercício econométrico para avaliar os impactos da integração financeira, representada pelos fluxos de capitais, sobre a autonomia de política econômica. Os resultados sugerem a perda de autonomia de política econômica no período jan/1995-dez/1998 e que não houve essa perda no período jan/1999-dez/2007 embora os fluxos de capitais tenham se mostrado relevantes na explicação da taxa de juros
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Wisnu, Dinna. "Governing Social Security: economic crisis and reform in Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1179867530.

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GIROLETTI, TOA. "MEASURING AUTONOMY THROUGH A SUBJECTIVE EVALUATION." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/18563.

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All’interno del quadro teorico del Capability Approach ‘agency’ viene definito come ciò che permette agli individui di raggiungere i propri obiettivi. Quando il concetto di ‘agency’ viene studiato attraverso misure soggettive, insorge il problema delle preferenze adattive. Lo scopo di questa Tesi è di testare una metodologia che possa catturare la percezione individuale di ‘agency’ nelle diverse dimensioni che compongono la nostra vita, limitando i problemi di misurazione dovuti delle preferenze adattive. Per questo fine, ci affidiamo al ‘Relative Autonomy Index’. Inoltre, utilizziamo la metodologia di ‘Achoring Vignette’ per aumentare la comparabilità tra le percezioni dei singoli individui. Nella prima parte, indaghiamo se il nostro metodo effettivamente riduce l’incomparabilità individuale attraverso uno studio pilota. I risultati dimostrano come il nostro metodo sia in grado di catturare differenze nel comportamento di risposta. Nella seconda parte, sulla base di una seconda raccolta di dati, applichiamo la nostra metodologia al fine di indagare l'impatto dei Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale sul livello di autonomia di un gruppo di produttori italiani. I nostri risultati indicano che il coinvolgimento con i Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale evita la riduzione dell'autonomia percepita dai quei produttori che non sono coinvolti con i Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale.
Within the Capability Approach, agency is one of the components that enable individuals to be empowered. When subjective measures are applied to the study of agency, the problem of ‘adaptive preferences’ arises. The aim of this thesis is to test a methodology that captures the individual perception of agency, while taking into account the bias coming from adaptive preferences. We rely on the Relative Autonomy Index to capture the individual’s agency in several dimensions. In addition, in order to increase the comparability between the individual’s perceptions, we employ the Anchoring Vignette methodology. We investigate whether our methodology reduces the individual incomparability through a pilot study. The results of this preliminary exercises show that our methodology is able to capture dissimilarities in response behaviours. Through a second data collection, we apply our methodology in order to investigate the impact that the commercial relationship between Solidarity Purchasing Group and Italian producers has on the latter. Our findings suggest that the involvement in the Solidarity Purchasing Group has a mainly positive impact on producers’ level of autonomy, which remains at lower levels for producers that did not develop a relationship with the Solidarity Purchasing Group.
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Flaherty, Joshua 1973. "The autonomy of the political." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17647.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 225-228).
This thesis examines and critically assesses five arguments for the autonomy of the political. The arguments I examine are those of Niccol6 Machiavelli, Jean Bodin, Thomas Hobbes, Carl Schmitt, and John Rawls. After presenting what I believe to be the most plausible reconstructions of these arguments for the autonomy of the political, I conclude that none of these arguments succeed in their task. The arguments of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Bodin, and Schmitt each fail to establish an autonomous political account of justification or political legitimacy. Rawls' argument, on the other hand, succeeds in establishing a plausible and distinctively political standard of justification, but fails to establish that the political is autonomous. I conclude that there is an inescapable conflict between the thesis that the autonomy of the political and the idea that the state's actions could be acceptably justified or that the state could be legitimate.
by Joshua Flaherty.
Ph.D.
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Gauthier-Chung, Maud Faïle. "Relational autonomy from a political perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3665/.

