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Morgan, Patricia Anne Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Political correctness, cultural politics, and the new right." Ottawa, 1994.
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Longman, Christopher Mark. "The political mobilisation of cultural identity." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272534.
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FORQUESATO, PEDRO HENRIQUE THIBES. "ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL ECONOMICS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=28353@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
Esta tese é formada por três artigos, o primeiro em economia organizacional e cultura; os dois últimos em economia política. No primeiro capítulo, nós modelamos a relação entre a disseminação de normas sociais de ética do trabalho e incentivos propostos pelas firmas, que motivamos utilizando evidência de três bases de dados diferentes. No segundo capítulo, examinamos se a renda dos vizinhos afeta o voto de eleitores, utilizando dados de resultados de eleições presidenciais (2004 até 2012) nos Estados Unidos, por zona eleitoral e grupo de bairros. Com isso, buscamos contribuir para o entendimento das razões que levam a diferentes níveis de demanda por redistribuição de renda. Como estratégia de identificação, utilizamos efeitos fixos de ano e dummies de trato e ano; trato sendo a menor unidade geográfica maior que o grupo de blocos (em média, um trato contém 4 grupos de blocos). No terceiro capítulo, estudamos patronagem, investigando o efeito da vitória de um candidato a prefeito de um partido na probabilidade de membros deste partido (ou de partidos da mesma coalizão) ocuparem cargos públicos no governo; ou de sua renda advinda do governo aumentar, caso já sejam empregados públicos. Analisamos também o efeito da vitória de um partido sobre o número de registrados a este partido nos anos futuros, o que indicaria um desejo de sinalizar apoio ao candidato eleito. Estimamos o efeito causal de um partido ocupar a prefeitura, comparando municipalidades em que este partido quase ganhou com cidades em que quase perdeu.
This thesis is composed of three papers, the first in organizational economics and culture; the last two in political economics. In the first chapter, we model the relation between dissemination of social norms of work ethic and incentives proposed by firms, which we motivate using evidence from three different datasets. In the second chapter, we examine whether neighbors income affects voting, using data from election results for the 2004-2012 Presidential Elections in Unites States, by precinct and block group. That way, we try to contribute to understanding the reason why there are different demands for income redistribution. As an identification strategy, we use year fixed-effects and tract year dummies; tract is the smallest geographic unit larger than block group (on average, each tract contains 4 block groups). In the third chapter, we study patronage, investigating the effect of a mayoral candidate s victory on the probability that members of his party (or parties in the same presidential coalition) occupy public jobs in the government, or on their income accrued from government, in case they are already public employees. We also analyze the effect of a party s victory over the number of registered members of that party in future years, which would indicate that voters affiliate to political parties as a way to signal support to the office holder. We estimate plausibly causal effects of a party holding mayoral position by comparing municipalities where that party nearly won with places where it nearly lost.
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Davies, William. "'Competition and competitiveness : A cultural political economy'." Thesis, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514202.
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Black, David Edward. "Towards a cultural political economy of exception." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.541601.
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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.
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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faibleThe first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli 1977. "Política e cultura no governo de D. João VI (1792-1821)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281086.
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Orientador: Leila Mezan AlgrantiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese investiga os possíveis sentidos da política cultural durante a governança de D. João no mundo luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1792-1821. O ponto de partida da pesquisa dá-se no início de sua Regência (1792) e encerra-se com seu retorno a Lisboa (1821). Sob as diretrizes do iluminismo luso-brasileiro, a investigação das especificidades da política cultural joanina recaiu sobre quatro locus de cultura de ampla interlocução social: a imprensa interatlântica, os Reais teatros, as Reais Academias Militares e as Reais Bibliotecas Públicas da Corte. Através de uma abordagem interatlântica, buscamos compreender as peculiaridades da administração joanina no universo da cultura em um período de grave crise política no Império Português
Abstract: This thesis investigates the cultural policy fostered by D. João's government in the Luso-Brazilian world during the years 1792-1891. The project has as its starting point the beginning of his reign (1792) and concludes with his return to Lisbon (1821). In the light of the Luso-Brazilian Enlightenment, the research has focused on 4 cultural locus of wide-ranging social reach: the inter-Atlantic press, the Royal theatres, the Royal military academies and the Court's Royal public libraries. Through an inter-Atlantic approach, the present study hopes to understand the intricacies of D. João's administration of the cultural sector in a period of deep political crisis in the Portuguese Empire
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutora em História
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Hancock, David. "Morality and political modernity : the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and the cultural politics of neoconservatism." Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28207/.
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This thesis explores the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and neoconservative cultural politics. Arguing against claims that Straussian philosophy explicitly informs neoconservatism, I instead suggest that both Strauss and the neoconservatives share a common intellectual lineage that is a response to a pessimistic conception of modernity. Strauss is a neoconservative, but neoconservatives should not necessarily be considered Straussians. Both Strauss and the neoconservatives became notorious in the aftermath of the US led invasion of Iraq in March, 2003. Contra to the narrative that suggests that Strauss inspired the invasion or that neoconservative foreign policy presents a radical break in US history, I argue that the neoconservative project of the Bush era should be understood as a continuation of US expansionism as an inevitable effect of capitalist growth. Beyond foreign policy, my research considers the neoconservative understanding of cultural politics in particular relation to the social changes of the post war era. This thesis details the neoconservative attempt to move beyond the contradiction surrounding a distrust of modernity and the embrace of virulently nihilist capitalism. This is read through the Straussian idea that it is essential to practice care when speaking publicly. This thesis concludes that neoconservatism is an explicitly moral discourse and not a particular set of policies or strategies. Neoconservatism recognises the necessity of moral discourse and the importance of the construction of such discourses for the establishment of the community. It is argued that the neoconservative attempt to re-impose discredited moral orders has led to the exacerbation of America's contradictions and to decline in American power. Beyond this, it is also argued that Strauss does make a contribution to political philosophy in terms of the relationship between city and man; this contribution to political philosophy is used to interpret elements of post-war American history.