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Individual autonomy is crucial to both liberalism and feminism and, to some extent, for similar reasons: that is, the insistence on everyone being able to shape her own life and not just have it shaped for her. As it is currently understood, however, this ideal is a source of great dissatisfaction for feminists. For one, it is blind to the ‘problem of oppression’ –that is the way social factors, such as oppressive gender norms, can affect individuals’ capacity to lead a selfgoverned life. In addition, on the political level, autonomy is aligned with individualism, independence and rationality. This makes it an exclusionary ideal, which, under the cover of universalism, promotes a prejudiced and narrow vision of what agents and preferences should be seen as worthy of respect. I refer to this as the problem of exclusion. My thesis is an attempt to reframe our understanding of autonomy in order to answer these two problems. I argue that the relational accounts of autonomy feminists have articulated should be understood as motivated by the need to address these key concerns (Ch. 1). However, none of the relational accounts developed so far truly succeed in simultaneously addressing the problem of oppression and the problem of exclusion (Ch. 2). I suggest that this is because they are still too individualistic in their focus and remain fixed on the question of what individual agent and/or preference should be considered autonomous. In order to ensure we avoid the problem of exclusion, I propose we remain agnostic towards this question. This results in a systematic presumption of autonomy, which commits us to demonstrate respect to all agents (especially vulnerable ones), as well as to their declared preferences. Such a commitment, however, should not lead us to overlook the problem of oppression. In order to address this problem, I argue that we should devote our attention to the way the socio-relational context structures how agents can plausibly exercise their autonomy. In other words, in order to address the problem of oppression without reproducing the problem of exclusion, we need to stop focusing on the question of who should be considered autonomous and instead refocus on the question of what structural changes might promote the autonomy of all (Ch. 3). I call the resulting account an ‘agnostic and structural’ understanding of autonomy. I argue that such a conception of autonomy is promising as it offers an inclusive conception of self-government, which nonetheless gives us grounds to vindicate substantial emancipatory policies. I then present a set of case studies in order to show how such a conception of autonomy could help us deal with entrenched gender inequalities. Doing so enables me to illustrate the difference adopting an ‘agnostic and structural’ conception of autonomy could make in the areas of our legal system that are underpinned by an individualistic understanding of autonomy. Legal frameworks surrounding parental leave (Ch. 4), divorce and separation (Ch. 5), domestic violence (Ch. 6) and even our understanding of criminal responsibility (Ch. 7), I argue, could be effectively reframed using the kind of understanding of autonomy I propose.
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Books on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Economic autonomy and democracy: Hybrid regimes in Russia and Kyrgyzstan. Cambridge, [UK]: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Kirkow, Peter. Russia's provinces: Transformation versus autonomy? Birmingham: University of Birmingham, 1995.

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Girvan, Norman. The search for policy autonomy in the South: Universalism, social learning, and the role of regionalism. Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2005.

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Girvan, Norman. The search for policy autonomy in the South: Universalism, social learning, and the role of regionalism. Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2005.

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Press, Duke University, ed. Autonomy: The social ontology of art under capitalism. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019.

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Cai, Tuo. Chinese perspectives on globalization and autonomy. Leiden: Brill, 2012.

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Botswana's search for autonomy in southern Africa. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1995.

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M, Nelson Joan, Meerman Jacob 1931-, Abdul Rahman Embong, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., and Institut Kajian Malaysia dan Antarabangsa., eds. Globalization & national autonomy: The experience of Malaysia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2008.

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Pietro, Navarra, ed. The economics of freedom: Theory, measurement, and policy implications. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Russia's provinces: Authoritarian transformation versus local autonomy? New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press in association with Centre for Russian and East European Studies, University of Birmingham, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Nicholls, David. "Economic Dependence and Political Autonomy, 1804–1915." In Haiti in Caribbean Context, 83–120. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17786-8_6.

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Garrett, Geoffrey. "Shrinking States? Globalization and National Autonomy." In The Political Economy of Globalization, 107–46. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-98562-5_5.