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Magnussen, Birgitte. "Minority language television : social, political and cultural implications." Thesis, City University London, 1995. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7767/.
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This thesis explores the subject of minority language television by comparing the cases of Wales and Brittany, and in particular the social, political and cultural implications of the Welsh language television channel S4C. The thesis is divided up into two interrelated parts, where the first part is an analysis on state level of French and British media policy, particularly with regards to their linguistic minorities. This part of the thesis deals with the historical, political and institutional background for the provision of minority language media in Breton and Welsh. It takes as points of reference firstly the state, and secondly the minorities in question - the Breton and the Welsh - and shows how a certain policy area in this case broadcasting, can become a focus for minority demands. The thesis describes the historical and political background for the extreme difference in provisions for minority language broadcasting in the two countries. The second part of the thesis takes as a starting point the actual existence of S4C - the Welsh language channel - as a minority language broadcaster, and assesses the social political and cultural implications of this organisation. This part of the thesis examines the minority level, and assesses the potential impact of Welsh language broadcasting, mainly television, on Welsh society in general and the Welsh language in particular.
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Faza, Andres L. "British Cultural Narrative in Winston Churchill's Political Communication." Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5421.
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This study uses Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech, delivered to the House of Commons following the evacuation of Dunkirk, France in June 1940, as a source text by which to examine Churchill's use of British cultural narratives in political communication. Narrative and heuristic theories are proposed as means by which listeners process such messages. A number of rhetorical devices are defined, in order to inform a discussion of the narratives identified, particularly the means by which those narratives were rhetorically embedded in the text. After a careful examination of the source text, the narratives of knighthood and chivalric values, as well as King Arthur and the Arthurian legend, specifically as presented in Tennyson's Idylls of the King, were identified as primary cultural narratives from which Churchill draws much meaning. A thorough critical history of each of these narratives is undertaken, revealing sentiments of oath-bound civic duty tracing back to Britain's historical founding as a culture and a nation, following the fall of Rome in the fifth century, and persisting up until Churchill's use of those sentiments in his historic 1940 speech.
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Silva, Gisélia Castro. "CULTURA POPULAR E PODER POLÍTICO NO MARANHÃO: contradições e tensões do bumba-meu-boi no governo Roseana Sarney." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2008. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/818.
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Previous issue date: 2008-06-30Study of the political relationship established in connection with Maranhão s popular culture, focusing on bumba-meu-boi and Roseana Sarney s government (1995- 2002). The goal is to analyze, in the class relationship context of the contemporary capitalist State, how the government promotes a mutual dependence relationship with the popular culture groups in the sense of maintaining the political domination and the social order. The premise originates from the understanding that the period analyzed is marked by the institutionalization of feasts that comprise the popular culture universe, such as the June feasts, on the one hand, representing a political appropriation process of the cultural manifestations that comprise the popular imagination, and on the other hand, evidencing the contradictions and tensions of the political and marketing uses that this type of practice causes.
Estudo das relações políticas estabelecidas entre segmentos da cultura popular maranhense, com foco nos grupos de bumba-meu-boi, e o governo Roseana Sarney (1995-2002). O interesse é analisar, no contexto das relações de classe do Estado capitalista contemporâneo, de que forma o governo promove uma relação de mútua dependência com grupos da cultura popular no sentido de manter a dominação política e a ordem social. A premissa que orienta este estudo parte do entendimento de que o período analisado é marcado pela institucionalização de festas que compõem o universo da cultura popular, como os festejos juninos, configurando, por um lado, um processo de apropriação política das manifestações culturais que integram o imaginário popular e, por outro, evidenciando as contradições e tensões dos usos políticos e mercadológicos que este tipo de prática suscita.
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Hefferman, M. J. "The politics of literacy : Cultural change and political responses in nineteenth-century provincial France." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384482.
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Johansson, Cecilia. "Cultural Aspects and Terminology : A Translation Study of three Political Articles." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk och litteratur, SOL, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-12730.
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This study focuses on the translation from English to Swedish of three political articles published in The Economist. The aim was to analyze problems that can occur, and strategies that can be used when translating cultural aspects in the form of proper nouns and political correctness as well as political terminology. The study began by translating the texts mentioned above. The potential areas of special interest in the analysis were also identified. During the translation process, dictionaries, parallel texts and Statsvetenskapligt Lexikon proved particularly helpful along with various Internet searches. Theoretical strategies were also consulted and Vinay and Darbelnet’s (V & D in Munday 2008) theories and procedures proved useful. The strategies discussed by Ingo (1991 and 2007) were also applied to a great extent. The results showed that Vinay and Darbelnet’s procedure of borrowing along with Ingo’s strategy of adaption were most useful for translating proper nouns and political terminology. To use parallel texts as well as Ingo’s strategy of adaption proved to be the best way to deal with political correctness when translating the particular texts used for this study.