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Kath, Dietmar. "Central Bank Autonomy and Political Decision Process." In Current Issues in Monetary Economics, 63–76. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-99797-6_5.

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Choer Moraes, Henrique, and Mikael Wigell. "Balancing Dependence: The Quest for Autonomy and the Rise of Corporate Geoeconomics." In The Political Economy of Geoeconomics: Europe in a Changing World, 29–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_2.

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AbstractThe acceleration of great-power competition is leading most major powers to become increasingly concerned about the security risks that economic interdependence poses for state autonomy. This tendency can be seen in the EU’s efforts to develop its ‘open strategic autonomy’, the United States’ ‘reshoring’ of supply chains and technological ‘decoupling’, as well as China’s ‘Made in China’- strategy. In order to make sense of these transformations, this chapter introduces the concept of ‘balancing dependence’, by which we refer to state policies that seek to reduce economic dependencies on foreign actors, both public and private. The chapter describes how such geoeconomic balancing by major economies triggers a reaction by other economies in such a way that challenges the largely market-oriented rationale of the (neo)liberal order prevailing over the course of the last three decades. Yet, in an interdependent global economy, it is expected that companies will try to influence the impact of governments’ actions over their businesses, either to discourage geoeconomic balancing or to benefit from it. Thus, the chapter also puts forward the concept of ‘corporate geoeconomics’, which describes how firms are trying to preserve a measure of autonomy in an economic environment marked by increased state (geoeconomic) intervention.
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Lee, Peter. "Armed Drones: Automation, Autonomy, and Ethical Decision-Making." In The Political Economy of Robots, 291–315. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51466-6_14.

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Sousa, Helena, and Joaquim Fidalgo. "Journalism Regulation: State Power and Professional Autonomy." In The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications, 283–303. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444395402.ch13.

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Charlton, Roger. "External Debt, Economic Success and Economic Failure: State Autonomy, Africa and the NICs." In The Politics of Global Debt, 168–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22820-1_9.

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Roxburgh, Natalie. "Rethinking Disinterestedness Through the Rise of Political Economy." In Beyond Autonomy in Eighteenth-Century British and German Aesthetics, 277–97. New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in eighteenth–century philosophy: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429330254-17.

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Dinerstein, Ana Cecilia. "Confronting Value with Hope: Towards a Prefigurative Critique of Political Economy." In The Politics of Autonomy in Latin America, 201–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316011_8.

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Lavery, Scott, Sean McDaniel, and Davide Schmid. "European Strategic Autonomy: New Agenda, Old Constraints." In The Political Economy of Geoeconomics: Europe in a Changing World, 57–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Kolosta, Stanislav. "FINANCIAL AUTONOMY OF MUNICIPALITIES IN RELATION TO ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN REGIONS OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.036.

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Petrova, Daria A. "Military Autonomus Inhabited Underwater Vehicles: Political And Legal Issues." In II International Conference on Economic and Social Trends for Sustainability of Modern Society. European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.09.02.81.

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Klarić, Mirko. "„SMART CITY” CONCEPT AS A POSSIBLE ANSWER TO NEW CHALLENGES IN POST-COVID ERA." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22442.

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The “Smart City” concept and “smart digitalization” represent implementation of information and communication technologies in local government units. This is a new approach to local governance in managing various local government services and delivery of goods. Local government represents a form of political and administrative territorial organization, with specific local tasks and services regarding the local community. It has a separate jurisdiction and specific autonomy and functions mostly independently of the central government administration. Different administrative and political systems have different models of local government organization. The position of local government units depends on the degree of centralization present in the political system. Local government organization and public authorities are focused on delivery of goods and maintaining various public services for the local community, and their services usually have a local character. Their radius of influence is territorially limited in local units and social communities connected with these units. Services and tasks provided from local government units are specific because they usually influence daily life and quality of living in the local community. The concept of “Smart City” and implementation of “smart digitalization” in managing local public tasks and delivery of local services and goods can improve local governance and help in establishing an efficient model of local government administration. In this paper a comparative and deductive approach is used to explain main elements of the “Smart City” concept and their application to local government tasks and obligations. Second, it uses a synthetic approach to explore how implementation of “smart digitalization” and the “Smart City” concept can be used as an efficient tool for social, economic, and political challenges in the post-Covid era.
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MUHARREMI, Oltiana, Lorena CAKERRI, and Filloreta MADANI. "Impact of Fiscal Decentralization Reforms in Albania." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-10.

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Decentralization and fiscal decentralization constitute one of the most followed trends for political and economic reform in recent years around the world. Albania, in the 1990s, begins its process of transitioning from a centralized economy to a free-market economy. This process is accompanied by transforming existing economic mechanisms and infrastructure to better function the free-markets model, but above all, with the need to develop and create new legal, institutional, economic, and social instruments and spaces to increase the allocation and efficiency of public and private resources. The objective of this study is to give an appropriate answer to the question: What has been the impact of decentralization reforms on the performance of public services provided by local government? The research paper will focus on the role that improvements and legislative changes play in the country's economic growth. Within the past two decades, progress is made in advancing decentralization reform, but there are still many challenges ahead, such as the lack of a clear legal and regulatory framework. Adding to that concern is the financial autonomy of local governments, which remains a challenge for the future. The research methodology used will be a descriptive analysis of data obtained from the Ministry of Finance and Economy and local municipalities on the impact of the reforms. Recommendations and suggestions will be given on the reforming process, as well as ways to increase the efficiency of local government units.
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Jedani, Tony. "Case Study on the Role of Socio-Technical Influences on the Implementation and Success of Nuclear Power in France." In 12th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone12-49016.

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To fully understand a technological development one must appreciate social, political and economic factors in addition to the technological components (Hughes, 1991). The systems perspective, asserted by Hughes, implies that technologies cannot be understood in isolation, but only in their contexts, especially in their systemic contexts. This theory is illustrated through an examination of France’s implementation of its nuclear power program in the early 1970’s. Nuclear power provided France with the opportunity to achieve energy independence and, as a result, political control over its energy supply. The scope of this case study is limited to consideration of the socio-technical influences on the rise of nuclear power in France and includes an examination of the technical aspects of the innovation. In considering the socio-technical system encompassing France’s adoption of nuclear power, this case study will contemplate: how France was able to persuade its people to accept nuclear power; what it is about French culture and politics that allowed them to succeed where most other countries have failed; the break throughs that led to the broad commercialisation of nuclear power in France in the 1970’s; and how France achieved its status as one of the world’s top producers of nuclear energy. The time period during which this study is based is limited to the early 1970’s, when France was reliant upon external energy supplies, up until the present day, where nuclear power has become France’s main source of energy, thus contributing to France’s autonomy in terms of its energy supply. This study will not address the issue of nuclear waste or the nuclear power safety debate which is also beyond the scope of this study.
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Ramesh, Ananya, and Nirupama M. Vidyarthi. "Decentralisation and devolution in growing megacities. Case of Bangalore, India." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mpmv6643.

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Through the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act of 1992, India sought to empower urban and rural local bodies. On the contrary, parallel modes of governance have undermined them. In the case of megacity Bangalore, two such modes i.e Electronic City and Smart City are studied to unpack the status of decentralisation. Key person interviews serve as primary data. Following the enquiry of decentralisation and devolution, elements of disconnectedness emerge. Disconnectedness can be seen between parts-affecting the whole, embodied as intents as well as outcomes through tools of planning, administrative, legal, political and economic choices. This leads us to enquire how we can retain decision-making power within the democratic realm and strengthen the role of local bodies in megacities. Unpacking the dynamics of decentralized governance is critical across megacities globally, as cities continue to seek autonomy not just in functioning but identity and influence, in the network of global flows.
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Costello, Bridget McKenney. "Travel as pedagogy: embodied learning in short-term study abroad." In Sixth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head20.2020.11312.