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Bourgeois, David Y. "The Politics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2002. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BourgeoisDY2002.pdf.
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Coto, Gabriela Cordioli. "Limites e potencialidades da participação no Programa Descentralização da Cultura de Porto Alegre." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/55690.
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O Programa Descentralização, da Secretaria Municipal de Cultura de Porto Alegre, foi resultado de uma luta social, travada por grupos de teatro de rua, grupos locais e movimentos comunitários, pela ampliação e qualificação da participação no âmbito do governo municipal. Sua proposta política foi construída a partir de experiências como o Projeto Teatro como Instrumento de Discussão Social, do grupo Ói Nois Aqui Traveiz, em oposição às primeiras ações da Secretaria Municipal de Cultura em 1990 - de desconcentração cultural do centro da cidade. O discurso do Programa apontava para um processo de descentralização no qual as comunidades locais, organizadas coletivamente, passavam a se auto-organizar em termos de política cultural. Entretanto, é importante ressaltar que os espaços de participação na gestão pública têm sido aproveitados para controle social, por meio da colaboração e não do antagonismo da sociedade civil. Esse tipo de participação gerencial não tem como horizonte a emancipação social, mas sua cooptação. Deste modo, é necessário identificar em que medida o discurso do Programa desencadeou práticas de participação que facilitaram a obtenção de respostas para as demandas coletivas, e ampliaram a comunicação entre governados e governantes, fornecendo parâmetros para a tomada de decisão, fortalecendo a expansão da cidadania e “deselitização” da gestão pública. Neste trabalho, foi analisado em que medida a experiência de participação no Programa Descentralização de Cultura de Porto Alegre estimulou a formação de novos valores, pautados pela ética coletiva. A pesquisa de campo, entrevistas e observação participante, subsidiaram a constituição do discurso do Programa e análise das práticas de participação. Para a análise e tratamento dos dados foi utilizada uma abordagem qualitativa, identificando em que medida as práticas de participação que ocorreram ao longo do Programa resgataram os laços entre sociedade civil e Estado, transformando este último em um campo de disputa. Foram identificadas, no início do Programa, novas possibilidades de participação da sociedade civil no âmbito da gestão pública. Entretanto, os espaços de participação que se apresentavam com maior potencial de estímulo a novas possibilidades de participação, ao longo dos anos, perderam o potencial de transformação, distanciando-se deste modo, da proposta inicial de atuação do Programa.The Decentralization Program of the Municipal Department of Culture in Porto Alegre was the result of a social struggle waged by groups of street theater, local groups and community movements, for the expansion and qualification of participation in municipal government. Its proposed policy was constructed from experiments such as Project Theatre as an Instrument of Social Talk, of the group Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz, in contrast the first actions of the Municipal Culture in 1990 - the cultural desconcentration of city center. The speech of the program pointed to a process of decentralization in which local communities, organized collectively, began to self-organize in terms of cultural politics. However, it is important to highlight that the opportunities for participation in public management have been exploited for social control, through collaboration and not antagonism in civil society. This kind of participation does not have the managerial horizon to social emancipation, but his co-optation. Thus, it is necessary to identify the extent to which the speech triggered Program participation practices that facilitated obtaining answers to the collective demands, and increased communication between rulers and ruled, providing parameters for decision making, strengthening the expansion of citizenship and "deselitização" public management. In this work, which was analyzed at what extent the experience of participation in the Decentralization Program of Culture in Porto Alegre stimulated the formation of new values, guided by ethics conference? The field research, interviews and participant observation, supported the establishment of discourse and analysis of program practices of participation. For the analysis and processing of data was used a qualitative approach, identifying the extent to which the practices of participation that occurred throughout the program rescued the links between civil society and state, turning the latter into a playing field. It was identified early in the program, new opportunities for civil society participation in public management. However, the spaces of participation that had the greatest potential to stimulate new ways of participation, over the years, lost the potential for change, distancing them, this way, from the initial performance of the proposed program.
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Ezeji-Okoye, Kentu. "Political, economic and cultural ratonales forstate creation in Nigeria." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/95.
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This study examines the rationales underlying state creation in Nigeria. Specifically, the study addresses significant political, economic, and socio-cultural issues considered to be the rationales behind the creation of states in Nigeria. Dependency theory was applied to determine whether state creation is: (a) a viable public policy tool to promote much needed good governance in a country whose ethnic groupings number 374; (b) tied to rapid economic development of a nation whose population falls mostly below the poverty line; and (c) reduces ethnic strife and eliminates religious tensions in a country rife with such conflicts. The study found that the continued colonial-type government policies that has created thirty-six states out of the original three, failed to allay minority fears of domination by the larger ethnic groupings; has failed to deliver rapid economic development as envisioned or bring the people closer to the government; and has failed to stem incessant demands for state creation from minority enclaves seeking relief from majority domination. A major recommendation of the study is replacing calls for more stales with calls for quality leadership that is free from corruption but based on grassroot empowerment.
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Benassi, Giuliano. "Political Correctness and ideology a cross-cultural linguistic study /." [S.l.] : Universität Konstanz , Philosophische Fakultät, Fachgruppe Sprachwissenschaft, 1997. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8501063.
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Metcalfe, Eric William. "Are cultural rights human rights? : a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2002d1f-98de-4131-a758-58a8bb84d85d.