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In this paper I discuss a model for creating embodied learning opportunities in study abroad curricula, which purposefully uses students’ physical movement through foreign landscapes to inform and enhance their understanding of local social, political, economic, cultural, and historical phenomena. Pedagogical tactics include: challenging and reframing the common distinction between “important” and “unimportant” instructional times and places; loosely structured itineraries that allow for greater student autonomy and collaboration; seeking multiple vantage points (both geographic and textual) from which to observe and analyze locations; purposeful and attentive travel between study locations that helps connect cognitive to visceral experience. These tactics help students cultivate the ability to read landscapes, a skill that them to understand a landscape not only as historical narrative but also as a social actor that influences and is influenced by the everyday practices of people who inhabit it. To demonstrate these strategies, I discuss how they were implemented in a recent short-term study abroad program to various sites within the former Yugoslavia.
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Kaplanhan, Fatih, and Cem Korkut. "Distribution of Tax Revenue of Central Government to Local Governments: Glocalization." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01127.

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Main questions of this study are “How much autonomy?” and “Has autonomy take to feudalism?” Although the resolution of issue according to effective, efficient, rational and fair principles about the income distribution between the central administration and the municipalities is a precondition of permanent and efficient services of local governments.This study aims to identify regional goverments tasks and improve services of central governments with taxes (VAT) distirbution method. We also aim to increase taxes that are collected from regional governments with the method of glocalization. In addition, if sharing criteria was different, it would how a change between the years 2003-2011 will be investigated. During the comprehensive analysis of these years with public revenues on the basis of VAT, local government’s expenditure, criteria/data to be applied in the share of public revenues to municipalities whether changing the method financing of municipalities can make local governments more efficient and productive will be explored. In a political structure that municipalities are financed from the center, it is very difficult to find an appropriate combination between equality and justice in the distribution of income. Local governments must have privileges which is proportionate with responsibilities on own mandates and source of income for producing to serve as an effective and efficient local services. The results show that if the central governments give budget to regional government according to taxes that are collected in this region, productivity of taxation increase and regional government can collect taxes easier.
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Singai, Chetan, T. R. Kumaraswamy, and Ajay Chandra. "Reforming Higher Education in India: In Pursuit of Excellence." In Sixth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head20.2020.11237.

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Higher education has emerged as one of the most critical factors for the Nation’s economic, political, social and cultural growth and development. Reforming the higher education sector has become an emergent norm across the globe, especially in the developing world. India is one such emerging nation, witnessing a major shift in its ideological, pragmatic and policy directions in the last few years. The higher education sector in India has witnessed unprecedented expansion. However, given the distinctive social-political-economic context and its complexity in India, expansion in higher education is often linked with ensuring equity and access. Whereas in the developed world, expansion is often associated with quality or excellence in higher education i.e. creating world-class universities. Further, excellence in higher education is arguably the most critical component for the survival, sustenance and growth of the sector. To this end, the paper examines the convergence and divergence in policies and practices related to the pursuit of excellence in higher education and its institutions in India vis-à-vis the dominant global reforms in higher education. Erstwhile policies related to quality in higher education and the current draft National Education Policy-2019, provide a reference to the local-distinctive strategies for seeking excellence at the systemic and the institutional level, with an aspiration for global reputation. For instance, National Institutional Ranking Framework, University Grants Commission’s graded autonomy, Institutional restructuring, National Accreditation and Assessment Council and Quacquarelli Symonds- India rating and so on. The paper also sets direction on how Local strategies for global aspirations could unpack a series of issues regarding the reforms in education and delineate in what ways that these emerging global reforms, strategies are effective and appropriate to the local higher education system and its institutions.
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Cerasoli, Mario. "Rigenerazione e centralità urbane vs sprawl." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7949.