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The liberal conception of the state is marked by an insistence upon the equal civil and political rights of each inhabitant. Recently, though, a number of writers have argued that this emphasis on uniform rights ignores the fact that the populations of most states are culturally diverse, and that their inhabitants have significant interests qua members of particular cultures. They argue that liberals should recognize special, group-based cultural rights as a necessary part of a theory of justice in multicultural societies. In this thesis I examine the idea of special cultural rights. In the first part (Chapters 1 to 4), I begin by setting out some of the different conceptions of culture and multiculturalism that are involved in the debate over cultural rights. I then discuss three claims made by supporters of special cultural rights: (1) that having culture is an essential part of individual autonomy; (2) that people have morally significant interests qua members of particular cultures; and (3) that these interests are inadequately protected by existing liberal conceptions of human rights. Although I conclude that (1) is correct, I argue that both (2) and (3) are mistaken. Among other things, I suggest that the version of culture relied upon by supporters of special cultural rights is an implausible one and I outline what I take to be a more plausible, cosmopolitan conception of culture. In the second part (Chapters 5 to 9), I begin by looking at specific instances of cultural rights-claims, and analyzing the concept of cultural rights qua rights. I consider the practical and conceptual difficulties with special cultural rights at great length. But the core of my thesis is that our interest in culture lies in its contribution of worthwhile goals and options, and that this interest lies in culture generally rather than in particular cultures. Hence, adopting a special or group-based distribution of any right to culture would seem to be inconsistent with liberal egalitarian principles. If there are such things as cultural rights, I argue, they are general rather than special rights. I conclude by offering a very preliminary account of what a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights might involve in the case of the right to free association and language rights.
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Langen, Floris Antal Freek. "EU cultural policy 1974-2007." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2149/.
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The development of EU cultural policy has been characterised by a high degree of continuity. The objectives underlying present-day policy actions can be traced back to historical roots that date back to the mid-1970s. Since the first cultural actions were taken, EU cultural policy has had multiple objectives. Involvement in the cultural field has been justified on the basis of economic, social, political and, to a certain extent, cultural arguments. Although there have been shifts in accents and priorities, these various justifications can be found to co-exist throughout the process. In more recent times, the contribution of cultural actions to the emergence of European citizenship has emerged as a more dominant theme. Although peaks in expansion can be seen, Community involvement in the cultural field has overall developed through a slow process of developments and adjustments through relatively small-scale actions. As the Member States have retained much of their control over this area, policy development has been restricted to a limited range of actions for which only a narrow budget has been available. Given the dominance of the subsidiarity principle in all Community actions in the cultural field, the main policy mode has by necessity been one of consensus-seeking between actors with at times conflicting interests. However, over time the main priorities of all actors have become more or less aligned, so that the continuity of policy appears to be safeguarded. Recent developments suggest that culture has gradually come to take up a more prominent role within EU policies. However, consensus will continue to dominate the general approach as far as the development of Community actions is concerned.
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Deveaux, Monique. "Cultural pluralism in liberal and democratic thought." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242585.
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Williams, Robert. "Libertarian politics : a socio-cultural investigation." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26952/.
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This thesis is a case study of Libertarian Party (LP) electioneering in the American bellwether State of Ohio. Officially established in 1972, America's growing LP currently ranks first amongst third parties in their electoral challenge to Democrats and Republicans. Nonetheless, growing duopolist hegemony in the form of the U.S. two-party system has greatly diminished a long and lively history of third party resistance. A survey of American cultural logics and political economy from colonial forms to garrison state constructions together reveal an ideology of party duopoly to serve elite hegemony. The thesis then moves to examine the manner in which Old Right proto-libertarians coalesced into a Libertarian movement. As a socio-cultural investigation of unwanted segments formerly with the Republican Party and their struggles with one another to socially construct the LP, this study is rare. Whilst highlighting interactionist complexities amongst Libertarian segments, the employment of a Rothbardian conflict perspective serves to illuminate a formerly prominent segment within the Libertarian movement. Non-Rothbardian conflict perspectives in synthesis with theories of culture are also drawn upon to broadly interrogate three major segments in their collective social constructions of Libertarian electioneering: classical liberal proponents of small involuntary government, Randian advocates of limited involuntary government, and Rothbardian purists for voluntary government. How the rationalisation of corporative cultural logics impacts upon shared meanings, social constructions, and practices of LP electioneering is also explored. The central argument in this thesis is that segments vie for power to define libertarianism and the LP, but do so within culturally determined codes and parameters. The resulting interpretation in this thesis demonstrates how seemingly paradoxical social constructions of electioneering as Libertarian emerge from corporative ationalisation. Nonetheless, corporative organisational reforms have overcome a range of differentiating factors to achieve greater cooperation between remaining segments after a recent exodus of purists. The result of the corporative turn in Libertarian politics led to rising prominence for an ideology of electability that invariably reinforces the status quo.
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Martin, Gregory David. "New Age travellers : a study in sceptical sociology." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361322.
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Wan, Mohd Ghazali Wan Norshira. "The embedment of Islamic cultures : an analysis of Islamic, cultural, and political practices in Malaysia." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2016. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/31530/.