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Le aree urbane centrali, storiche e non, hanno dimostrato, nell’ultimo quindicennio, una straordinaria vitalità e una sorprendente capacità di mettere in atto strategie di rilancio. A dispetto di un annunciato, ma mai verificatosi, declino epocale del proprio ruolo, le realtà urbane continuano a presentarsi come un luogo privilegiato di crescita economica e di sperimentazione sociale e culturale, e si rivelano oggi autonome protagoniste, inserendosi nei circuiti economici innovativi, attirando dall’esterno nuove risorse, finanziarie ed umane, ed incrementando flussi turistici e culturali. Molte operazioni di riqualificazione di siti industriali e portuali sono state completate, producendo effetti positivi nell’attrazione di nuove attività e di investimenti e benefici in termini di miglioramento della qualità urbana. Nonostante la prefigurazione di realtà in cui la diffusione delle tecnologie telematiche e le forme di produzione e comunicazione immateriale, avrebbero determinato decentramenti e indifferenze localizzative, nelle città si assiste ad una rinnovata concentrazione delle più importanti funzioni politiche, direzionali, strategiche e finanziarie, nonché ad una consolidata importanza delle interazioni face-to-face, che restano un fattore rilevante per la costituzione di reti funzionali ad attività lavorative. Questi temi hanno caratterizzato la Sessione Rigenerazione urbana vs Sprawl. In the last 15 years, central urban areas demonstrated a particular vitality and an amazing capacity to put in place recovery strategies. In spite of an announced, but never happened, epochal decline of their role, urban realities continue to present themselves like a privileged place of economic growth and social and cultural experimentation. They appear as independent protagonists, inserting themselves in innovative economic circuits, attracting new finance and human resource from the outside, increasing tourist and cultural flows. A lot of industrial and port sites renovation have been completed having a positive effect in attracting new activities, investments and improvement of urban quality. In spite of forecasts of a reality in which the broadcast of technologies and immaterial form of production and communication would have led to decentralization and indifference as to localization, inside the city, there is a refocusing of the most important political, strategic, management and financial functions, as well as consolidation of the importance of interactions “face – to – face”, that are a really important factor for the constitution of a new functional network and work activities. These themes have characterized the Session Urban Regeneration vs Sprawl.
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Reports on the topic "Political and economic autonomy"

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Hernández, Beatriz. Modernising the EU-Chile Association Agreement: strengthening an alliance for social inclusion and environmental sustainability. Fundación Carolina, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff05en.

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This research paper analyzes the results of the Association Agreement (AA) between the European Union and Chile, which entered into force in 2003, up to the present time when its modernization is being negotiated. After 19 years of the agreement, the international context has changed both in its political and economic dimensions, so it is important to analyze what role these agreements can have in the face of the challenges of the post-pandemic recovery and the objectives of both regions in terms of strategic autonomy, in the geopolitical field, and in the transition towards new development models that respond to shared challenges such as climate change, ecological transition, digitalization, social inclusion or the revitalization of multilateralism.
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Giavazzi, Francesco, and Guido Tabellini. Economic and Political Liberalizations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10657.

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Alesina, Alberto, Enrico Spolaore, and Romain Wacziarg. Economic Integration and Political Disintegration. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6163.

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Acemoglu, Daron, and James Robinson. Economic Backwardness in Political Perspective. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8831.

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Alesina, Alberto, Sule Ozler, Nouriel Roubini, and Phillip Swagel. Political Instability and Economic Growth. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w4173.

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Steffen, Thomas E. Economic and Political Liberalization: Policy Development. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada309024.

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Persson, Torsten. Do Political Institutions Shape Economic Policy? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8214.

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Baker, Scott, Aniket Baksy, Nicholas Bloom, Steven Davis, and Jonathan Rodden. Elections, Political Polarization, and Economic Uncertainty. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27961.

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Coibion, Olivier, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Michael Weber. Political Polarization and Expected Economic Outcomes. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28044.

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Spolaore, Enrico. The Economic Approach to Political Borders. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w30800.

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