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This research examines the entrenchment of Islamic cultures in Malaysia’s political system and society. The study contends that the state is involved directly in the composition of cultures through its power structure. The study begins with an initial question of 'how Islamic ideology has been embedded in the socio-political context'. As Islam is not the only practising religion; another question to be explored is 'what interpretation do people give to the construction and practices of Islam'. With the aim to extend the current research treatment of Malaysia’s Islamic revivalism and Islamisation project, this study focuses on the cultural implications and experiences of Islam. Since most research deals with the broader role of Islam in Malaysian politics, the cultural implications and experiences of the religion in society has not been specifically or substantively addressed and has led to the peripheral notion of Islam. This study uses an individual interview approach and focus group discussions on exploring the experiences of the research participants with regard to the phenomenon under investigation. Participants from three categories – government authority, media practitioner, and ordinary people – were approached with the general assumption that they could provide from general to specific information related to the key research questions. An abbreviated version of grounded theory using a constructivist-interpretivist paradigm is adopted to explore the lived experiences of individuals who witness, experience, and involve in the ways in which Islam has been constructed, preserved, contested, or resisted in the society. Based on the framework built from the grounded theory analysis, the research shows Islam as one of the ideological hegemony that strengthens the state's power in governing Malaysian society. In so doing, the state assembles many important institutions and mobilises them as its cultural producers to shape the understanding and practice of Islam at the political level. The study also reveals, when religious consciousness has increased, the Islamisation projects are no longer a mere political rivalry and state’s manipulation of power but more towards fulfilling the community's need for stronger Islam. From Gramscian notion, the state promotes values that are in congruence with the people’s interest to retain its hegemony. This has moulded the culture and lifestyle of the Muslim in Malaysia through the visibility of Islamic practices as compared to other religions. However, it is learned from the data, some Islamic rules and practices have put ethnic relations into complex situations. The identification of Malay and Islam has led to the portrayal of other ethnic groups as the ‘other’. Too much emphasis on Islam (us) has side-lined other religious practices (other). In conclusion, these results negate the view that Islam holds a subservient position as claimed by a few studies. Finally, the research suggests other areas that could be explored using the same framework.
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Johnson, Joseph R. "The Effects of Cultural Diplomacy on Public Perception in Asia." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7257.
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Many states use their cultures to promote a positive image of themselves abroad. Some scholars argue that this can provide states with international benefits. However, other scholars point to cases where a foreign state’s cultural influence has led to nationalist backlashes and negative public reactions. In this paper, I examine how two common types of cultural diplomacy programs can influence how states are perceived abroad.
I first look at the promotion of pop culture products, such as books, movies, and music. Using survey data from 12 Asian countries, I find that an increase in cultural product imports from Japan, South Korea, and China has a negative effect on how respondents view the cultural exporter. I then look at cultural centers, using China’s Confucius Institute program. I find that the presence of Confucius Institutes is associated with an increase in positive opinions of China. These results provide some empirical evidence that cultural products can be detrimental to a state’s international image. As a result, states interested in the international benefits of cultural diplomacy should be wary of promoting cultural products abroad. Additionally, while previous studies do not distinguish between the effects that different types of cultural diplomacy programs can have, these findings demonstrate that different cultural diplomacy strategies can have widely different effects on foreign public opinion.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.
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Steager, Tabitha. "You say pleasurable, I say political : political activism and cultural translation in the slow food movement." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9411.
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In the twenty years since its founding, the Italian-born Slow Food movement has grown to
include over 85,000 members worldwide. Its executive board has members from India,
Japan, Kenya, Canada, the United States, Brazil, Australia, and the European Union (EU). Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic research conducted in Italy, France, the UK, and North America, this thesis explores how Slow Food principles and goals are translated culturally. I pay particular attention to how political activism around Slow Food is articulated in Italy and the United States through large conferences for both the public at large and food producers as well as farmers who are part of the global Slow Food membership. I conclude that Slow Food USA more visibly articulates a strongly politically active stance than is expressed by the parent Slow Food International organization in Italy. To bring context to this analysis, I provide a broad discussion of globalization and localization, and the intersections of the two, as well as the connections between food and identity. The ways in which Slow Food manipulates particular aspects of globalization are essential to understanding the movement
and as such are explored in some detail.
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Makhoul, Bashir Wadia. "Contemporary Palestinian art : an analysis of cultural and political influences." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260076.
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Moore, Carol Jacquelyne Mullings-Brown. "Uncovering cultural categories in political discourse amongst Deh Cho Dene." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413618.
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Johnson, Pool Jessica. ""Cultural Worldview, Religious Influence and Interpretation, and American Political Behavior"." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337716583.
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Min, Eung-Jun. "Toward assimilations of political economy and postmodernism with cultural studies /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759055156781.
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Berkowitz, Daniel Ryan. "Expanding Cultural Modifications to External Attributions." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593697454812755.
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Oman, Natalie Benva. "Sharing horizons : a paradigm for political accommodation in intercultural settings." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35035.
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This dissertation examines the issue of intercultural understanding. I explore the role played by language in constituting human subjectivity in accordance with the common insights of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Martin Heidegger, and Mikhail Mikhailovich Bakhtin, in order to: (1) affirm the complexity and fragility of the process of building understanding in fight of our immersion in specific cultural-linguistic worldviews; and (2) demonstrate that human beings are ontologically predisposed to achieve understanding, and that this ontological predisposition is enhanced by a constant and inescapable process of crossing "language boundaries" in daily life. I argue that the very manner of human induction into cultural-linguistic worldviews suggests the means by which intercultural understanding might best be fostered: through the bestowal of recognition and the cultivation of dialogical relationships.I assemble key elements of an assortment of different theories of intercultural understanding in which these techniques are assigned a central role; this exercise generates a Wittgensteinian "perspicuous representation" of the process of crafting intercultural understanding itself, and reveals the unique strengths of two convergent approaches in particular. Both the contemporary reinterpretation of the traditional ideal of intercultural understanding of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en First Nations of northwestern British Columbia, and the recent writings of Charles Taylor on the subject of international human rights standards comprise variations of what I call the "shared horizons" paradigm. The great advantages of this paradigm are its ability to address the distortive effect exercised by power inequalities upon efforts to create intercultural understanding (demonstrated through a case study of the Gitzsan-Wet'suwet'en land claim), and its amenableness to a variety of distinct culture-specific normative justifications. The shared horizons approach does not offer a blueprint for achieving intercultural understanding, but rather, a modest and adaptable set of principles that can serve as the foundation for efforts to work toward the resolution of intercultural disagreements.
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SONDAAL, TIEST MAARTEN. "MUSLIM IMMIGRATION IN HOLLAND: ASSIMILATION AND CULTURAL PLURALISM." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1179432434.
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Adair, David Francis, and n/a. "'Queer Theory': Intellectual and Ethical Milieux of 1990s Sexual Dissidence." Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041014.102015.
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The main problem addressed by this thesis is the question of how to assess the politics and the cultural effects and implications of 'Queer Theory' during the period of the 1990s. 'Queer' was invoked in numerous institutions, spaces, and cultural practices over this period, and yet queer-identified theorists and many of their critics have often assumed that this term refers to a relatively unified object. I ask if it is appropriate to treat these 'queer' occasions in this manner, and whether this 'dispersed' object requires a different approach: one that sets out to describe means and routes by which it became possible and desirable to pose 'queer' problems across so many diverse sites and practices. In addition, if there are discernible patterns to these distributed cultural capacities and inclinations, what political significance do they have? These questions inform my account of the career of 'Queer Theory' during the 1990s. A post-humanist approach to these matters is not premised on an essential or a socially constituted general category of 'subjectivity'. Instead, it addresses 'Queer Theory' as a problem, without automatically critiquing it; it is sceptical of the perfectionist pulsion that has treated this critical practice as either a good or a bad object: dual roles that are mandated by the logic of dialectical criticism. These roles are exemplified by the frequent relegation of 'queer' in the relevant literature to the 'innately political' or the 'merely aesthetic'. In this thesis I identify ethical, cultural, and political yields of these conventional choices and the modes of problematisation in which they operate; I positively redescribe them as aesthetico-political practices. My approach therefore not only deviates from the 'good' or 'bad' critical options, but also from a third option: the equally rationalist response of assuming that 'Queer Theory' is fundamentally a problem of under-theorisation.
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莫詠儀 and Wing-yee Heronie Mok. "De-institutionalizing culture: a study of there-institutionalization of the cultural apparatuses of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966937.
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Henders, Susan J. "Special status regions : the territorial accommodation of cultural difference." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297360.
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Greschner, Catherine Katrina E. "Attitudes and Methods of Political Resistance in Occupy Denver." Thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1563559.
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The Occupy Movement arose out of an atmosphere of dissatisfaction with the political and economic structure of the country. The objective of my research was to look at individuals in the Denver Occupy Movement in order to understand what their personal goals for the movement were, as well as what tactics they were willing to partake-in as a way to change society's dominant power structures. A key characteristic in Occupy is how diverse it is in terms of the political will and the express direction its members wish it to go in. My anthropological work is applicable to Occupies across the country as well as other similar socio-political movements since it sheds light on how the individual within the movement expresses his/hers agency not only in shaping acts of resistance but the structure of the movement itself. The theoretical framework of my thesis is based upon three foundational frameworks: Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and various social capitals, Giddens's theory on how agency and structure interact to result in structural change, and concepts in cognitive anthropology. Through these frameworks I show how an individual's background shapes their actions of resistance and mediates how they negotiate the structure and culture of Occupy itself.
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Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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Murphy, Bradley J. "The impacts of economic, political, and cultural globalization on transnational terrorism /." View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131414955.pdf.
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Lee, Jer-shiarn. "Chang Ping-Lin (1869-1936): A political radical and cultural conservative." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185206.
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Although Chang Ping-lin is well-known for his role in the revolutionary movement that culminated in the termination of imperial rule in 1911, he is more often remembered as a prominent classical scholar. His life and thought illustrates the uneasy relationship between political revolution and cultural conservatism among the intellectuals of his generation, and his advocacy of preserving the national essence paved the way for the far-reaching National Essence Movement in the early twentieth century. This dissertation, thus, represents a study of the tension between politics and culture among Chinese intellectuals and the significance of cultural conservatism during that era. Chang's concern to preserve the national essence was not only because he was a classical scholar, and therefore, felt a responsibility to uphold classical teachings, but also because he believed it was essential for the survival of the nation. Under pressure from Western powers, Chang was afraid that Chinese culture was threatened with extinction. In order to prevent foreign conquest, Chang believed that reform or revolution in China was necessary, and that the most important mission of the reformer or revolutionary was to preserve her unique culture. Therefore, he gave priority to the preservation of the national essence over that of the nation. The latter was important only because it was needed to save the former. And reform or revolution was in turn necessary to save the nation. Chang's lifelong commitment to the preservation of the national essence manifested itself in his two careers: one as a political activist and the other as a classical scholar. Even after the establishment of the Republic of China, Chang remained active in the political arena. He continued to speak out against whatever he perceived to endanger China's sovereignty or its culture. Apart from his involvement in politics, Chang also devoted himself to teaching and the study of China's rich cultural heritage. This effort to preserve the national essence was the most consistent thread in his life.
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Flanagan, Clare E. M. "A republic of letters? : political-cultural journals in Germany 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387990.
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Diuk, N. M. "M.P. Drahomanov and the evolution of Ukrainian cultural and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381841.
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Mousavi, Sayed Askar. "The Hazaras of Afghanistan : an historical, cultural, economic and political study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317761.
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Babasidis, Kyriakos A. "The political and cultural dynamics of University Asylum Law in Greece." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8399.
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This thesis is about a special form of asylum, which is uniquely found in Greece. Besides all other forms of asylum such as ecclesiastical sanctuaries, political and diplomatic asylum, in Greece, in 1982 "University Asylum" was established as a constitutional right. It prohibits any state authority whether police, fire-brigade or army from entering university premises without the express permission of the university authorities or exceptionally in life threatening situations. As a result for the last twenty years in Greece, university campuses have been "non-policed" areas where crime control and order maintenance is solely a matter for the university community to deal with. This thesis aims to analyse the historical and socio-political context which gave rise to university asylum and the consequences, for crime and disorder, of having non-policed areas. Accordingly the thesis starts with a discussion of the concept of asylum as has been found from antiquity. Different civilisations in different times and in different ways had exercised the concept of asylum, which basically is the protection accorded to pursued persons. The concept of asylum has been shaped in various forms corresponding to the needs of each historical period. The fundamental idea of the concept of asylum has been to create an intermediary inviolable place for those fleeing their persecutors, where the asylum seekers can enjoy temporary protection from the authorities or individuals pursuing them until negotiations begin. However, in practice with the Greek "University Asylum" many problems of crime and disorder occurred inside universities, especially in universities located in urban areas, which sometimes were so serious that fear of crime increased and the feeling of security declined inside university premises. This research analyses the problematic of university asylum and its impact on crime and disorder inside universities. This study aims to contribute to the body of knowledge about the concept of asylum particularly university asylum. The main purpose of this thesis is the exposition and analysis not only of the university asylum law as it appears in books but also how it functions in reality as a mechanism of social control on university campuses. Greek university asylum is linked with the student political movement and the crisis in French universities in May 1968, and of course the dark times of the Greek military junta (1967-1974) and especially with the Athens Polytechnic University revolt (November 14-17,1973) when the junta police fatally intervened within the Polytechnic premises causing the death of many students who protested against the regime. Accordingly, this research throughout does not aim simply to describe and graphically document the criminological situation inside Greek universities as it was in the past decades and as it is now, but also seeks to explain and to evaluate it, in the light of its symbolic, criminological, legal and political significance. In particular this study seeks to examine the consequences of asylum law for crime and disorder inside Greek universities. For the needs of this study fieldwork has been carried out and empirical data gathered, which shown that although crime and disorder inside Greek universities is a serious problem it is often overestimated by the mass media. However, the problem of crime inside Greek universities is of less significance if compared with the criminality occurring outside university grounds. In addition the problem of university asylum raises not only legal and practical issues, in relation to criminal behaviour, but also political issues since from 1982 when the university asylum law was passed educational and socio-political conditions have changed. Accordingly some reformation of the university asylum law, if decided upon, should be in such a way that the fundamental meaning, the symbolism and ideology of the concept of university asylum remains the basic element of academic freedom, university teaching and scientific research in Greece.
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Mansfield, Becky K. "Globalizing nature : political and cultural economy of a global seafood industry /." view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018380.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-163). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Du, Plessis Irma. "Narrating the "nation" : cultural production, political community and young Afrikaans readers." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28861.
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This study explores the relationship between literature and society against the background of the emergence in the 1930s and 1940s in South Africa of a form of Afrikaner nationalism that was spearheaded by members of the Afrikaner petty bourgeoisie and intelligentsia and a subsequent expansion in Afrikaans literary production. It addresses problems of explanation in Afrikaner nationalism by focusing attention on the question of culture, the field of imagination and the domain of everyday life. In particular, the study examines the Keurboslaan series - a series of schoolboy stories aimed at juvenile readers - by Stella Blakemore, and traces the production, circulation and critical reception of the twenty titles in the series. The first title in this series was published in 1941 and the series has been reprinted several times over a number of decades and as recently as 1997. Drawing on the work of Benedict Anderson, this study illuminates the link between the emergence of print capitalism and the production of popular fiction on the one hand and nationalism on the other. Whilst this is a link that is not often explored, an analysis of the Keurboslaan series illustrates that the study of popular fiction can illuminate the practices through which nationalism gains popular support. It is argued that the Keurboslaan series produced a narrative of the Afrikaner ‘nation’ in popular fiction, but that this narrative was not authenticated by the intelligentsia and petty bourgeoisie who were the driving forces behind Afrikaner nationalism and its contents. It is further argued that this ‘narrative of nation’ circulated alongside more official narratives of the ‘nation’ espoused in discourses of religion, science and literature published in Afrikaans. The narrative of ‘nation’ in Keurboslaan – whilst sharing many similarities with official narratives in other discourses – but also differs from those discourses in important respects. It is argued that the popular series was influential precisely because it imagined the Afrikaner ‘nation’ in very different ways and on different terms from those discourses. Moreover, the form in which this narrative was produced, that is popular youth literature, appealed to readers of Afrikaans who were in search of escapist fiction. For these readers, the Keurboslaan series helped to give shape to and created new possibilities for interpreting the world that they inhabited. Reading the school as a corollary of the ‘nation’, it is argued that the narrative of the nation in Keurboslaan series explores the boundaries between the self and the other and posits the self as a danger to the self, resulting in an emphasis on the need to discipline the self. This kind of analysis also creates the space for examining in what ways ideas and identities about ‘race’, gender, sexuality, class and ‘nation’ are constructed in the texts. Yet, the study maintains that whilst the Keurboslaan series contributed to creating a space in which a particular understanding of the self and the world becomes possible, and whereas the reader is not conceived of as a completely free agent that can derive simply any meaning from the text, the study and its theoretical underpinnings do not fully account for individual readers’ engagement with popular texts and the ways in which reading strategies and habits can generate different, ambiguous or inconclusive meanings for readers. It is suggested that a study of popular texts and Afrikaner nationalism employing theories of reading and the reader will complement this analysis.Thesis (DLitt (Literary Theory))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Afrikaans
unrestricted
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McCollum, Erica. "Cultivated participation : the political pathways and cultural models of young Canadians." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58885.
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Traditional forms of political engagement, such as voting, have been on the decline in many western nations over the last number of decades, and researchers point to younger generations as driving these changes. This dissertation seeks to deepen our understanding of the relationship young Canadians have to political participation and engage with some of the questions raised by these trends. I do so through capturing the cultural models young people use to relate to political participation, and by identifying the common trajectories and experiences of people who do and do not engage with politics. I give particular attention to the role of higher education in these trajectories, as education has long been identified as strongly related to political participation. Yet the steady rise of education attainment along with stagnating or declining participation rates, has prompted closer examination of this relationship. Cultural models that young people use to think about politics and participation, and particularly the potential role of individualist orientations that some researchers have identified as driving changing relationships to participation, are also explored in this research. This study draws from 63 semi-structured interviews with young Canadians who went to high school in low, mid, and high SES areas of Vancouver. I suggest that political engagement is primarily fostered through social contexts where such engagement is produced as natural and desirable. The family appears to play the most important role in creating such contexts, but social networks, as well as schools and workplaces, also play a role in people’s trajectories of participation. I argue that people in higher SES backgrounds are more likely to experience overlapping contexts that promote political participation, and that the impacts of higher education are mediated by previous political experiences. Finally, by outlining the common cultural models of participation, I point to the role of individualist models in producing contingent and specialized relationships to participation. I argue that one prominent model participants use to think about participation, a ‘model of interest,’ tends to help further produce politics as a specialization for those with the existing dispositions and experiences with politics.Arts, Faculty of
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Fischerkeller, Michael P. "David versus Goliath: The influence of cultural judgements on strategic preference /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487944660931461.
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Stevens, Charles John 1950. "The political ecology of a Tongan village." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290684.
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This dissertation presents a political ecological case study of a Tongan village. Political ecology includes the methodological approaches of cultural ecology, concerned with understanding human/resource relations, and political economy, concerned with the historical examination of the political and social organization of production and power. The ethnography of political ecology is primarily interested in understanding how certain people use specific environmental resources in culturally prescribed and historically derive ways. With this in mind, the research provides an historical and ethnographic account of a diversified, local economic system characterized by a highly productive but depreciating smallholder agriculture once regenerative and sustainable. The smallholders in the Kingdom of Tonga are imperfectly articulated with market systems and rely on agricultural production for a significant proportion of household consumption and ceremonialized obligations to kin, and community. The dissertation presents an historical account of the political economic changes in Tonga beginning in the nineteenth century and culminating in recent alteration of traditional farming techniques and the loss of economic self-sufficiency and agricultural sustainability.
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Papaioannou, Theodoros. "The moral dimension of Hayek's political theory." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390829.
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This thesis provides an 'immanent' critique of the moral dimension of Hayek's political theory. The concept of morality that Hayek advances is epistemologically founded. That concept is concerned with the recognition and respect of the natural limits of human knowledge and is incompatible with the idea of objective value judgement. The moral dimension of Hayek's theory is based on the methodological implications of his epistemologically founded concept of morality. That dimension consists of the ideas of social spontaneity and cultural evolution and is incompatible with any concept of objective liberal values. The moral dimension of Hayek's theory excludes but also requires substantive politics. The moral exclusion of substantive politics' undermines freedom and equality in catallaxy while, at the same time, it relativises commutative justice and legitimates the minimal state only from the point of view of its legality. Substantive politics is morally required for preserving and promoting institutions such as catallaxy and commutative justice in terms of liberalism. It is argued that the moral exclusion of substantive politics is due to the epistemological premises of Hayek's theory. Those premises form the praxeological presuppositions of social spontaneity and cultural evolution. In terms of them, substantive politics cannot be morally explained. Substantive politics is grounded on a normative/evaluative conception of a social good. That conception depends on critical reason in terms of which objective liberal values can be "recognised and respected. The moral requirement of substantive politics is due to the fact that the process of social spontaneity and cultural evolution cannot by itself be safeguarded against coercion, inequality and injustice.